Reflections on the Rise and Fall of the Ancient Republicks

to their neighbours. For the same fleets which enabled them to ravage the seacoasts of the continent at discretion, could equally have protected their own country from the insults of

trymen invincible. We daily feel their importance more and more, and must be sensible that our liberty, our happiness, and our very existence as a people, depend upon our naval superiority supported by our military virtue and publick spirit. Nothing, humanly speaking, but luxury, effeminacy and corruption, can ever deprive

the house of commons, elected by, and out of the body of the people, is vested with all the power annexed to the tribunitial office amongst the Romans; the people enjoy every advantage which ever accrued to the Roman people by that institution, whilst the nation is secure from all those calamitous seditions, in which every factious tribune could involve his country at pleasure. And as all our questions in parliament are decided by a majority of voices; we can never be subject to that capital defect in the Carthaginian constitution, where the single veto, of one discontented senator, referred the decision of the most important affair to a wrong-headed, ungovernable populace. The house of peers is pl

e in our commerce after the peace of Utrecht, brought in a vast accession of wealth; and that wealth revived, and gradually diffused that luxury through the whole nation, which had lain dormant during the dangerous reign of James the second, and the warlike reigns of William and Ann. To this universal

a soldier, furnished inexhaustible supplies for their armies abroad, and secured them at home from all attempts of invasion. The Carthaginian was better calculated to acquire than to preserve. They depended upon commerce for the acquisition of wealth, and upon their wealth for the protection of their commerce. They owed their conquests to the venal blood and sinews of other people, and, like their ancestors the Ph?nicians, exhibited their money-bags as symbols of their power. They trusted too much to the valour of foreigners, and too little to that of their own natives. Thus whilst they were formidable abroad by their fleets and mercenary armies

ent military spirit through the whole body of the people; and the able Cromwell made the English name more respectable in Europe, than it ever had been under any of our monarchs. Our naval glory seems to have reached its summit under that period; for though our marine is greatly increased both in the number and strength of our shipping, yet we have by no means surpassed the commanders and seamen of that time either in bravery or ability. The reason is evident. Publick virtue then existed in its full force, and zeal for the national glory was the great spur to action. The commanders sailed in quest of honour, not lucre, and esteemed the glory of the capture as an adequate reward for the most haz

ia gradually to decay, until it became almost useless. A policy fatal to liberty, which has been too successfully copied, since that reign, by every iniquitous minister, who support himself by faction. James the second, devoted to bigotry, and influenced by the most weak, as well as the most wicked counsels, that ever prevailed in this kingdom, at one stroke disarmed the people, and established a large standing army. As the militia were unwilling to act against Monmouth and his followers, whom they looked upon as the protectors of their religion and liberties, James, concealing the true reason, declared to his parliament, that h

s, in three months time, which engaged and totally defeated the grand fleet of Carthage, though that republick had enjoyed the sovereignty of the sea unrivaled for time immemorial. This effort of the Roman magnanimity gives a higher idea of the Roman genius, than any other action recorded in their history. And by this alone we must be convinced, "that nothing is insurmountable to the unconquerable hand of liberty, when backed by publick virtue, and the generous resolution of a brave and willing people." The difficulties and obstacles in either case, I mean of making a fleet or establishing a good militia, will admit of no comparison. The Romans may almost be said to have created a fleet out of nothing. We have nothing more to do than to rouse and diffuse that martial spirit through the nation, which the arts of ministerial policy have so long endeavoured to keep dormant. Great indeed has been the outcry of the danger of trusting arms in the dissolute hands of the scum and refuse of the nation in these licentious times. These I consign to the proper severity of the martial discipline of an army; for of this kind of people, the bulk of every army in Europe is at this time composed. I speak to the nobility and gentry, the traders and yeomanry of this kingdom, to all those who are posse

