Give Me Liberty

had been a gentleman usher of the Privy Chamber under the Lord Chamberlain, and as such had attended various ceremonies at Court. He was the fourth son of Maurice

s of the great Shakespeare, for in 1638 he published a tra

son sacred, defended his claim to rule by divine right, and considered the Parliamentary leaders who were defying him enemies of their country. It would be good policy to place such a man in a post of authority in Virginia, to h

s for the abolition of Episcopacy "with all its roots and branches" was presented to the Commons. A few months later a bill of attainder against the Earl of Stafford was passed, and this able statesman and friend of the King was led to the block. The Puritans demanded that the

ed and courtly new Governor with keen interest mixed with apprehension. Would he follow the example of Harvey in trying to rule like an Eastern despot? Woul

of Harvey or his enemies so long as they were loyal to the King. So Kemp, Mathews, Menefie, West, Pierce, and others

could be justice, security, and even freedom. Virginia had had ten years of experience of his policies when he asked what they could expect from a change of government. "Is it liberty? The sun looks not on a people more free than we are from oppression. Is it wealth? Hundreds of examples show us that indust

r approach we have made to the laws and customs of England in proceedings of the court and trials of causes."[2] So we hear no more of the prosecution of men on trivial charges, of the overawing of judges, and of ruinous confiscations. T

No more could a body of justices, appointed by the Governor, and perhaps looking to him for further favors, deprive a man of his property without the judgment of his peers.[4] And should one b

cular profit" gave up any claim to forced labor, he won the gratitude of the people. He has restored to us the birthright of our mother nation, men said. No longer need the poor planter fear that the

evances. But they now proudly submitted to the public judgment the many benefits to the colony from "their late consultations." Among these was

been no need for this since, though Harvey may have tried to levy taxes on his own responsibility, there is no evidence that Berkeley made

ed him by the King, they levied a tax of two shillings a tithable to raise a fund for his support. It is true that they did this with grave misgivings. To excuse themselves to the people they pointed out that such a thing had never occurred be

ndent on the King and more amenable to their wishes. In the struggle for self-government in the American colon

mother country-the battle of Edgehill, the victory of the Londoners at Turnham Green, the murderous struggle in the lanes and ditches of Newbury. Though it seemed that final victory for the royal forces was certain, Berkeley decided that he was needed

one wonders whether Kemp, with this dignity, got a new ribbon for his hair lock, and whether he patched up his quarrel with the Reverend Anthony Panton. But he was left little time for personal

ns had gone out to bring fire and destruction to the Indian villages, and to cut down the ripening corn. No sooner had the Governor set foot on Virginia soil than he took personal charge of the war, leading out the forces, exposing himself to danger "night and day on the wa

from England was alarming-Parliament was everywhere victorious; the use of the Book of Common Prayer was forbidd

entered actively into public life, and perhaps held high offices. Thomas Stegg, one of the most prominent of them, in 1643 had been Speaker of the House of Burgesses. Richard Lee, who traded to

exchange-cloth, clothing, household utensils, tools, farm implements, etc. London, the great trading center of England, was held by the enemies of the King. Even though the Dutch took off part of the tobacco crop, if Parliament should pr

this action had been reversed. Traders hesitated even then to load their vessels and sail for Virginia, fearing that Berkeley, in his rage against Parliament, might have persuaded the Assembly to exclude them. But they were soon reassured. In February, 1645, the Assembly passed an act decla

encourage trade with the Dutch. The merchants of Amsterdam paid well for their tobacco, and sold their wares at figures well below those charged by the Englis

colony. Most Virginians were attached to the Church of England; the use of the Book of Common Prayer was almost universal; the ministers adhered to Anglican canonical

folk County parish elected the Reverend Thomas Harrison their minister, "to instruct them concerning their souls' health." Apparently Mr. Harrison did not

heir sad condition for the want of the means of salvation." They would be grateful if the Elders would send them several ministers to instruct them in the truth as i

