Jailed for Freedom

vade the

on as he arrived at the Union Station in Washington the day b

ng the suffragists pa

il his final surrender. It lay entirely with him as to how long women wou

was quite right. It seemed to those of us who attempted to march for our idea

the national government to speed the day. What politicians had not been able to get through their minds we would give them through their eyes-often a powerful

emonstration under t

e chairman of the

2

ffrage Association. It was also the begin

ion allowed roughs to attack them and all but break up the beautiful pageant. The fact of ten thousand women marching with banners and bands for this idea was start

ce administration was exonerated, but when the storm of protest ha

n wanted to vote and that they want

wife of Congressman Stone of Illinois, Mrs. Harvey W. Wiley, Mrs. Ida Husted Harper, and Miss Mary Bartlett Dixon of Maryland. The President received the deputation in the White House Offices. When the women entered they found five chairs arranged in a row wi

ndividual visits to

e Presidential nomination, a delegation of Colorado women asked him his position on woman suffrag

2

was somewhat taken aback when Miss Paul addressed him during the course of the interview with this query, "But Mr. President, do you not understand tha

was evident that this course ha

eceive my most caref

on's first suf

sembling in extra session the following month. And still he was obsessed with the paramount considerations of "tariff" and "currency." He flatly said there would be no ti

the 435 Congressional Districts in the country bore petitions from the constituencies showing that the people "back home" wanted the amendment passed. The delegates marched on Congress and were received

2

th the direct result that in June the Senate Committee on Suffrage made the first favorable report

e asking that body to pass the national suffrage amendment. Women from all parts of the country mobilized in the countryside of Maryland where they were met with appropriate ceremonies-by the

r petitions. Three spoke against it. For the first time in twenty-six

ies? Gladly. Report it from the Senate Committee? They had to concede t

to the women voters, of whom there were

n voters are watch

well have said, "The

ur million

of politics. We decided to bring some of these women voters to Washington: Having failed to get t

2

organization; they cared about the enfranchisement of all American women; they wanted the Senate to act; suffrage was n

ir first impression o

We went to him again. This time it was the women from his own home state, an influential deputation of seventy-three women, including the suffrage leaders from

y yesterday with several members of Congress in regard to a Suffrage Committee in the House. The subject

thing, to be sure, that could be done, but he was doing something. This was a distinct advance. It was our task to press on until a

the amendment was demonstrated. In December, the opening week of the new C

2

its Congressional Committee and also of the Congressional Union,

on is assembled in Washington to ask the Democr

is to-day. It controls the Executive Office, the Senate and more than two-thirds of the membe

ntry for the use of it. They are responsible not only for what they do, but for what they

venth of the House of Representatives, and one-sixth of the electoral vote. More than 3,600,000 women have a vote in Presidential elections. It is unthinkable that a nati

ngress is free to take action on our question in the present session. We ask the Admin

the situation in the winter of 1913. At no time did the militant grou

ation believe that the women meant wha

2

wer and resourcefulnes

ere disconcerted at being asked for it now; at being threatened

ge to Congress, he delivered his message December end while the convention was still in session, and fail

peal for his assistance, the President said in part: "I am merely the spokesman of my party . . . . I am not at liberty to urge upon Congress in messages, policies which have not had the organic consideration of those for

nging with the genuine love of liberty, was in sharp contrast to the halting, timid, little and technical answer of the President. He stooped to utter some light pleasantry which he thought would no doub

2

lves, ladies," with a broad smile, followed

speak for us with authority" came

nds of the three hundred delegates. A few felt that manners compelled them

for Woman Suffrage, showed that a budget of twenty-seven thousand dollars had been raised and expended under her leadership as against ten dollars spent during the previous year on Congressional work. At the beg

to become an independent body in order to continue this vigorous po

p with the result that a vote in the Senate was taken, though at ran inopportune moment,-the first vote in the Senate since 188'7. The vote stood 86 to '84-thereby faili

Rules Committee

2

s a substitute for the milder resolution offered, providing for the creation of a committee on woman suffrage. If this had left any doubt as to how the Democratic Party, as a party, stood, this doubt was conveniently removed by Representative Underwood, the Majority Leader of the House, when he said on the floor of the House the following day: "The Democratic Party last night took the distinctive position

rty, as such, has considered a matter of this very supreme importance, and taken its position, I am not at libe

," answered Mrs. Glendower Evans, Chairman of the

d doubts when a .few days later he demanded of his party in Congress the repeal of the free tolls pro

3

ion which his party had sp

e the center of another great demonstration in Washington, May 9, when thousands of women in, procession carried them to the Capitol where beautiful and impressive ceremonies were held on the Capitol steps. The resolutions were formal

resident withhe

peal for help.[1] To them he explained his "passion for local self-government," which led to his convi

nt, as leader of his party, had seven times refused all aid; the Democratic Party had recorded its opposition t

accelerator to the Administration. This feeling was growing momentarily among many women, but it

n to the Preside

he great difficulties, (some of them almost insuper

3

to Miss Paul and to her vice-chairman, Miss Lucy Burns, to urge the formulation of a plan whereby we could strike at Administration

ffragist in America to be "militant" enough to wage a campaign against office-seekers on the issue of woman suffrage. She was roundly denounced by the opposition

r, Mrs. Pankhurst made her first visits to America, where she found a sympathetic audience. Even among the people who understood and believed in English tactics, the

tle here whenever women should determine to ask for their freedom i

rs. Belmont realized that political action would have to be exhausted before attempting more aggre

3

rged her to begin at, once to organize the women's

giving money to the cause in which she believes. Wealth dazzles us and we look no further. Mrs. Belmont has given hundreds of thousands of dollars to suffrage, both state and national, but she has given greater gifts in her militant spirit, her political sagacity and a marked tactical sense. She was practically the on

s at its height, Mrs. Belmont gave out an interview in London, in which she predicted that English women would have the suffrage before us. She even went so far as to say that we in America would have to create an acute situation here, probably a form of militancy, before we could win. At the s

3

in 1918. American women were not enfr

submitted to the Congressional Union, by its chairman, Alice Paul, at a confere

ocratic Party) is responsible for all ac

on had been hosti

must be convinced, and through it all other par

ed when they see that their

is a pol

uency which is most friendly to suffrage,

no matter how small, to o

tes to withhold their support from the Democrats nationally, until

nce to a party. If they are Democrats in this instance, ,they must vote against their party. If t

votes falling away wi

of a national election, even though slightly, every pa

e professing suffragists, and therefor

3

in those states. Another su

ess individually to suffrage. But women certainly have a right to further through the ballot their

cord, for as the individual record and individual

our right to vote, preeminently over

ue into their campaign, but the rank and file will

tant and in a sense it is, bein

o bring suffrage to this country, then it is militant to

ical chastisement of one party for its bad suffrage record through a demonstration of power by women vote

7,000 pledged in a few moments to start it. There was a small group of women, an infinitely small budge

urneyed forth from Washington into the nine suffrage states of the West to put

3