point. Should therefore our measures for annoying that nation be ever so wisely planned, yet we can never hope to execute them with proportionate vigour, whilst we remain defenceless at home. If the bare alarm only of an invasion frightened us so lately into the expense, as well as ignominy, of importing foreign mercenaries for our own defence, the French know by experience, that an actual attempt would compel us to recall our fleets and forces, and again expose our commerce, colonies, and our only ally to their mercy. No man, I believe, is so weak as to imagine, that France will be deterred from such an attempt by the danger which may attend it. For if we reflect upon the number of her troops, the risk of ten or twenty thousand men, can hardly be deemed an object worthy the attention of so formidable a power. For should they all perish in the attempt, yet France would be amply repaid by the advantages she would draw from that confusion, which they would necessarily occasion. The traitor who lately pointed out the proper time, as well as place for an invasion, and the fatal effects it would have upon publick credit, whatever success might attend it, furnishes us with a convincing proof, that France never loses sight of so useful a measure. A consideration which greatly enforces the necessity of national union, and a national militia. The u

, and we cannot help reflecting upon the final and direful catastrophe, which will etern

vereign of the ocean, and the centre of universal commerce, which poured the riches of the nations into her lap, now puzzles the inquisitive traveller in his researches after even the vestiges of her ru

ews, and the dastardly maxims of luxury and effeminancy universall

TNO

Vit. Solo

oct. Attic. l

Attic. lib.

γε?ν, μηδ?

. p. 248. edit.

greatly to the honour of Lycurg

γο?ν το

ωσαν

pag. 46. lit. c.

d the entire works of Homer; which he

enophon has fully explained them in his treat

it. Lycurg

8. A. ? γ?ρ τ?ν ?φ?

p. 11. p. 154. vol.

παραδ?δωμι γ?ρ

ubl. lib. 2. c. 7. p

. 685. vol. 1. edit

it. Lysand. p

it. Agesi. p.

Agid. p.

p. 797.

Agid. p. 7

id. l

gid. p. 7

id. l

p. 798.

abruptly adds ο?τω μετ?πεσον τα?? γν?μαι? α? γυνα?κε? &c. in the plural number, though he had just before mentioned Agis's mother only, as the woman applied to on this occasion. It is evident therefore that his grandmother and all their female friends and relations must have been present that time, though not mentioned, and that they were the only Spartan ladies who came heartily into his scheme. For when Agis afterwards offers his w

Agid. p.

gid. p. 8

. 799.

out which the learned are not agreed: however,

inth year the ephori taking the opportunity of a clear and still night, when the moon did not appear, sat silently and observed the sky with great attention, and if

t. Agid. p.

p. 801.

gid. p. 8

. Cleom. p.

. Cleom. p.

. Cleom. p.

eom. p. 80

eom. p. 80

. et Cleom. et T. et C.

eom. p. 81

. Cleom. p.

. lib. 4

Philop?m. p.

, a glorious death in defence of their country; because the Spartans, if poss

spubl. lib. 2. cap.

δι? τ?ν ?λιγανθρω

αν ? κατ' ?νθρωπον α?τ?ν νομ

olon, p.

are the historians at all agreed about the number of the members of which it was composed. However this was the supreme court, which had cognizance of wilful murders, an

t. 85.

Vit. Solon,

Vit. Solon,

Vit. Solon,

ate, which he

ad revived. V

. p. 87

. p. 81

id. p

menides, says 400, which seem

Thu

ib. 6. p. 41

. Athen. p. 55. Edit

s, Aristides, Cimon, Thuc

tes, Pho

Duker. lib. 1.

b. 1. p. 82.

. p. 98. sect. 2,

b. 2. p. 101,

ν ? ?ρχ? δι? πλεονεξ?αν κα? φιλο

ν, ? ?τι ο? ξυνηγων?ζοντο, ? φθ?ν? το?

lib. 1 p. 9

. 2. p. 127. s

it. Pericl. p

Vit. Nic. p.

forms us, it was termed

it. Alcib. p.

. Alcib. p.

b. 5. p. 339.

ib. 5. p. 35

lib. 6. p.

lib. 6. p.

Thucyd. in orat. Alcib. ad Lac

. 6. 395, 396.

ury, placed at the doors of their houses,

s taken in the latter e

it. Alcib. p.

lib. 6. 395

ucyd.

ibid. sect.

