The French Revolution - Volume 1

stage of the J

and multitude o

throughout France once more undergo an election by their men. Finally, all post-masters and post-office comptrollers have to submit to election.-Even better, below or alongside the elected officials, this administrative purge concerns all non-elective functionaries and employees, no matter how insignificant their service, however feeble and indirect their office may be connected with political matters. This is because tax receivers and assessors, directors and other agents of rivers and forests, engineers, notaries, attorneys, clerks and scribes belonging to the administrative branch, are all subject to dismissal if they do not obtain a certificate of civism from their municipality. At Troyes, out of fifteen notaries, it is refused to four,3306 which leaves four places to be filled by their Jacobin clerks. At Paris,3307 "all honest folks, all clerks who are educated," are driven out of the navy offices; the war department is getting to be "a den where everybody on duty wears a red cap, where all thee-and-thou each other, even the Minister, where four hundred employees, among which are a number of women, show off in the dirtiest dress, affect the coolest cynicism, do nothing, and steal on all sides."-Under the denunciation of the clubs, the broom is applied even at the bottom of the hierarchical scale, even to secretaries of village councils, to messengers and call-boys in the towns, to jail-keepers and door-keepers, to beadles and sextons, to foresters, field-custodians, and others of this class.3308 All these persons must be

e elec

oor invited to the

if candidates.-T

ortion of absent

emb

xcept domestics, of whom they are distrustful, supposing them under their employer's influence, may vote at the primary assemblies, and not longer at the age of twenty-five, but at twenty-one, which brings to the polls the two most revolutionary groups, on the one hand the young, and on the other the poor, the latter in great numbers in these times of unemployment, dearth and poverty, amounting in all to two millions and

acked simply because, "on the comparative lists of seven calls by name," sent to the departments from Paris by the Jacobins, their names are found on the right.3315-Through an excess of precaution the Constitutionalists of the Legislative body are kept at the capital, their passports being refused to them to prevent them from returning into the provinces and obtaining votes by publicly stating the truth in relation to the recent revolution.-In the same way, all conservative journals are suppressed, reduced to silence, or compelled to become turncoats.-Now, when one has neither the possibility to speak up nor a candidate which might become one's representative, of what use is it to vote? And especially, since the primary assemblies are places of disorder and violence,3316 patriots alone, in many places, being admitted,3317 a conservative being "insulted and overwhelmed with numbers," and, if he utters an opinion, exposed to danger, also, if he remains silent, incurring the risk of denunciations, threats, and blows. To keep in the background, remain

nd tone of the sec

illant" electors.

lected by the conse

y the Catholics can

ties.-The election

inion not in acc

ect

potic majority was to reign at once, without any contest, on its own authority, and to expel all offensive electors. At Paris, in the Aisne, in Haute-Loire, in Ille-et-Vilaine, in Maine-et-Loire, it excludes as unworthy the members of old Feuillants and monarchical clubs, and the signers of Constitutionalist protests. In Hérault it cancels the elections in the canton of Servian, because the elected men, it says, are "mad aristocrats." In Orne it drives away an old Constituent, Goupil de Préfeln, because he voted for the revision, also, his son-in-law, because he is his son-in-law. In the Bouches-du-Rh?ne, where the canton of Seignon, by mistake or through routine, swore "to maintain the constitution of the kingdom," it sets aside these retrograde elected representatives, commences proceedings against the "crime committed," and sends troops against Noves because the Noves elector, a justice who is denounced and in peril, has escaped from the electoral den.-After the purification of persons it proceeds to the purification of sentiments. At Paris, and in at least nine departments,3323 and in contempt of the law, is suppresses the secret ballot, the last refuge of timid conservatives, and imposes on each elector a verbal pu

elected; the clubbists confine him there more rigidly, and do not let him out even after extorting his resignation.-Elsewhere in the rural cantons, for example, in Franche-Comté,3328 a number of elections are canceled when the person elected happens to be a Catholic. The Jacobin minority frequently secede, meet in a tavern, elect their mayor or justice of the peace, and the validity of his election is secured because he is a patriot; so much the worse for that of the majority, whose more numerous votes are null because given by "fanatics."-The response of universal suffrage thus appealed to cannot be other than that which is framed for it. Indisputable facts are to show to what extent this response is compul

