The Rise of the Democracy

and

to-day, and the political constitutions of

in 1906 of the Duma, a national chamber of elected members, there was general rejoicing, because it seemed that, at length, autocracy was to give place to representative government. But the hopes of the political reformers were short live

ber of the House of Commons. On two occasions in recent years, an Indian has been elected to Parliament: Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji sat as Liberal M.P. for Finsbury, 1892-5; Sir M.M. Bhownagree as a Conservative for Bethnal Green, 1895-1906. Back in his native land, the Indian finds that he belongs to a subject race, and that the British garrison will neither admit him to social equality, nor permit him the right of legislation. Hence with eyes directed to Western forms of government, the Indian is discontented with the bureaucracy t

pt is nominally under the suzerainty of Turkey, though occupied by Great Britain, and now that Turkey has set up a Constitution and a Par

ment in representative government, to test the constitutional forms in common use in the West, and to practise the responsibilities of citizenship, tha

cted assembly-and only in the last few years have the business men given their attention to it. Although the Cabinet is influenced by Japanese public opinion, it is not directly responsible to the Die

ars ago, and, with equal electoral districts, complete adult suffrage, and the free election of women equally with men to its Diet, is a model democratic state. But the liberties of Finland are gravely threatened by the Russian

rica still restricts the vote to males. In Australia the working class are in power, and the Commonwealth Prime Minister is a Labour representative. There is no willingness to grant political rights to those who are not of European race, either in South Africa or in Australia; and the universal republic

der Democr

publican forms of government are no guarante

of the severest kind. The South American Republics are merely unstable monarchies, at t

e evidence that general political freedom has been the goal of the successful revolutionist, or that the people have obtained any considerable measure of political power or civil liberty. Ambitious and unscrupulous men can make full use of

te for life; that Louis Napoleon was made President of the French Republic in 1848 by a popular vote, obtained a new constitution by a plebiscite in 1851, and a year later arranged another plebiscite which declared him hereditary Emperor, Napoleon III. France, where na

resentation of the electorate, would seem to make more surely for national progress and wider political libert

e conditions; and while the outbursts are repressed means are taken by Government to amend the conditions. When the Government fails to amend things, the House of Commons takes the matter up; and if the Commons

vious

cts, second ballots-none of these things can insure democracy against corruption. For a government which rests on the will of a people-a will exp

rnment is by elected representatives. For the party system, itself open to plenty of criticism, constantly defeats the orator by the superior power of organisation. Hence it frequently happens at Parliamentary elections that a candidate

Gove

ng the people to choose their representative into the art of electioneering. The triumph of political principles by the election of persons to carry out those principles becomes of less importance than the successful working of the party machine, when the boss and the organiser are conspicuous. Patronage becomes the method for ke

criticise its policy, or differ from its leaders, is resented as impertinence. The machine is master of the man. A troublesome and dangerous critic is commonly bought or silenced. He is given office in the Government, or rewarded with a legal appointment; perhaps made a peer if h

s, and of "shouting for your party" as men shout for their favourite football team, or sinks still lower to the mercenary speculation of personal gain or loss o

aving politics to the politicians and again

rnment to give their vote; or, if they vote at all, do not bestow their suffrages on public grounds, but sell them for money, or vote at the beck of some one who has control over them

a great deal more for principles than for party, finds little favour with the electors,

y, these inspectors and officers will be required for the public service, and the appointments will be justified on patriotic grounds. There will be little criticism in Parliament, because the party not in power will be anxious to create similar "jobs" wh

eau

mes made too late that a land is ruled by permanent officials, and not by elected representatives. The electe

if it is admitted to be outside the jurisdiction of the House of Commons, and to be under no obedience to local councils, and if its powers involve a close in

stem will exclude from active politics all who are not loyal to the "machine," and are not strong enough to break it. But a host of public officers-inspectors, clerks, etc.-paid out of the public funds will do more than per

a democracy than a Civil Service which lives and dies

ciency of the political machine, and the more freely will the electorate act in the choice of its representatives. The fewer the salaried officials of State, the less inspection and restriction, and the less encouragement to habits of submission in the people. Dem

and employees. It is bound to add to the number of its employees every year, as its municipal and imperial responsibilit