. 6. 395. sect

ib. 6. p. 39

. 6. p. 408. s

ib. 6. p. 41

p. 415.

n Vit. Alc

. p. 416.

it. Alcib. p.

ib. 6. p. 41

ib. 6. p. 41

Ib

enian State-packet-boat, and was never sent ou

lib. 6. p. 4

hucyd

in Vit. Al

lib. 7. p. 5

. lib. 8.

yd. ibid

ibid. p. 5

. lib. sec

yd. ibid

in Vit. Al

lib. 8. p. 5

d. ibid.

lib. 8. p. 5

d. ibid.

yd. lib.

d. ibid.

yd. lib.

d. ibid.

d. ibid.

cyd. ib

cyd. ib

cyd. ib

cyd. ib

ew senate of

cyd. ib

lib. 8. p. 5

lib. 8. p. 5

ibid. p. 5

ibid. p. 5

in Vit. Al

ibid. p.

t. ibid

bid.

name is called by Thucydides, the son of

ity in

lib. 6. p. 3

Vit. Alcib.

n Vit. Lysa

σ?ν, ? π?ντε? Πελοπ?ννησιοι δ?κα ?τη πολεμο?ντε?. Xe

ucydides, who had so great a share in deposing the

ph. ibid

ph. ibid

oph. ib

oph. ib

h. ibid.

ph. ibid

h. lib. 3

h. lib. 4

bid.

Ib

Ibid

in. in V

rsius,

. 328. Edit.

s the tyrant

l. lib. 14.

in Vit. Ci

. p. 67. E

Glor. Athen.

Symposia

π?τ? κα

n Vit. Peri

p. 744. Item Demos Olynth.

at. in Philip.

emost

n Vit. Phoc

Sicul. lib

Sicul. lib

n Vit. Demo

ratagem, lib.

alls this gene

ominationis, et vetustissimam liberatem f

out of the publick money, the glue or cement of the diffe

le of t

κα? μακ?ριοι το?? περιττο??, ?λλ' ο?κ ?κε?νο

of his life, and conduct in the administration, shipwreck

. Apothe

n Vit. Aris

t. Demet. p. 89

cript. lib. 9. c. 5 p

?? α?το?? παρευρε?ν, ?π

bid.

as the capit

ares aere natum. Hor. ep

n Vit. Pelo

Sicul. lib

it. Pelop. p.

in Vit. Pe

. p. 2

πολιτικο??, &c. Diodor. Sicul. lib

. Epaminond. et Han

ib. 6. p.

in. lib.

h, Justin,

who could neither read nor write, brought his shell to Aristides, and desired him to write the name of Aristides upon it. Aristides, not a little surprised at his request, asked him what injury that Aris

he time of their office was near expired, by which

epubl. lib. 2.

b. lib.

Id.

Ib

b. lib 6

lyb. de virtutibus

erses

Va

alii spiranti

vivos ducent de

?neid.

rio populos, R

artes) paciqu

ubjectis,

. lib. 1.

yb. p.

icul. lib. 20

lib. 28.

de Bell. P

lib. 1. p

b. lib.

. lib. 1

b. lib.

em. ib

αθ?? πεττευτ?

ιτικο?? ?ππε?? κα

b. lib.

b. lib.

. Id. ibi

b. lib.

λ?σαντε? (ο?ον ?σχ?την τρ?χοντε? τα?την) ?ξαπ?

b. lib.

?. Polyb. li

be explained i

b. 3.

ibid.

. lib. 3.

lyb. i

b. lib.

, lib. 2

b. p.

lib. 21.

Id.

ib. 3. p.

lib. 11. p.

ell. Annib. 323.

23 p. 2

lib. 30

b. 22,

de Bell. Han

eric.

ian. id

arn. cap. 2. p. 1

three hund

lib. 4.

emblies, the people divided into their respective curi? and gave their votes man by man. The majority of votes in each cur

ond class, and so on until ninety-seven centuries agreed in one opinion, which made a majority of one. If the numbers continued equal, that is ninety-six on each side of the question, after the five first classes had voted; Tullius called up the sixth class which was composed wholly of the poorest people, and contained but one century, and the vote of this century determined the question.... But this case, as Dionysius observes, happened so very rarely; that even the votes of the fourth class were seldom

carn. lib. 4. p.