n of the Natio

ds at the start.-Op

the Plain.-The Gi

the Convention.-T

r principles.-T

r fanaticism.-Thei

ey differ from pur

sovereignty.-Thei

iative of individu

sophic thought an

in times o

throat, "under the clubs, axes, daggers, and bludgeons of the butchers."3331 But where the physical impressions of murder have not been so tangible and impressive, some sense of decency has prevented too glaring elections. The inclination to vote for well-known names could not wholly be arrested; seventy-seven former

they be elected. Every candidate is supposed to possess the Jacobin faith, or, at least, to recite the revolutionary creed. The Convention, consequently, at it

rty of the nation, and of assaults on

f the barbarian, the raider, the inquisitor, and the pasha. On the contrary, with the greatest number, do what it will, integrity and humanity always remain powerful motives. Nearly all these legislators, who originate in the middle class, are at bottom, irrespective of a momentary delusion, what they always have been up to now, advocates, attorneys, merchants, priests, or physicians of the ancient regime, and what they will become later on, docile administrators or zealous functionaries of Napoleon's empire,3333 that is to say, ordinary civilized persons belonging to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, sufficiently honest in private life to have a desire to be equally so in public life.-Hence their horror of anarchy, of Marat,3334 and of the September butchers and robbers. Three days after their assembling together they vote, "almost unanimously," the preparation of a law "against the instigators of murder and

in general, the same in all times and ages, an extract or minimum of man; they have pondered over several thousands of or millions of these abstract mortals, erected their imaginary wills into primordial rights, and drawn up in anticipation the chimerical contract which is to regulate their impossible union. There are to be no more privileges, no more heredity, no qualifications of any kind; all are to be electors, all eligible and all of equal members of the sovereignty; all powers are to be of short date, and conferred through election; there must be but one assembly, elected and entirely renewed annually, one executive council elected and one-half renewed annually, a national treasury-board elected and one-third renewed annually; all local administrations and tribunals must be elected; a referendum to the people, the

d Catholic

d feudal

the legal author

e remains of th

imes committed

France into a

even the

verthrow of al

ned, the Girondist is a sectar

electors do not vote: he regards himself

ty of Frenchmen favor the Constitution of 1791

ics, are honorable men or at least excusable; he will launch against them every rigor

l conceptions.-Within the narrow bounds of their creed, however, the Girondins are sincere and consistent. They are masters of their formulae; they know how to deduce consequences from them; they believe in them the same as a surveyor in his theorems, and a theologian

ll State trials they oppose irregular courts, and strive to maintain for those under indictment some of the usual safeguards.3349 On declaring the King guilty they hesitate in pronouncing the sentence of death, and try to lighten their responsibility by appealing to the people. The line "laws and not blood," was a line which, causing a stir in a play of the day, presented in a nutshell their political ideas. And, naturally, the law, especially Republican law, is the law of all; once enacted, nobody, no citizen, no city, no party, can refuse to obey it without being criminal. It is monstrous that one city should arrogate to itself the privilege of ruling the nation; Paris, like other departments, should be reduced to its on-eighty-third proportion of influence. It is monstrous that, in a capital of 700,000 souls, five or six thousand radical Jacobins should oppress the sections and alone elect their candidates; in the sections and at the polls, all citizens, at least all republicans, should enjoy an equal and free vote. It is monstrous that the principle of popular sovereignty should be used to cover up attacks against popular sovereignty, that, under the pretense of saving the State, the first that comes along may kill whom he pleases, that, on the pretext that they are resisting opp

s if it was in the mood to crane the neck allowing them to put the muzzle on! Robespierre, on beh

nement of tyranny... When a government violates the people's rights, a general insurr

oratorical talent are, however, no weapo

d plans of constitution. Very soon, according to them,.. if will suffice to carry complete copies of Macchiavelli, Rousseau and Montesquieu into battle instead of cannon, it

in majorities, to pass decrees, would be appropriate in ordinary times, under a government provided with an armed force and a regular administration, by which, from the summits of public authority, the decrees of a majority descend thro

orming alone the

.-The majority o

e new régime unpop

Catholic customs ob

ontent.-Aversion or

al resignation of

e with pure democra

acturers and trad

ty, and feebleness

lone form the s

nstitutionalists."3353 "I would make myself master of Paris," says a professional observer, "in ten days without striking a blow if I had but six thousand men, and one of Lafayette's stable-boys to command them." Lafayette, indeed, since the departure or concealment of the royalists, repr

