South America and the War

rvey of the Monroe Doctrine would here be out of place: but the main points bearing on the present situation may be indicated. The injunction imposed in 1823 by President M

tended, into Protectorate. Thus, the development of the Monroe Doctrine has followed two parallel lines of policy, protection against Europe and national self-assertion. This latter more positive aspect has impressed itself upon the public mind. The advances in the Caribbean region, which have been mentioned in the first chapter, were undertaken not in order to satisfy any doctrine or theory, but to satisfy the irresistible needs of a vigorous grow

t straining after a fictitious inter-American sentiment-an attitude which "is often a cause for resentment, the more felt because seldom expressed by the courteous Latin[5]." An article in the Pan-American Bulletin for December 1917 deserves particular attention. It cleaves through the difficulty by declaring, on the authority of Mr Root, that the Monroe Doctrine today means no more than what President Monroe meant a century ago: "The Monroe Doctrine is an assertion of the right of self-defence, that and nothing more. France and Britain are in the field to protect their Monroe Doctrine, the sovereignty and independence of Belgium ... there is nothing here ... in any way derogatory to

weakness of Monroism, since, in the event of a German victory, nothing but superior force could prevent German invasion and occupation in Canada or in any trans-Atlantic country which might be at war with Germany. The arming of the United States has in some degree answered this objection, which is perhaps as contingent and theoretical as the doctrine itself. But the war has certa

s, and similarly suggests some ethnological bond of kinship. Obviously Pan-Americanism must mean something quite different, for the American differs from his nearest southern neighbour, the Mexican, more widely than the Norwegian differs from the Greek. Moreover, "Pan-American" is a term of recent origin and still somewhat fluid in its application. It has so

Congress at Buenos Aires, most of the delegates from the north found that the easiest route from the chief city of North America to the chief city of South America lay through Europe. And an eminent American economist[6] has lately uttered a warning against geographical misapprehensions, e

r exact definition. We are rather concerned with aspirations, tendencies and formative ideas. Indeed, it might fairly be argued that these limitations, which are fully realised and avowed in North America, are n

to or Halifax than in Rio or Buenos Aires; and there is a closer political similarity as well as a closer political bond between Washington and Ottawa than between Washington and Caracas. But, after all, most political combinations are largely artificial: they are products of statesmanship rather than of nature, or at all events they are products of nature assisted by statesmanship. And Pan-Americanism need not be less real or less val

years ago: yet in 1910 Se?or Echeverria, Chilian consul in London, in a public lecture declared himself a decided believer in the benefits of Pan-Americanism, and as disposed to accept the sincerity of North American pacific and non-aggressive professions: and in the same year Se?or Pérez Triana, the Colombian diplomatist, expressed a restrained but decided optimism concerning the benefits to be derived from the Pan-American Cong

supported by mutual respect and methods of give and take. The tendencies of the age favour large combinations, overstepping the bounds of nationality and sometimes cutting across the lines of kindr

tic offshoots from European monarchies; they have all thrown off political dependence upon Europe; they have all adopted republican forms of government; and, to whatever extent some of them may avoid democratic or even republican methods, they have all rejected the hereditary principle in gov

emed to imply any kind of protectorate. A certain arrogance in the public pretensions of the United States has been felt to be an offence and a menace; and this feeling has been intensified by the bearing of individual Americans. Yet a representative Chilian, Se?or Vildósola, writing since the outbreak of the war, says, "The United States was not popular in Chile; her political attitude was rude and overbearing (une politique brutale); but in the past ten years this is changed. The Big Stick is relegated to the cellars of the White House. A ce

, "The Americans admit our coffee free, and we grant this abatement in return. They tax imports of things that they produce, and admit free the things they cannot produce. You English are different. You tax our coffee: you tax things you

ns diminished, the proposals were shelved, and the A.B.C. resolved itself into its component alphabet. There was another not less interesting reason for this dissolution: the proposed combination of the stronger South American states was not welcomed by the oth

w in their lot with her by declaring war against Germany-a decision which seems to be an act of gra

te in defence of its rights, shall be treated as a belligerent by Uruguay." There is something a little whimsical in this previous sweeping aside of all contingencies, and one may imagine circumstances where the interpretation of this decree might puzzle the legal