. Halicarn

Halicarn. li

Halicarn. li

Halicarn. li

Halicarn. li

ription he gives of this unhappy object, is not only much more striking than that of D

Halicarn. li

Halicarn. li

licarn. lib. 6

at that very time was hardly seventeen years standing, the for

. lib.

gustin. de civitate Dei. lib.

tion. But the Patricians conscious of their superiority in the comitia centuriata or assemblies by centuries, constantly refused to obey the plebiscita or decrees made by the people in their assemblies by tribes, which they insisted were binding to the Plebeians onl

place of

lustrium, vastam urbem fuga et c?dibus, bona civium miserorum q

us hostilis in bonis artibus civitat

non paulatim ut antea, sed torrentis

re, pudorem, pudicitiam, divina humana promiscua, nih

m, populus libertatem in lubid

rium, potentia sequebatur hebescere virtus, paupertas probro h

destiaque invadere, polluere, et vastare om

, trahere rapere. D

abere subegit: c?pere alienas opes petere, libertatem suam cum Republi

cta sunt: respublica, qu? media fue

tes subvertit; pro his superbiam, crudelitatem deos negl

o Imperii

uere.... Post ubi contagio, quasi pestilentia, invasit, civitas immutata, imperiu

m in lingua habere, amicitias, inimicitiasq

; ubi ea demseris, nemo omniu

ud facile quisquam gratuito bonus est.

s affectabant, bonique et mali cives appellati, non ob merita in rempublicam (omnibus pariter corruptis) sed

Non facinus, non probrum, aut flagitium obstat, quo minus magistratus expetant: quod commodum est, trahunt, ra

xquirere; dormire priusquam somni cupido esset: non famam, aut sitim, neq; frigus, neq; lassitudinem operiri; sed ea omnia luxu ante capere. H?c juventutem, ubi familiares opes def

bona vilia sunt, fides, probitas, pudor,

arcem habent ex spoliis vestris: cum interim more pecudum vos multitudo singulis habendos, fruendosque pr?betis, exsuti omnibus, qu? maj

πολλ?ν, βουλ?μενο? ?κκ?ψαι παντ?πασι τ? ν?σημα το?το τ?? π?λεω?, ?πεισε δ?γμα θ?σθαι τ?ν σ?γκλητον, ?πω? ο? κατασταθ?ντε? ?ρχο

, προελθ?ντο?, ?θρ?οι προσπεσ?ντε? ?β

fasces pretio:

us: lethalisqu

referens ce

sal. lib. 1

... et definit esse remedio locus, ubi qu? fue

flagitiosorum, atque facino osorum circum se, tamquam

?? πολιτε?α? μ?ρη ταρ?ττοντο? κα? συν?γοντο

uni?, qu? quamquam gravia sunt, tamen consuetudine

erito dicatur, genitos esse, qui neque ipsi habere possen

tiochus Epiph. Liv

uv. S

quo suffr

git Curas. Nam

es, legiones,

e duas tantum

et Cir

t. 10.

cum se

Frag.

udi S

istri

e, qui in scena spectetur: tum vir ejusmodi est, ut solus dignus

um histriones quondam responderat

in omni tempore et loco lege vetere per

at, per tria theatra virgis c?sum relegaverit. Hylam pantomimum querente pr?tore, in atrio domus su?, nemine excluso, flagellis verberav

uvenes mancipia pantomimoru

etulit; multa ab iis in publicum seditiose, f?da per domos tentari ... eo flagitiorum et virium v

histriones propter quos dissidebatur, relegavit: nec ut revocare

?μ?? τ?ν δ?μον ?ποδιατρ?βεσθα

quoque jam migravi

rtos oculos, e

. 1. lib.

itu ludi specta

egrin?: quibus

scena, concurri

uid? nil sane. Q

no violas im

lin.