6 The day on which the relics of saint Leu are borne in procession through the Rue St. Martin, "everybody kneels; I did not see a man," says a careful observer, "that did not take off his hat. At the guard-house of the Mauconseil section, the entire company presented arms." At the same time the "citoyennes around the markets talked with each other to know if there was any way of decking houses with tapestry."3357 The following week they compel the revolutionary committee of Saint-Eustache3358 to authorize another procession, and again each one kneels: "everybody approved of the ceremony, no one, that I heard of; making any objection. This is a striking picture.... I saw repentance, I saw the parallel each is forced to draw between the actual state of things and the former one. I saw what a privation the people had to endure in the loss of that which, formerly, was the most imposin

otining the members of the Convention could be put to an open vote, it would be carried against them by a majority of nineteen-twentieths,"3363 which, in fact, is about the proportion of electors who, through fright or disgust, keep away from the polls. Let the "Right" or the "Left" of the Convention be victors or vanquished, that is a matter which concerns them; the public at large does not enter into the discussions of its conquerors, and no longer cares for either Gironde or "Mountain." Its old grievances always revive "against the Vergniauds, Guadets" and company;3364 it does not like them, and has no confidence in them, and will

r singles, orphans, unskilled persons, living in lodgings, foul-mouthed, lacking the sense of smell, with a gift of the gab, robust arms, tough hide, solid haunches, expert in hustling, and with whom blows replace arguments.3368-After the September massacres, and on the opening of the barriers, a number of proprietors and persons living on their incomes, not alone the suspected but those who thought they might become so, escaped from Paris, and, during the following months, the emigration increases along with the danger. Towards December rumor has it that lists have been made up of former Feuillants; "we are assured that during the past eight days more than fourteen thousand persons have left the capital."3369 According to the report of the Minister himself;3370 "many who are independent in fortune and position abandon a city where the renewal of proscription is talked of daily."-" Grass grows in the finest streets," writes a deputy, "while the silence of the grave reigns in the Théba?des (isola

ntly the sheep ready for the slaughter-house. They no longer think of defense, they have abandoned their posts to the sans-culottes, "they refuse all civil and military functions,"3373 they avoid doing duty in the National Guard and instead pay their substitutes. In short, they withdraw from a game which, in 1789, they desired to play without understanding it, and in which, since the end of 1791, they have always burnt their fingers. The cards may be handed over to others, especially as the cards are dirty and the players fling them in each others' faces; as for themselves they are spectators, they have no other ambitions.-"Leave them their old enjoyments,3374 leave them the pleasure of going and coming throughout the kingdom; but do not force them to take part in the war. Subject them to the heaviest taxation and they will not complain; nobody will even know that they exist, whi

rades in the National Guard and all places in the municipality having been given up to the Jacobin extremists, they have no chiefs: the Girondists are incapable of rallying them, while Garat, the Minister, is unwilling to employ them. Moreover, they are divided amongst themselves, no one having any confidence in the other, "it being necessary to chain them together to have anything accomplished."3377 Besides this, the remembrance of September weighs upon their spirits like a nightmare.-All this converts people into a timid flock, ready to scamper at the slightest alarm. "In the Contrat Social section," says an officer of the National Guard, "one-third of those who are able to defend the section are off in the country; another third are hiding away in their houses, and the other third dare not do anything."3378 "If, out of fifty thousand moderates

sition of

lity decline.-The U

n.-The suburban r

ostitutes.-The

successively in other quarters and apparently double their number by allowing each to vote two or three times.3382 Putting all together, there are not six thousand Jacobins in Paris, all of them sans-culottes and partisans of the "Mountain."3383 Ordinarily, in a section assembly, they number "ten or fifteen," at most "thirty or forty," "organized into a permanent tyrannical board."... "The rest listen and raise their hands mechanically."... "Three or four hundred Visionaries, whose devotion is as frank as it is st