Thompson, of Braintree; and Thomas James, of New Haven, and sent them off. But they had a rough time even before they reached Virginia. No doubt they thought it was Satan's effort to thwart them that thr

harvest they had was plentiful for the little space of time they were there." "It fared with them as it had done before with the Apostles in

med. At the Assembly of March, 1643, he secured a law against heresy prohibiting ministers to teach or preach publicly or privately unless they

he people of Massachusetts to their way of belief and after being expelled returned to face whippings,

h! poor Virginia, dost thou send away the ministers of Christ with threatening speeches?" wrote Johnson in his Wonder Working Providence. "No sooner is this done

im. He was elated when he received word that the Commissioners for Plantations had issued a proclamation in November, 1645, granting freedom of worship in all the colonies. "That golde

ided to root out Puritanism in defiance of Parliament, and at his urging the Assembly again ordered all ministers to conform to the canons of the Church

been banished because he would not use the Book of Common Prayer. "You cannot be ignorant that the use of the Common Prayer book is prohibited by the Parliament." By this time Berkeley was so embittered against the

the Elizabeth River chapel was arrested, imprisoned, and fined, and severe action was taken against the members of his congr

inion. There was no thought on the Governor's part of submitting to Parliament. The Assembly passed a law making it treason to question the "undoubted and inherent right of his Majesty ... to the Colony of Virginia." To defend the proceedings against the late King was to become accessory after the act; to asperse his memory was punishable at the discretion of the Gover

g all persons "foreigners and others" from having commerce or traffic with them. English warships were to be used to enforce the act, and all commanders were orde

e monarchy would be dearly purchased if their tobacco were left on their hands, and all supplies of cloth, clothing

making ready for us, though it were no more than the assurance that we shall eat the bread for which our own oxen plow, and which we reap with our own sweat. "Surely, gentlemen, we are more slaves by nature than their power can make us if we suffer ourselves to be shaken with these paper bulle

tinued to come in, eluding English warships, and taking off a part of the tobacco crop. Had it not been for this it is probable th

ce them to the interest" of Parliament. This committee called in several merchants interested in the tobacco trade-Maurice Thompson, Benjamin Worsley, and others-to ask their advice. These men were deeply concerned lest the defection of the colonies might

expedition. Thomas Stegg, who was in London, no doubt told the Council of State that there were many in Virginia who favored the Commonwealth, and that by cooperating with them they might take over the colony without firing a shot. So in naming a commission

In case this did not prove effective they were to use "all acts of hostility ... to enforce them." They were directed, also, to augment their force by making r

a Frigate. Arriving at Barbados, and finding a large royalist force ready to resist them, they landed their soldiers, and defeated them in a pitched battle. This caused a delay of several weeks before they could proceed on their way to the Chesapeake Bay

ths he had done all in his power to create hatred of the Commonwealth leaders, calling them bloody tyrants, and accusing them of planning to restore the old London Company. The Anglican ministers, hurling invectives from the

the helmet and the breastplate, and take up the fusil, the sword, the halberd, and the pistol. Embarking on shallops, or trudging through the woods and

final settlement was left to all intents and purposes in the hands of the two Virginians. We do not know how Curtis got in touch with them, but they seem to have come aboard the Guinea Frigate t

tiated by copies of private letters. Then, hearing that a council of war was in session at Jamestown, they sent up a summons to the Governor and

the end, and others pointing out that this meant ruin. In the end they sent a reply which reached the fleet on its way up the river, promising to yield if the government were

ther and more powerful armies would follow. So they sat "in contemplation of the great miseries and certain destruction which were s

y and not forced by conquest, the Assembly was to be continued, pardon was granted for words and writings denouncing Parliament, Virginia was to be "free from all taxes, customs, and impositions whatsoever," a provision which Parl

and limits granted by the charters of the former Kings," for this meant that Maryland would once more become a part of Virginia. But it remained to be seen whether Parliament would ratify so drastic a measure. And when it was stipulated tha

ses. With Berkeley no longer in power to urge the return of staunch loyalists, and with Virginia submissive to the Commonwealth, the personnel of the House was greatly changed. When they met at Jamestow

ears before had been driven into exile because of his religious beliefs, was placed at the head of the government. Had he been a man of Sir John Harvey'

revailed that most of the former members were chosen. But the Burgesses made it clear that the Assembly was to be the ruling power in the colony. They were to appoint the Governor and Council

n establishing a republic, but only in exchanging one despot for another. But though Virginia had played but an insignificant role in the great

ir property with them. In July, 1653, Berkeley was still planning to leave. Yet neither he nor any of the others seem to have done so, contenting themselves with sending Colonel Francis Lovelace to Europe to attest to the exiled Prince Charles their continued loyalty. Only when some ardent royalist could not