Halicarn.

antea, sed torrentis modo precip

sanctior, nec bonis exemplis

alicarn. Lib.

nec rebore Gallos, nec callidi

rum immortalium numine omnia regi gubernarique perspeximus, omn

on intelligat eorum numine hoc tantum imperium

nqui et familiares: sed omnes omnium carit

s dedere, et in qua nostra omnia ponere,

ution of his country, was a thorough Epicurean, both in principle and practice. His principles we plainly see in his sophistical speech in Sallust, where he urges the total extinction of our being at death, as an argument for sparing the lives of Cataline's accomplices. For he audaciously affirms to the senate:-"that death as a punishment was so far from being an evil; that it released us from all our sorrows, when labouring under distress and misery: that it put a final period to all the evils of this life, beyond which there was no longer room either for grief or joy."

he very learned Mr. Baxter in his treatise of the immortality of the soul; w

ture of the human s

ies affirm; that he meant the grosser pleasure which arises wholly from the sensual passions.... His friends reply; that this notion was first broached by the dissolute part of his disciples, who most injuriously fathered it upon Epicurus, and then alleged his authority as a plea for their debaucheries; ... they add, that the true Epicureans, who adhered rigidly to the genuine tenets of their master, always treated these spurious disciples as sophists and impostors. But even allowing this to be a true state o

trines of the later Epicureans were almost universally received. And if the evidence of Horace in his humourous description of

itidum, bene cu

es, Epicuri de

ist. 4.

st igitur per s

s; nam corpora

ane et corpora

erum in numero

sus cadat ullo

mi quam quisqua

fumus quoniam d

oque diffundi,

ius dissolvi

bus e membris

stro sentit de c

nimi natura, an

ad nos; qui c?

anim? consistim

rs est, ad nos ne

atura animi mo

s: cum corpori

t, quibus e sum

bis quicquam, qu

o poterit, sen

itus religionem, quum Diis immortalibus et opem et

n tam faceto, quam ad scribendi licentiam libero. Qu? enim potest

y into the nature of the Human Soul, vol. 2. p. 70. complaining of Cicero's inconsistencies and self-contradictions, observes, that-"as philosophers he teaches men to be scepticks, or to maintain that truth is not to be perc

(though he acted neither a weak nor an unfair part) he becomes perfectly inscrutable. He may be considered as an orator, a statesman, and a philosopher; characters all equally personated, and no one more the real man than the other; but each of them taken up and laid down, for the occasion. This appears from the numerous inconsistencies we find in him throughout the course of his sustaining them, &c." And afterwards, p. 171, the Dr. adds-"We meet with numbers of the like contradictions delivered in his own person, and under his philosophical character," of which he gives us several instances. In the note upon the word personated, p. 169. the Dr. observes, "that as a philosopher, his end and design in writing was not to deliver his own opinion; but to explain the Grecian philosop

disseruit in libro quinto de natura deorum, nullos esse deos Epicuro videri: q

δα? τοσα?τα?, κα? μ?ρτυρα? διπλασ?ου?, ο? δ?νανται τηρε?ν τ?ν π?στιν. παρ? δ? ?ωμα?οι?, κατ? τε τ?? ?ρχ?? κα? πρεσβε?α

ea much better, in my opinion, than contralotulator, from which may possibly

quos perfidia et perjurio violasti. Sall.

περ? θε?ν διαλ?ψει. κα? μοι δοκε? τ? παρ? το?? ?λλοι? ?νθρ?ποι? ?νειδιζ?μενον, το?

ce he selects in proof, drawn from the very different effect of an oath upon the manners of those two people, must convince us beyond a doubt, that by the words το?? ?λλοι? ?νθρ?ποι? ?νειδιζ?μενον, he plainly characterizes his own countrymen. As by "ο? ν?ν ε?κ? κα? ?λ?γω? ?κβ?λλειν α?τ?," they who now (that is, in his time) inconsiderately and absurdly reject those great sanctions of religion, he evidently points at such of the leading men amongst the Romans, as in his time had embraced the pernicious tenets of Epicurus. For th

ve taken any notice of it, so neither Casaubon, nor any translator I have yet met w

ο τ? μ?ρο? παρ' α?το?? ε?? τε το?? κατ' ?δ?αν β?ου?, κα?