the moderates against the Maratists.3386 "The respectable class of the arts, says observers, "is gradually leaving the faction to join the sane party."3387 "Now that water-carriers, porters and the like storm the loudest in the sections, it is plain to all eyes that the gangrene of disgust has reached the fruit-sellers, tailors, shoe-makers, bar owners," and others of that class.3388-Towards the end, "butchers of both classes, high and low, are aristocratized."-In the same way, "the women in the markets, except a few who are paid and whose husbands are Jacobins, curse and swear, fume, fret and storm." "This mor

h, "discharged from La Pitié, run through a career of disorder and end in Bicêtre."3394 "From La Pitié to Bicêtre" is a well known popular adage. Men of this stamp are without any principle whatever. If they have fifty francs they live on fifty, and if they have only five they live on five; spending everything, they are always out of pocket and save nothing. This is the class that took the Bastille,3395 got up the 10th of August, etc. It is the same class which filled the galleries in the Assembly with all sorts of characters, filling up the groups," and, during all this time it never did a stroke of work. Consequently, "a wife who owns a watch, ear-rings, finger-rings, any jewels, first takes them to the pawnbrokers where they end up being sold. At this period many of these people owe the butcher, the baker, the wine-dealer, etc.; nobody trusts them any more. They have ceased to love their wives, and their children cry for food, while the father is at the Jacobin club or at the Tuileries. Many of them have abandoned their position and trade," while, either through "indolence" or consciousness "of their incapacity,"... "they would with a kind of sadness see this trade come back to li

and other great cities had been scoured to find whatever was foul, the most hideous, and the most infected.... Ugly, cadaverous features, black or bronzed, surmounted with tufts of greasy hair, and with eyes sunken half-way into the head.... They belched forth with their nauseous breath the grossest insults amidst sharp cries like those of carnivorous animals." Among them there can be distinguished "the September murderers, whom" says an observer33104 in a position to know them, "I can compare to nothing but lazy tigers licking their paws, growling and trying to find a few more drops of blood just spilled, awaiting a fresh supply." Far from hiding away they strut about and show themselves. One of them, Petit-Mamain, son of an innkeeper at Bordeaux and a former soldier, "with a pale, wrinkled face, sharp eyes and bold air, wearing a scimitar at his side and pistols at his belt," promenades the Palais-Royal33105 "accompanied or followed at a distance by others of the same species," and "taking part in every conversation." "It was me," he says, "who ripped open La Lamballe and tore her heart out.... All I have to regret is that the massacre was such a short one. But we shall have it over again. Only wait a fortnight!" and, thereupon, he calls out his own name in defiance.-Another, who has no need of stating his well-known name, Maillard, president of the Abbaye massacres, has his head-quarters at the café Chrétien,33106 Rue Favart, from which, guzzling drams of brandy, "he dispatches his mustached men, sixty-eight cutthroats, the te

Jacobin C

rulers.-The natur

political vie

all times subject to their approval as the bullhorn for their passions and the purveyor to their appetites.33111 Such was Pétion in July, 1792, and such is Marat since the days of September. "One Marat more or less (which will soon be seen) would not change the course of events."33112-"But one only would remain,33113 Chaumette, for instance; one would suffice to lead the horde," because it is the horde itself which leads. "Its attachment will always be awarded to whoever shows a disposition to follow it the closest in its outrages without in any respect caring for its former leaders... Its liking for Marat and Robespierre is not so great as for those who will exclaim, Let us kill, let us plunder!" Let the leader of the day stop following the current of the day, and he will be crushed as an obstacle or cast off as a piece of wreckage.-Judge if they are willing to be entangled in the spider's web which the Girondins put in their way. Instead of the metaphysical constitution with which the Girondins confront them, they have one in their own head ready made, simple to the last point, adapted to their capacity and their instincts. The reader will call to mind one of their chiefs, whom we have already met, M. Saule, "a stout, stunted little old man, drunk all his life, formerly an upholsterer, the

ate Constitution is the definitive

justice the boundless despotism t

confiscations, executions, all of which is done with head erect, with delight as if a patriotic duty, by right of a moral priesthood, in the na

folly. Through the hypocritical glitter of compulsory parades, their one fixed idea imposes itself on the orator that he may utter it in tirades, on the legislator that he may put it into decrees, on the administr

s will be assassinated, and their gold,

are through the official inaugurati

om ours will be guillotined and

ry articles of M. Saule, it is easy to see which will prevail. "These Parisian blackguards," says a Girondist, "take us for their valets!33117 Let a valet contradict his master and he is sure t

to govern France," says a bystande

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he judicial system, the media and the administration. They may be years in doing this, placing convinced or controlled men and women, first in the faculties, later in career post, so that they, 30 ye