worth mentioning here. The suggestion sounds like a product of the tr

d. Those Latin-American states which are dependent on her joined her as belligerents. The action of Brazil, though taken independently and inspired more by French than by North American sympathies, followed North American action and cannot be wholly dissociated from it. Most of the Latin-American states, by their attitude towards the war, have as it were mounted guard behind the Allies. But the United States stands embattled in front of her southern neighb

o keep apart from European politics, this complication or hindrance was latent and remote. But the period of aloofness is closed, and the American republics are taking their place among the nations of the world. Some kind of permanent entente, some standing arrangement for exchanging views

reality, differing indeed from the picture traced by some North American prophets, but resting upon more solid bases. We have touched upon business relations and the machinery for carrying them on. As to political relations, the growing strength of the greater South American republics counts for much. They feel themselves to be in a position to say, "We do not want your protection; but we value your equal friendship; for we are Americans as well as you. And we are willing to group ourselves together for the preservation and protection of that America which is ours." An equal understanding be

, Pan-Americanism cannot aim at precise symmetry or theoretical consistency. It must be an elastic system, and must be prepared to meet and overcome difficulties. That is the purpose of its existence. But in general the first condition of a Pan-American combination would seem to be the abandonment of any pretensions

ope than ever before. The question now arises:-In the closer grouping of American states now in process of formation, is Great Britain to stand aloof, a sympathetic but silent and inactive spectator? That this question has actually been raised in the United States, is shown by the following quotation from The Times History of the War (chapter 222, page 9): "As the Philadelphia Ledger put it 'it seemed an absurdity to talk of Pan-Americ

n Paris, a conception, which seemed feasible a century ago to a great imaginative mind, may perhaps not seem so very remote to a practical mind today. For the present epoch has brought home to all Americans of both continents a fact which has long been known to Canadians and Englishmen, namely that the ocean is no estranging gulf between nations. Today it is kn

o combine with the Latin-American states, in order to wield with full effect that economic weapon which is to decide the world conflict. A combination formed for an immediate purpose may well have further and larger results. It is an interesting speculation whether, in some not very remote future, the daughter nations of the Iberian Peninsula may not be drawn into a wide circle of understanding with Britain and her daughter nations. Thus, that grouping of the Latin and the Anglo-Saxon peoples, which has been formed under stress of war, might continue its beneficent working through generations of

ERICAN R

F INDEP

re successively liberated from the Spaniards in 1819-22; and these three countries were united for a few years under the name of Colombia: but in 1829-30 this union broke up into the three Republics of Venezuela, Ecuador and New Granada (now known as Colombia). In 1824 the battle of Ayacucho gave independence to Peru; and the province of Upper Peru was formed into the Republic of Bolivia. The Brazilian monarchy became independent in 1821, and was converted into a Republic in 1889. Mexico became independent in 1821, and adopted Republican forms in 1823. The five provinces to the south-east of Mexico united in 1824 to form a Federal

Buenos Aires and Mexico; and in January 1825 Great Britain recognised the independence of Buenos Aires, Colombia and Mexico. This formal recognition was preceded by amicable int

(August 1918) A

th Germany: Brazil, Cuba, Panamá, Guatema

ed her edict of neutrality, offered the use of her ports to the w

y, offered the use of her ports to the Al

fine. Since May 1916, the administration of that Republic has been practically controlled by the United States; and this intimat

Argentina and Paraguay maintain their neutrali

GE: PRI

PEACE,

UNIVERS

TNO

hed a quasi-French system of intendentes

o point out that a sufficient interpretation of these events is to be found in the natural expansion of a vigorous growing people. In the process of "winning the wilderness and conquering the continent" the United States found that a considerable part of the field was in nominal possession of those who were doing little to use or civilise it. These claims, which o

and Panamá owe their separate existence, together with an unexampled prosperity and internal tranquillity, to the United States. In Nicaragua and Santo Domingo the great material benefits of interposition seem to outweigh sentimental objections. The financial oblig

ited States Bureau of Commerce, in the Annals of th

he Pan-American U

United States Government, writing in the Annals of

riber'

sistently (for example, dispatch and despatch); otherwis

ia~ appears as Greek script in original

ay" retained, as quoted

retained, as quoted fr