εν ε?? τ? πλ?θη παρεισαγαγε?ν, πολ? δ? μ?λλον ο? ν

iples of religion, by calling them in question, all manner of immorality came rolling

in. lib.

the Romans, susetes

τ?νδην ο?ονται δε?ν α?ρε?σθαι το?? ?ρχοντα

τον, scil. κα? τ?ν ?ρετ?ν) κα? μ?λιστα τ?? μεγ?στα?

ταιρι?ν το?? φιδιτ?οι?? τ?ν δ? τ?ν ?κατ?ν κα? τεττ?ρων ?ρχ?ν, το?? ?φ?ροι?, πλ?ν ο? χε?ρον

ρωτ?? ?ριστοκρατικ?ν θετ?ον, κ

κα? τ?ν τ?ν ?κατ?ν τα?τα? α?ρε?σθαι τ?ν μεγ?στην ?ρχ?ν. ?τι δ? τα?τα? πλε?ονα ?ρχε

υσαν, διαμ?νειν ?ν τ? τ?ξει τ?? πολιτε?α?, κα? μ?τε στ?σι

μ?, κα? το?των ? δ?μο?. ? δ? ?ν ε?σφ?ρωσιν ο?τοι ο? διακο?σαι μ?νον ?ποδιδ?ασι τ? δ?μ? τ? δ?ξαντα το?? ?ρχουσιν, ?λλ? κ?ριοι

the Molock of the Canaanites, from whom they were lineally descende

de Superst

Sicul. lib

Id.

rches. The only difference in the punishment is, that the ancient vesta

not only put all the men to the sword, but even quartered the dogs, and h

μ?νου? το?? ?νθρ?που? πεφονευμ?νου?, ?λλ? το?? κ?να? δεδιχοτομ?νο

e Bell. Jugurt

des Romains

sese dedere. Vide Polyb.

d. p. 1

. de Bell.

ur des Rom

rontery of the Romans, and bid them go and seek for allies amongst those nations who had never heard of the destruction of Saguntum, which, as they assured them, would

lib. 3. p.

and forty-seven Roman prisoners remained to be ransomed.-But as the senate hesitated greatly at passing a decree for the payment of the stipulated sum, because the dictator had not consulted them upon the occasion; he sold those very lands which Hannibal had left untouched, and discharged the debt due from the publick out of his own private fortune.-Whether these were the only reasons or not; yet, they had evidently such an effect upon the Romans, that Fabius seems to have been at that time the object of their resentment, which they never failed to give proofs of upon every occasion.-Thus when Fabius opened the campaign, his cautious conduct was so disagreeable to the officers as well as soldiers, who listened wholly to the idle boasts of Minucius; that if the choice of their commander had depended upon the voices of the military men, Minucius, as Livy affirms, would undoubtedly have been preferred to Fabius. The same historian tells us; that when Fabius returned to Rome to preside as dictator at their religious ceremonies the tribunes of the people inveighed so bitterly against him in their publick harangues, that he refrained from coming to their assemblies.-Even what he spoke in the senate met with a very indifferent reception, especially when he extolled the conduct and abilities of Hannibal, and enumerated the repeated d

and, according to Dion

b. lib.

lib. 22

b. lib.

onary power of acting, can strictly or properly come under their cognizance, or be ever liable to their censure, unless he is proved guilty of a direct breach of any one of those articles. But as a commander in chief may easily avoid an offence of that nature, and yet, upon the whole of his conduct in any expedition, be highly culpable; a court-martial, thus circumscribe

at a select standing committee be appointed, to be composed of an equal number of members of both houses, chosen annually by balloting, with a full power of inquiring into the conduct of all co

ence of party. If they are chosen annually, and refer the case to the decision of the crown, which is the fountain of justice as well as mercy, they will neither en

Sicul. lib

Hist. lib

ibid.

b. lib.

α θηρι?δη?. P

?νακ?κλωσι?.

on, de Rep

des loix, v

king of