The Boss and the Machine: A Chronicle of the Politicians and Party Organization

s of power. These sources of power were found in the cities, now thriving on the new-born commerce and industry, increasing m

890 the number of ci

ed from 141 to 448,

than 20% of our p

er 30%; in 1900, 40

x cities with more

en with more than

an 100,000. In 191

population over 20

ninety-eight ove

for a city to double

s Birmingham gained

94%, Spokane, 18

ctady,

e received from the Crown and their business was conducted by a mayor and a council composed of aldermen and councilmen. The mayor was usually app

he city certain immunities and well-defined spheres of autonomy. But when the legislatures were given the power to grant charters, they reduced the charter to the level of a statutory enactment, which could be amended or repealed by any suc

nited States of over 8000 inhabitants; all together they numbered scarcely 130,000. Their populations were homogeneous; their wants were few; and they were sti

es, they quickly outgrew their colonial garments. Yet the legislatures were loath to cast the old garments aside. One may say that from 1840 to 1901, when the Galveston plan of commission government was inaugurated, American municipal government was nothing but a series of contests betwee

lature shifted officers and responsibilities at the behest of the boss. "Ripper bills" were passed, tearing up the en

governments have undergone one may, however

chief function is legislation, is utterly unfit to look after administrative details. Such a body, in order to do business, must act through committees. Responsibility is scattered. Favoritism is possible in letting contracts, in making appointments, in depositing city

city administration. Brooklyn under Mayor Seth Low was an encouraging example of this type of government. But the type was rarely found in a pure form. The politician succeeded either in electing a subservient mayor or in curtailing the mayor's authority by having th

ot infrequently over thirty in a single city, as in Philadelphia. Sometimes these boards were elected by the people; sometimes they were appointed by the council; sometimes they were appointed by the mayor; in one or two instances they were appointed by the Governor. Often their powers were shared with committees of the coun

ght be the "opinions" on national matters of the men appointed, they usually had a perfect understanding with the appointing authorities as to local matters. As late as 1898, a Democratic mayor of New York (Van Wyck) summarily removed the two Republican members of the Board of Police Commissioners and replaced them by Republicans af

icipal government prevailed at any one time. They all still exist, con

acilities increased; schools built; parks, boulevards, and playgrounds acquired, and scores of new activities undertaken by the municipality. All these brought grist to the politician's mill. So did his control of the po

city. Before the days of the referendum the franchise was granted by the city council, usually as a monopoly, sometimes i

, through their councils, gave away these monopoly rights for long periods of time, we can imagine the princely aggregate of the gifts which public service corporations have received

lator. Public service corporations could share their patronage with the politician in exchange for favors. Through their control of many jobs, and through their influence with banks, they could show a wide assortment of

r a policy of municipal administration or other local policies. The system of committees, caucuses, conventions, built up in every city, was linked to the national organization. A citiz

attention to public questions. The foreign immigrants who congested our cities were alien to American institutions. They formed a heterogeneous population to whom a common ideal of government was unknown and democracy a word without meaning. These foreigners were easily influenced and easily led. Under the old naturalization laws, they were herded into the courts j

citizens found that their papers were only declarations of intentions, or "first papers." Other tens of thousands had lost even these papers and could n

before elections, the population of the downtown wards in the larger cities increased surprisingly. The boss fully availed himself of the psychological and social reactions of

ir natural habitat. We shall now scrutinize more closely som