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1792. The electoral assemblies and clubs had already proceeded in many places

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on the margin of the jury-panel for your district, those Jacobins that it will do to put on the list of 200 for th

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he had been a stone-cutter before he became a justice, having taken this office on patriotic grounds. He wanted to draw up a statement and give me

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6, Aug. 15 and 2

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1792.-Albert Babea

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er of Feb. 14, 1793: "The state of disorganization appears to be irremediable. The venali

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y foresters of their places, nearly all with families, "on account of their once having been in the pay of a perjured king."-Arnault ("Souvenirs d'un sexagénaire"), II. 15. He re

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the obstinacy of Vieilz, who wanted him to violate the law of Oct. 12, 1791 (on promotion)." Vieilz had been in the service only four months, instead of five years, as the law required, and the Minister did not dare to make an enemy of a man of so much influence in the clubs. Buchez et Roux, XXVIII.19 ("Publication des pièces relatives au 31 Mai," at Caen, by Bergoing, June 28, 1793): "My friend learned that the place had been giv

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f Aug. 11,

(re

he number increases

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.... The various clubs established in France (were) then masters of the elections." In the Bouches-du-Rh?ne "400 electors in Marseilles, one-sixth of whom had not the incom

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Assembly of the Rh?ne-et-Loire, held at Saint-Etienne. The electors of Saint-Etienne demand remu

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: "Could I in the National Convention be otherwise than I have been in relation to the former Louis XVI., who, after his flight on

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1 to 83. (The official reports make frequent mention of the dispatch of this comparative li

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a majority of voices."-Cf. Schmidt, "Tableaux de la Révolution Fran?aise," I. 98. Letter of Damour, vice-president of the section of the Théatre-Fran?ais, Oct.29.-" Un Séjour en France," p.29: "The primary assemblies have already begun in this depa

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"-" Archives Nationales," F7, 3217. Letters of Gilles, justice an the canton of Roquemaure (Gard), Oct. 31, 1792, and Jan. 23, 1793, on the electoral proceedings employed in this canton: Dutour, president of the club, left his chair to support the motion for "lanterning" the grumpy and all the false patriots... On the 4th of November "he forced contributions by threatening to cut off heads and destroy houses." He was elected juge-de-paix.-Another, Magère, "approved of the motion for setting up a gallows, provided that it was not placed in front of his windows, and stated openly in the club that if people followed the law they would never accomplish an

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rtimer-Ternaux, V. 95. 109, 117, 129. (Ballot of Oct. 4, 14,

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s.-The plebiscite of September, 1795, on the constitution of the year III. calls out only 958,000 voters. Repugnance to voting still exists. "Ninety times out of a hundred, on asking: 'Citizen, how did the Electoral Assembly of your canton go off?' they

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all to vote and falsified the count so th

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to the National Convention whose hearts are filled with hatred of royalty... Mine is the soul of a freeman; ever since my fourth year it has been nourished on hatred to kings. I will relieve France from this detestable race, or I will die in the attempt. Before I leave you I w

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bly of the Bouches-du-Rh?ne "there was a desire

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e in the shadow of a vote. The Romans openly elected their tribunes... Who amongst us would reject so wise a measure? The galleries of the National Assembly have had as much to do with fostering the Revolution as the

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out: 'That is an anti-revolutionary from Arles, hang him!' An Arlesian had, indeed, been arres

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tion Fran?aise" (Dosquet's translation), I. 525. (Correspondence of the army of

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x, V.101, 122 and

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éon, I. 172, 196 a

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two mayors elected refuse in turn. At the third ballot in this town of f

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Feb. 2, 1793, after visiting the coasts of Dunkirk and Antwerp): "All through Picardy, Artois, and maritime Flanders Dumouriez found

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nues of about fifty members of the extreme 'Left.' "-Mortimer-Ternaux, VI. 557. (Address by Tallien to the Parisians, Dec.23, against the banishment of the Duke of Orleans): "To-morrow, under the vain pretext of another measure of general safety, the 60 or 80 members who on account of their courageous and inflexible adherence to principles are offensive to the Brissotine faction, will be driven out."-Moniteur, XV. 74 (Jan. 6). Robespierre, addressing Roland, utters this expression: "the factious ministers." "Cries of Order! A vote of censure