Class As

oned, and that is the notion that from the work

or yearly income. It is worse and more unpleasant and more dangerous to be ruled by many fools than by one fool, or a few fools.

useful or admirable creature because he plumbs (if he plumbs ignorantly or dishonestly, he is often either a manslayer or a murderer), but because he plumbs well, and saves the community from danger and damp, disease, and fire and water. Makers of useless m

avvy's, or sailor's; or indirect, as the policeman, or the schoolmaster, or the teacher of good art, or the writer of books that are worth reading. A man is no better

ance and courage, and must get these qualities in whomsoever they are to be found. Democracy can afford the

character and then elect them for its representatives, rejecting those, it may be of more dazzling qualities, who are unstable in mind and consumed with vanity. It would be well if the elected representative were always an inhabitant of the county or the borough, known to his neighbours, and of tested worth. True, the prophet is often without honour in his own country, and a constituency acts wisely in e

ry of representation can

e majority of electors, but he must act freely and with initiative. Often enough he may be constrained to vote, not as many of his constituents would prefer, but using his own judgment. Of course when the choice is betwe

law of all payments by the candidate or by political associations. When members are paid for their attendance in Parliament, far better would it be, too, if such payment were made by the constituents in each case, and not from the national exchequer.[90] Worse than the delegate theory is the opinion that a representative of the people is in Parliament chiefly

do, and the dread of being thought singular is a potent influence on the average man, in or out of Parliament. Democracy is in danger of losing the counsel of its best men when it insists that its representatives must be merely delegates of the electors, without minds or wills of their own; but it is in greater danger if it allows its representatives to be nothing but the tools of the party in power or in opposition. For when Pa

y through thick and thin, and to write down every honest effort at political independence of mind, the danger o

lf of D

at beset democracy are enumerated, and all its weak spots are laid bare, we can still hold democracy to be the only suitable form

to the average man or woman of reasonable education, and in each case has been intolerable to the British people. They have all been tried

r checking oppression. Nowadays, we are using it less for defence against oppression, or as an instrument for removing political grievances, and are testing its worth for the provision of posit

ll of us from the cradle to the grave, the more imperative is it that our legislators should be chosen freely by the widest electorate of men and women. We fall back on the old maxim:

eir mercy, in our folly and indifference the nation may be brought to grave losses; but still th

conferring benefits in return for taxes. It is the creation of mankind, not a revelation from heaven; and it needs, like all good human things, constant attention and can bear many improvements. It has to be adjusted from time to time to suit the growing capacities of mankind-as the po

unds from so many lands and in so many varying tongues? Did any other f

ular representatives, mean, but government by the consent of the governed-the

ice, in executive or administration, will serve. If the private and commercial life is corroded with dishonesty, then democracy will be bitten by knaves and ra

choice of honest representatives, persons of goodwill, and reasonable intelligence, is no tremendous task in a community where honesty, goodwill, and intelligence prevail. And if these things do not prevail, if honesty is contemned in

widely fostered. As long, then, as we can count on honesty, goodwill, and intelligence in our streets and market-places, as we can to-day, mankind does well to elec

te

he Witenagemot. The evidence is conflicting, and,

f the whole body as an aggregate, and the right of every adult member, whether man or woman, to a voice in self-government, but at the same time kept the self-gove

elected, sometimes for a year, sometimes for life, but in all cases subject to being dismissed for flagrant offences. The larger number of these officials

fe of Anselm.

ecclesiastical servitude, but infused through the nation at large a n

ower except through him, even in the things of God, it seemed to h

s History of Norm

ch or to the rights of the See of Canterbury, but to the general cause

ll's Lives of

Powell, Engl

s of every kind; the Church courts also claimed jurisdiction in the causes of widows and orphans. In short, the privileges for which Thomas contended transferred a larg

f Coventry. (

Wendover. (R

knights; the stock of the merchant and the wainage of the villein are preserved from undue severity of amercement as well as the settled estate of the earldom or barony. The knight is

a Ecclesia libera s

taxation; that council consisted of the elements that are here specified. But the right had never yet been stated in so clear a form, and the statement thus made seems to have startled even the barons.... It was for the attainment of this right that the struggles of the reign of He

similiter tangit ab

Constitutio

tubbs,

ical assemblies, in which the representative theory is introduced shortly

Constitutio

Constitutio

Powell, Eng

rtenay Ilber

ert, Par

The English

agehot

Constitutio

Constitutio

ters describing passing events in London. There are stray cases of the payment of members in the early years of the eighteenth century. Four shillings a da