o thought of prohibiting the use of the Book of Common Prayer, no thought of turning Anglican ministers out of their cures. In fact the Burges

bited foreign ships from trading with the colonies, was still in force. The latter claimed that the law had been temporary in character and was now invalid. And they pointed out that the articles of surren

a merchantman of Dunkirk, came into the Elizabeth River, the captains of two English ships came on board to demand her speci

ops taking their tobacco to the Dutch vessels, or seized the vessels themselves and took them off as prizes. In 1660 the Assembly plucked up courage to declare that "the Dutch and all strangers of what Christian nation

ained that "there are usually found intruding upon the plantation divers ships, surreptitiously carrying away the growth thereof to for

ut the group of Roman Catholics in Maryland. So when the Assembly sent Samuel Mathews to have the articles ratified they instructed him to plead for the annulling of Baltimore's patent. But Baltimore had cut the ground from under their feet by recogniz

e naming of Cromwell Protector, the foreign wars, the death of Cromwell, the brief rule of Richard Cromwell. But they were less affected by them than by happenings in the mother country at any other time during the colonial period. Virginia was

f "the loose and distracted condition of that colony." It seems that Cromwell had already been consid

live, this was a near approach to manhood suffrage. Yet three years later these liberty loving people made certain that no one should be excluded, when the Assembly enacted that "all persons inhabiting in this colony that are freemen" were "to have their votes in the election of Burgesses."

me the power of appointing the Governor, for in December, 1653, his Highness "thought fit to continue Colonel Bennett" in that office until he should "further signify his pleasure."[44] But when

wers they had held prior to the surrender to the Commonwealth. When the Assembly of that year were concluding their proceedings, they voted not to be dissolved,

ured "as a person betraying the trust reposed in him by the country." They then sent a message to the Governor and Council declaring their action illegal and demanding that they revoke the dissolution. To this the Governor and Council replie

by the Burgesses (the representatives of the people) who are not dissolvable by any power now extant in Virginia but the House of Burgesses." They also recommended the immediate dismissal of the Councillors. Accordingly the House preceded to recall both Governor and Council. Apparently the Burgesses did not blame Governor Ma

h of Cromwell and the accession of Richard Cromwell as Lord Protector. The government of Virginia was being studied by the Council, he reported, and they soon wo

or and Council thereafter were to derive their powers, not from the House, but from England? They at once acknowledged t

r life, "except in case of high misdemeanors." The Governor was to nominate Councillors, but the Burgesses were to have the privilege of confirming or rejecting. The Council at first assented to these changes until further directions from England, but later

on the throne of his fathers? When the tobacco fleet drifted in, the word they brought was alarming. Richard Cromwell had been forced to resign; England was subjected to the weak but violent rule of soldiers; a new civil war threatened. "Swordsmen bear the rule of the nati

t for the Assembly to meet, the Burgesses straggled in to the little capital, some on horseback, some by boat. Little knots mu

this decision was made at the opening of the session would lead us to believe that it reflected the general sentiment of the people. They had had experience of Berkeley's energy, concern for the welfare of the colony, refusal to use the courts for personal gain. Certainly this is the view he h

et foot on English soil at Dover amid the cheers of the crowds on the beach. The word may have gone from plantation to plantation that it would please Charles

y stipulated that he must call an Assembly at least once in every two years, that he should not dissolve the Assemb

harles of ever blessed memory." When the King was put to death, his son sent him another commission to govern Virginia, but Parliament sent a force against him, and finding him defenceless, took over the colony. But Parliament continued not long, and now his intelligence was not enough t

but a servant of the Assembly, neither do they arrogate any power to themselves further than the miserable distractions of England force them to. For when God shall

s in every county that God had invested "our most gracious sovereign, Charles II," with the "just rights of his royal father," and charged them to proclaim him King forthwith. In Jamestown there was rejoicing, m

ow myself at your Majesty's feet ... that you yet think me worthy of your royal commands. It is true ... I did something, which if misrepresented to your Majesty, may cause your Majesty to think me guilty of a weakness I should ever abhor myself

g local government. The old struggle for self-government had to be resumed; the representatives of the people again had to steel themselves against the encroac

eets of freedom, they were ready to resist when Governors vetoed their bills, or corrupted the Burgesses, or swayed the courts, or bullied the Council. The Commonwealth period

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