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e nouveau Par

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; 37 abstain from voting, as judges; of these 37, 26, either as individuals or l

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ectors, etc. The following is the proportion of regicides among those thus in office: Out of 23 prefects 21 voted for the king'' death; 42 out of 43 magistrates voted for it, the 43rd being ill at the time of the sentence. Of 5 senators 4 voted for his death, and 14 deputies out of 16. Out of 36 other functionari

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'I have many personal enemies in this assembly.' 'All! all!' exclaim

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es of the hall in which the Assembly meets. The Plain and the Mountain refer

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o Girondists by the sections of Paris: Royer-Fonfrède regrets "that his name is not inscribed on this hon

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(1751-729, which incorporated the latest knowledge and progressive ideas, and which helped sprea

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triots." This letter, compared with the speeches or publications of the day, produces a singular impression through its practical go

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uzot, Barbaroux, Louve

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reason still in fashion at the

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of the Committee on the Constitution, April 15 and 16, 1793.) Condorcet adds to thi

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rdinary sentence: "In all free countries the influence of the populace is feare

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Girondins," on the part of the Giro

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ere was about this flattery that aristocratic air of coldness and dislike which could deceive nobody. Your ways of a bourgeois patrician are always perceptible in your words and acts; you never wanted to mix with the people. Here is your doctrine in few words: after the people have served in revolutions they must return to dust, be of no account, and allow themse

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"Mémoir

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nts of the memoirs of Pétion and Barbaroux, quoted by Vatel

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ffered by the department of Hérault adopte

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p. 376, 377, 378. "An effort is made to accomplish the R

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llan,

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, article 32. "In every free government the mode of resistance to different acts of oppression sh

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Session of the Jacobin

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x, XXIII. 288-Ibid., 274. (Speech by Legros in the Jacobin Club, Jan. 1.) "Patriots are not counted; they go by weight... One patriot in a scale weights more than 100,000 aristocrats. One Jacobin weights more than 10,000 Feuillants. One republican weights more than 100,000 monarchists. One patriot of the Mountain weights more than

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y republican because it is threatened by the guillotine.. All its desires, all its hopes incline to the constitution of 1791."-Schmidt, I. 232 (Dutard, May 16). Dutard, an old advocate

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., I. 173, 179

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the leading cause of agitation and complaints."-(Ib., May 24). "The calm which now appear to prevail in Paris will soon be disturbed if the prices of the prime necessities of life

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I. 198 (Dut

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II. 6 (Dutard, May

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re having spoken of the Emperor Leopold's death as a stroke of Providence, Guadet replies that he sees "no sense in that idea," and blames Robespierre for "endeavoring to return the people to slavery of superstition."-Ibid., XXVI. 63 (session of April 19, 1793). Speech by Vergniaud against article IX of the Declaration of Rights, which states that "all men are free to worshi

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? A discontented people hating the Convention, all its ad

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. 278. (Duta

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. 216 (Dutar

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. 240 (Dutar

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. 217 (Dutar

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. 163 (Dutar

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re subject to a roll call, and the vote a secret one I declare to you no respectable man would fail to hasten in from

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e two words, inferior aristocracy, Cf. All of Dutard's re

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I. 37 (Dutar

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g, that is not afraid of being insulted and struck in his section if he dares raise his voice against the ruling power... The permanent assemblies of Paris consist of a small number of men who have succeeded in keeping other citizens away."-Schmidt, I. 235 (Dutard, May 28): "Another plan would be to drill young men in the use

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(Letter of Charles

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9 (Letter of Rolan

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., XV. 136, session of Jan. 13. Speech by a deputation of Federates.-Buchez et Roux, XXVIII. 91 (Letter of Gadolle to Roland, Octobe

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during the early period of the Revolution and under the direct

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on of Jan. 5, 1793). Spee

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. 378 (Blanc

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II. 5 (Duta

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very much engaged. We might then, again, go to the 200 or 300 printing establishments, where we should find 4,000 or 5,000 editors, compositors, clerks, and porters all conservatized because they no longer earn what they did before; and some because they have made a fortune."-The incompatibility between modern life and direct democratic rule strikes one at every step, owing to modern life being carried out under o