Constitutio

The English

Freewomen for a full ex

Constitutio

ical influence of London has been less

ality-a theory which in the whole history of the Middle Ages appears for the first

ree at the beginning was to be preached again in popular fashion by Rouss

r was the leader of the revolt, and for the confusion that mistakenly identifies him with Wat Tyler, of Maidstone, the real l

lam, Mid

constables and preserve the peace. According to a statement made by Jack Straw, Tyler and his lieutenants in

a plot had been made to slay Wat Tyler at Smith

Powell, Eng

er, John Cade's F

nd stiff in opinions; one who by no means would dissolve his army, except the King

] S

was to be thought if he had not executed that robbery he might have

fty man was afraid to be served in likewise, for there was many a man

nts by their manorial lords. This took place either in the form of the violent ousting of the sitting tenant, or of a refusal on the death of one

Jessop, The G

eks in the hands of 20,000 rebels, and should have escaped utter pillage and ruin

marked by considerable generosity; nor can the name of patriot be denied to him who deserted the class to which he migh

b coupled their names with any odious grievance.... They were, one and all, Protestants. But ... none of them chose to run the smallest personal risk during the reign of Mary. No men observed more accurat

n of 'pocket' or 'rotten' boroughs, Queen Elizabeth was probably the worst offender. She had much influence in her Duchy of Cornwall, and many of the Cornish boroughs which

ical persecutions, increased taxation, and the irritations caused by royal expenditure were all r

r College, 1607; John Hampden at Magdalen, 1609; and J

History of the

h that gentle remedies might be applied, talked now in another dialect both of Kings and persons; a

Hallam's Consti

res to reconcile the authority of the 'single person'

times (as people changed with the varying fortunes of York and Lancaster). That this sentiment of neutrality was common to the greater mass of the working classes is obvious from the simultaneous

orial of Eng

nt was arraying against itself a force which only awaited an opportunity to swe

hey, after their sort, for the liberties of E

English court of justice, and was never again to be witnessed till the seven bishops were freed

Firth, Lilburne in D

s New Law of Rig

ction to Erskine May,

John El

rd II., in 1399, had not been depos

rious Revolution' of 1688, and for the Hanoverian dynasty, to develop the ingenious system of adjustments and compro

Annals of Polit

Commons was about as bad in the nineteenth c

s and illiberality of sentiment, which, more than anything else, brought the whole order into contempt. No great thinkers, no great writers, no great orators, no great statesman, none of the true nobility of the land, were to be found among those spurious nobles created by George III. Nor were the material interests

into men's minds.... It was the ideas of the friars that found expression in the Baron's War." The Song of the Battle of Lewes "set forth unmistakably the conception of the official position of the King, and affi

ted out that St. Thomas Aquin

to Rousseau's Social C

o had adopted certain speculative a priori conceptions with the fanaticism and proselytising fervour of a religious b

husiasm grew from an arid fiction into a great and dangerous dece

Introduction to Rouss

ay's Life of

T.F. Tout, En

Tout,

Tout,

, History of the

tary votes. Socially they were depressed, though their lot had been considerably improved by an increased demand for labour and by the removal of taxes in Pee

thy, Short Histor

cCarth

England s

anchise to the adult franchise, there does not appear to be any demand, except in c

sented, but Ireland claims to be treated as a separate entit

Balfour, M.P., Hous

l will strongly expressed, so did the Prince see that the Crown could no longer exercise those legal rights for which George III. had fought so manfully. Like the Lords, the Crown now became a checking and regulating, rather than a moving, force. It remained as the pledge and symbol of the unity and

.P., Charles Bradlaugh-A R

owell, Thought

en laid directly on the electors, and that the time is not more appropriate. With the country torn with strikes of workmen seeking a few extra shillings a week, it was hardly the opportune moment