The Great Conspiracy, Complete

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re elected to the Legislature, when added to those of his friends in the Illinois Senate, who had been elected two years before, and "held over," to give him, in all, 54 members of both branches of the Legislature on joint ballot, against 46 for Mr. Lincoln. Linc

houts of an enthusiastic populace, his political journey through Illinois had been more like a Royal Progress than anything the Country had yet seen; and now that his reelection was accomplished, they proposed to make the most of it-to extend, as it were, the sphere of his triumph, or vindica

the chief cities of the Mississippi and the Atlantic sea-board. Hailed as victor in the great political contest in Illinois-upon the extended newspaper reports of which, the absorbed eyes of the entire nation, for months, had greedily fed-Douglas was received with much ostenta

cess. His name fills the Nation, and is not unknown even in foreign lands. I affect no contempt for the high eminence he has reached. So reached, that the oppressed of my species might have shared with me in the elevation, I wou

ich the Pro-Slavery Oligarchists of the South-and especially those of South Carolina-were intent upon increasing, until so grave and serious a crisis should

ritory of the United States could do as they pleased as to the institution of Slavery within their own limits, and if they desired the institution, they had the right by local legislation to "protect and encourage

its alleged indorsement by the leading Republicans of the North, exasperated the fiery Southrons to an intense degree. Nor was the capture, in October, 1859, of Harper's Ferry, Virginia, by John Brown and his handful of Northern Abolitionist followers, and his subsequent execution in Virginia, calculated to allay the rapidly intensifying feeling between

was it able, upon a forty-fourth ballot, to organize by the election of a Speaker, and that from the day of its meeting on th

unfriendly character, possesses power to annul or impair the Constitutional right of any citizen of the United States to take his Slave-property into the common Territories, and there hold and enjoy the same while the Territorial condition remains," and, on the other, purposely and deliberately slapped in the face the Republicans of the North, by declaring-among other things "That in the adoption of the Federal Constitution, the States adopting the same, acted severally as Free and Independent sovereignties, delegating a portion of their powers to be exercised by the Federal Go

t attacks thereon with a view to its overthrow," made either by the Non-Slave-holding States or their citizens, viola

Power in an attitude of injured innocence. In short, the time of both Houses of Congress was almost entirely consumed during the Session of 1859-60 in the heated, and sometimes even furious, discussion of the Slavery question; and everywhere, North and Sou

rmanent organization of the Convention before the Committee on Resolutions reported to the main body, and not until the 30th of Ap

ssional or Territorial Legislation;" that "it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else its Constitutional authority extends;" that "when the settlers in a Territory, having an adequate population, form a State Constitution, the right of Sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people

as to the nature and extent of the powers of a Territorial Legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the instit

t the platform should consist simply of a re-affirma

ost, by 105 yeas to 198 nays. The Minority pla

nal Convention refused to adopt radical Territorial Pro-Slavery resolutions, at once presented a written protest and withdrew from the Convention, and were followed, in rapid succession, by; the delegates from Mississippi, Louisiana (all but two), South Carolina, Fl

ng the two-thirds rule. Thirty-seven ballots having been cast, that for Stephen A. Douglas being, on the

ch that delegate had said: "I would ask my friends of the South to come up in a proper spirit; ask our Northern friends to give us all our rights, and take off the ruthless restrictions which cut off the supply of Slaves from foreign lands. * * * I tell you, fellow Democrats, that the African Slave Trader is the true Union man (cheers and laughter). I tell you that the Slave Trading of Virginia is more immoral, more unchristian in every possible point of view, than that African Slave Trade which goes to Africa and brings a heathen and worthless man here, makes him a useful man, Christianizes him, and sends him and his posterity down the stream of Time, to enjoy the blessings of civilization. (Cheers and laughter.) * * * I come from the first Congres

at the end of the second ballot, Mr. Douglas having received "two-thirds of all votes given in the Convention" (

ial Governments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Territorial Legislatures over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same has been,

on the 28th of that month-twenty-one States being, in whole or in part, represented. This Convention unanimously readopted the Southern-wing platform it had pre

days, May 16-18, had nominated Abraham Lincoln of Illinois and Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, for President and Vice-President respectively; and that of the "Consti

h entire unanimity by their Convention, was, so far as the Slavery an

ity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican Party; and that the causes which called it into existe

or with certain inalienable rights; that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the co

on, come from whatever source they may: And we congratulate the Country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or countenanced the threats of Disunion, so often made by Democratic members, without rebuke, and with applause, from their political associates; and we d

tutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric

he infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting people of Kansas; in construing the personal relation between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons; in its attempted enforcement, everywhere,

* *

ates, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous expositi

No person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Consti

y perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity and a burning shame to our Country and Age; and we cal

ting Slavery in those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of Non-Intervention a

y admitted as a State, under the Constitution recentl

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stitutional Union" Party, was ado

have had the effect to mislead and deceive the People, and at the same time to widen the political divis

in, protect, and defend, separately and unitedly, these great principles of public liberty and national safety, against all enemies, at home and abroad; believing that thereby peace may once more be restored to the Country, the rights of the people and of the States re-established, and the Government again placed in that condition of justice, fr

Parties with their platforms and candidates were

earers representing the platform-princi

excluded from the Territories, which are all normally Free and must be kept Free by Congressional legislation, if necessary; and tha

rom the Slave-States into the Territories, neither Congressional nor Territorial legislation can destroy or impair, but wh

rritories have the sole right to determine whether it shall or shall not exist within their respective limits, subject to the Constituti

all, except "the Constitution of the Country, the Union of the States, and the Enforcement of the Laws"-

emocratic wing-seemed an almost hopeless fight. In the South, the Democracy was almost a unit in opposition to Douglas, holding, as they did, that "Douglas Free-Soilism" was "far more dangerous to the South than the election of Lincoln; because it seeks to create a Free-Soil Party there; while, if Lincoln triumphs, the result cannot fail to be a South united in

tagonist, claimed that-as the burden of the song from the lips of Douglas men, Bell men, and Breckinridge men alike, was the expression of a "fear that," in the language of Mr. Seward, "if the people elected Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency, they would wake up

call of Governor Gist, and, having organized, received a Message from the Governor, in which, after stating that he had convened that Body in order that they might on the morrow "appoint the number of electors of President and Vice-President to which this State is entitled," he proceeded to suggest "that the Legislature remain in session, and take such action as will prepare the State for any emergency that may arise." He went on to "earnestly recommend that, in the event of Abraham Lincoln's election to the Presidency, a Convention of the people of this State be immediately called, to consider and determine for themselves the mode and measure of redress," and, he continued: "I am c

l Government undertaking to enforce the provisions of that Act: "The people of this State will thenceforth hold themselves absolved from all further obligation to maintain or preserve their political

of the aforesaid Convention "representing the Sovereignty of the State, and amenable to no earthly tribunal," should be, by him, "carried out to the letter." He recommended the thorough reorganization of the Militia; the arming of every man in the Stat

th submit to a Black Republican President, and a Black Republican Congress, which will claim the right to construe the Constitution of the Country, and administer the Government in their own hands, not by the law of the instrument itself, nor by that of the

to himself, he would "unfurl the Palmetto flag, fling it to the breeze, and, with the spirit of a brave man, live

as we receive authentic intelligence of the election of Lincoln. It is for South Carolina, in the quickest manner, and by the most direct means, to withdraw from the Union. Then we will not submit, whether the other Sout