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. 207 (Dutar

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I. 79 (Dutar

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I.70 (Dutard

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ese lines which can only have increase his disd

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r-Ternaux

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llot, out of about 15,000 he still has 5,900 against 9,087 for Henriot.-Mortimer-Ternaux, VIII. 31: "The electors had to vote thirty at a ti

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lan, 155 (depositions taken by the Commission of the Twelve): Laforet has stated that there were 6,000 sans-culottes to massacre objectiona

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13, speech of the Federates of Finisterre.-Buchez et Roux, XXVIII. 80, 81, 87, 91, 9

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37 (Dutard, M

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AF, II 43. Letters of Gonchon to the Minister Garat, (May 31, June 1, June 3, 1793

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number for Nov. 21, 1792): "The sections (are) composed of, or at least frequented,

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I. 39 (Dutar

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e 14). The expression of thes

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e ses oeuvres, par Jacob," 287).-(On the

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I. 265 (Dutard, M

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ile set, the servants. Some of them come here every day. They chatter away and say all sorts of horrible things about their masters. They are all just alike. Nobody i

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ire in September, 1792 (after a year's absence), "and found it unrecognizable; no opinions could be expressed there other than those of the Paris section... I did not set foot there again; (it was) a factious disreputab

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I. 189 (Dut

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lais-Roya1, where "since the 13th of June numerous meetings have been held and motions made... I found t

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Nationales," F7, 146 (address of the Roule section, Sept. 23). In relation to the threatening tone of th

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s past I have seen men from Neuilly, Versailles, and

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in Paris; Mayor Chambon, in his report to the Convention, hi

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endant 'a Révolution." (According to t

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zot,

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ed men at most. Robespierre is a priest who has his congregation of devotees."--Mortimer-Ternaux, VII. 562 (letter of the deputy Michel, May 20, 1793): "Two or three thousand women, organiz

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f Gadol's in his

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zot,

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VIII. 80 (Letter of

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n eye-witness).-Schmidt, II. 15

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rd, Dec. 17, 1793. A decree subjecting him to indictment along with Ronsin and Vincent, Maillard publishes his apology, in which we see that he was already active in the Rue Favart before

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or ten armed men, foot-soldiers, and others on horseback, entered the farm-house of a man named Ruelle, in the commune of Lisse. They dealt him two blows with their sabers, then put a bag over his head, kicked him in the face, tormented him, and almost smothered his wife and two women se

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pages.-Rétif de la Bretonne, "Nuits de Paris," VIII. 460. (

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orities, and 1,000 bourgeois gunners," besides soldiers, prisoners, and a police force. He also recruited a good many prostitutes. The men who come to him are workmen who pretend to have arsouillé in the Revolution and who are r

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from every corner of the republic exclaimed in one voice: 'It is the same in all the communes!'"-Cf. Durand-Maillane, "Mémoires," 67: "This people, thus qualified, since the suppression of the silver marc has been the most vicious and most depraved in the community."-Dumouriez, II. 51. "The Jacobins, taken for the most part, from the most abject and most brutal of the nation, unable to furnish men of sufficient dignity for offices, have degraded offices to their own level... They are drunken, barbarous Helots that have taken the places of the Spartans."-The sign of their advent is the expulsion of the

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think Hitler had read Taine pr somebody who had learned from his wisdom, somewhat like the Devil who had r

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ronique des cin

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. 246 (Dutar

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. 215 (Dutar

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ir houses.. I do not want patriots to leave the city; I want them to guard Paris. And if we are beaten, the first man who hesitates to apply the torch, let him be stabbed at once. I want all the owners of property who have grabbed everything and excited the people's anger, to kill the tyrants themselves or else be killed." Applause-April 3.:-Ibid., 302 (in the Convention, April 8): "Marat demands that 100,000 relatives and friends of the émigrés be seized as hostages for the safety of the commissioners in the hands of the enemy."-Cf. Balleydier, 117, 122. At Lyons, Jan. 26, 1793, Challier addresses the central club: "Sans-cu

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Pan, the las

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zot,

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nst armed force (departmental) by the so-called commissioners of the 48 sections of Paris, I heard Santerre say in a loud tone to those around him, somewhat in these wor