icon 0
icon TOP UP
rightIcon
icon Reading History
rightIcon
icon Sign out
rightIcon
icon Get the APP
rightIcon

The Sovereign Rule of South Carolina

Chapter 5 Mr. Grimshaw, The Man Of The County

Word Count: 1747    |    Released on: 11/11/2017

oat, loose-cut pants, a straight-breasted vest, with a very extravagant shirt-collar rolling over upon his coat, with a black ribbon tied

d began talking his balderdash about the law. Sure, with his own way, he'd have every nigger in the city an abolitionist in three weeks. And sure, Mr. Sheriff, and ye'd think they were babies, if ye'd see himself talk to them at the jail, and send them up things, as if they were better than the other criminals, and couldn't live on the jail fare," said officer Dunn, who continued to pledge himself to the sheriff that the wharves should not be neglected, nor a hopeful English darky escape his vigilant eye."For my own part, I think they're better off in jail than they would be on the wharf," continued Grimshaw. "They're a worthless set, and ha'n't half the character that a majority of our slaves have; and instead of attending the captain on board, they'd be into Elliot street, spending their money, getting drunk, and associating with our worst niggers. And they all know so much about law, that they're always teaching our bad niggers the beauties of their government, which makes them more unhappy than they are. Our niggers are like a shoal of fish--when one becomes diseased, he spreads it among all the rest; and before you know where you are, they're done gone.""They're not very profitable customers for us, Sheriff," said Dusenberry. "We have a deal of watching, and a mighty smart lot of trouble after we get them fellows; and if we get a perquisite, it never amounts to much, for I seldom knew one that had money enough to treat as we took him up. These Britishers a'n't like us; they don't pay off in port and if the fellows get any thing in jail from the consul, it's by drib-drabs, that a'n't no good, for it all goes for liquor. And them criminals make a dead haul upon a black steward, as soon as he is locked up. But if these sympathizing fools follow up their bugbears about the treatment at the jail, they'll get things so that our business won't be worth a dollar. For my own part, I'm not so much beholdin', for I've made myself comfortable within the last few years, but I want my son to succeed me in the office. But if this consul of their'n keeps up his objections, appeals, and his protests in this way, and finds such men as his honor the district-attorney to second him with his nonsense and his notions, folks of our business might as well move north of Mason and Dixon's.""I can wake him up to a point," said Grimshaw, "that that abolition consul ha'n't learnt before; and if he'd stuck his old petition in Charles Sumner's breeches pocket instead of sending it to our legislature, he might have saved his old-womanish ideas from the showing' up that Myzeck gave 'em. It takes Myzeck to show these blue-skin Yankees how to toe the mark when they come to South Carolina. If South Carolina should secede, I'd say give us Myzeck and Commander to lead our war, and we'd be as sure to whip 'em as we won the Mexican war for the Federal Government. There is three things about an Englishman, Dusenberry, which you may mark for facts. He is self-conceited, and don't want to be advised;--he thinks there is no law like the law of England, and that the old union-jack is a pass-book of nations;--and he thi

Claim Your Bonus at the APP

Open
The Sovereign Rule of South Carolina
The Sovereign Rule of South Carolina
“OUR generous friends in Georgia and South Carolina will not add among their assumptions that we know nothing of the South and Southern life. A residence of several years in those States, a connection with the press, and associations in public life, gave us opportunities which we did not lose, and have not lost sight of; and if we dipped deeper into the vicissitudes of life and law than they gave us credit for at the time, we trust they will pardon us, on the ground of interest in the welfare of the South. Perhaps we should say, to support the true interests of the South, we should and must abandon many of those errors we so strenuously supported in years past; and thus we have taken up the subject of our book, based upon the practical workings of an infamous law, which we witnessed upon the individual whose name forms a part of the title. Imprisoning a shipwrecked sailor, and making it a penal offence for a freeman to come within the limits of a republican State, whether voluntarily or involuntarily, seems to be considered commonplace, instead of barbarous in South Carolina. This may be accounted for by the fact that the power of a minority, created in wrong, requiring barbarous expedients to preserve itself intact, becomes an habitual sentiment, which usage makes right. This subject has been treated with indifference, even by the press, which has satisfied itself in discussing the abstract right as a question of law, rather than by disclosing the sufferings of those who endure the wrong and injustice. When we are called upon to support, and are made to suffer the penalty of laws founded in domestic fear, and made subservient to various grades of injustice, it becomes our duty to localize the wrong, and to point out the odium which attaches to the State that enacts such laws of oppression. A "peculiar-institution" absorbs and takes precedence of every thing; its protection has become a sacred element of legislative and private action; and fair discussion is looked upon as ominous, and proclaimed as incendiary. But we speak for those who owe no allegiance to that delicate institution; citizens to all intents and, purposes (notwithstanding their dark skins) of the countries to which they severally belong; peaceable persons, pursuing their avocations, to provide a respectable maintenance for their families, and worthy of the same protective rights claimed by the more fortunate citizens of such countries. In doing this we shall give a practical illustration of the imprisonment of four individuals in South Carolina, and ask those who speculate in the abstract science of State sovereignty, to reflect upon the issue of that lamentable injustice which inflicts punishment upon persons guiltless of crime. We prefer to be plain, and we know our Southern friends will not accuse us of misconstruction, for we have their interests at heart, as well as the cause of humanity, which we shall strive to promote, in spite of the struggles of modern barbarism, seeking to perpetuate itself. Fear, the inventor of such pretexts as are set up, and mantled in Southern modesty, must remodel its code for South Carolinians, before it can assert a power unknown to law, or trample upon the obligations of treaty, or enforce nullification of individual rights. CHARLESTON, S. C., July 17,1852.”
1 Chapter 1 The Unlucky Ship2 Chapter 2 The Steward's Bravery3 Chapter 3 The Second Storm4 Chapter 4 The Charleston Police5 Chapter 5 Mr. Grimshaw, The Man Of The County6 Chapter 6 The Janson In The Offing7 Chapter 7 Arrival Of The Janson8 Chapter 8 A New Dish Of Secession9 Chapter 9 A Few Points Of The Law10 Chapter 10 The Prospect Darkening11 Chapter 11 The Sheriff's Office12 Chapter 12 The Old Jail13 Chapter 13 How It Is14 Chapter 14 Manuel Pereira Committed15 Chapter 15 The Law's Intricacy16 Chapter 16 Plea Of Just Consideration And Mistaken Constancy 17 Chapter 17 Little George, The Captain, And Mr. Grimshaw18 Chapter 18 Little Tommy And The Police19 Chapter 19 The Next Morning, And The Mayor's Verdict20 Chapter 20 Emeute Among The Stewards21 Chapter 21 The Captain's Interview With Mr. Grimshaw22 Chapter 22 Copeland's Release, And Manuel's Close Confinement23 Chapter 23 Imprisonment Of John Paul, And John Baptiste Pamer24 Chapter 24 The Janson Condemned25 Chapter 25 George The Secessionist, And His Father's Ships26 Chapter 26 A Singular Reception27 Chapter 27 The Habeas Corpus28 Chapter 28 The Captain's Departure And Manuel's Release29 Chapter 29 Manuel's Arrival In New York30 Chapter 30 The Scene Of Anguish31 Conclusion