The Life of Cesare Borgia

inal-Deacon of Santa Maria Nuova-notwithstanding which, however, he continues to be known in p

nd Archbishop of Valencia, he had received so far only his first tonsure. He n

acy of that young man's birth, and that to this end he procured false witnesses to swear that he was "the son of Vannozza de' Catanei and her husband, Domenico d'Arignano." Already has this been touched upon in an earlier chapter, here it was sho

October 1, 1480-to which also allusion has been made-dispensing Cesare from pro

esare was openly named Borgia, that he was openly acknowledged by his father, and

sed of unseemly and illicit conduct, which it may not be amiss to mention at this stage, since, i

ought Perugino, Pinturicchio, Volterrano, and Peruzzi to Rome. Concerning Pinturicchio and Alexander, Vasari tells us, in his Vita degli Artefici, that over the door of one of the rooms in the Bor

y to refute. True, Pinturicchio did paint Giulia Farnese as the Madonna; true also that he did paint Alexander kneeling in adoration-but not to the Madonna, not in the same picture at all. The

ed us by the scandalous spectacle of a Pope so debauched and lewd that he kneels in

visit to Orvieto, a journey which appears to have been partly undertak

lue as a stronghold, to be used as an outpost of Rome or as a refuge in time of danger, and he proceeded to repair and fortify it. In the following summer Cesare was invested with

Naples to marry Donna Sancia, as had been contracted. Ferrante feared the intrigues of Milan with Alexander, and that the latter might be induced, after all, to join the northern league. In a frenzy of apprehens

tten by an apoplexy, and upon January 25, 1494, he departed this life without the consolation of bei

March he assumed the title of King of Sicily, and sent formal intimation of it to Alexander, demanding his investiture at the hands of the Pope and offering to pay him a heavy annual tribute. Alexander was thus given to choose between the wrath of France and the wrath of Naples, and-to put the basest construction on his motives-he saw that

pported in his act of insubordination by the Vice-Chancellor Ascanio Sforza (who represented his brother Lodovico in the matter) and the Cardinals Sanseverino, Colonna, and Savelli, all attac

ess took the threat, and dismissed the insolent ambassador. Della Rovere, conceiving that in France he had a stouter ally than in Naples, and seeing that he had once more incurred the papal anger by his open enmity, fled back to Ostia; and, not feeling safe there, for the pontifical forces w

orgia, to Naples to crown Alfonso, and with him went Giuffredo Borgia to carry out the marria

apolitan generals who were sent to hold him in check that the appearance of the French under the very walls of Rome was almost such as to take the Pope by surprise. Charles's advance fr

and other causes was now reduced to the sorriest condition. Indeed, on October 22, some days after that visit, the wretched prince expired. Whether or not Lodovico had him poison

ike the good Christian that he accounted himself, he ordered the most solemn

only did he suborn the Parliament of Milan to that end, but he induced the Emperor to confirm him in the title. To this the Emperor consented, seeking to mask the unscrupulous deed by a pitiful sophism. He expounded that the thron

gh this confined itself to claiming the kingdom of Naples, and said no word of punishing the Pope for his diso

ors of France, and on December 9 refused to grant the letters patent of passage through the Pontifical States which the French dema

o France were such as a wise and inadequately supported man must make to an army ninety thousand strong. To be recklessly and quixotically heroic is not within the function of Popes; moreover, Alexander ha

the passage through his territory which Charles was perfectly able to take for himself if refused. There ensued an interchange of compliments between Pope and King, and ear

ry, without armour save the officers, who wore steel corselets and head-pieces. These, again, were followed by five thousand Gascon arbalisters, each shouldering his arbalest-a phalanx of short, rude fellows, not to be compared with the stately Swiss. Next came the cavalry, advancing in squadrons, glittering and resplendent in their steel casings; 2,500 of these were in full heavy armour, wielding iron maces and the ponderous lances that were usual also in Italy. Every man-at-arms had with him three horses, mounted by a squire and t

le. He was short of stature, spindle-shanked, rachitic and malformed, and of his face, with its c

of kindled bonfires-for night had fallen long before the rearguard had entered the city-they looked vague, fantastic, and terrifying. But the most awe-inspiring sight of all was kept for the end; it consisted of the thirty

sty. Charles immediately revealed the full and exigent nature of his demands. He required the Pope's aid and counsel in the conquest of Naples, upon which he was proceeding; that Cesare Borgia be delivered into his hands as a hostage to ensure the Pope's friendl

up to the Knights of Rhodes, whom he knew to be Bajazet's implacable enemies. They made him very welcome, for d'Aubusson, the Grand Master of Rhodes, realized that the possession of the prince's person was a very fortunate circumstance for Christianity, since by means of such a hostage the Turk could be kept in submission. Accordingly d'Au

ance. Thus, the King of Hungary had demanded him because, being a neighbour of Bajazet's, he was constantly in apprehension of Turkish raids. Ferdinand of Spain had desired him beca

, whose prisoner he really considered himself. They had discovered that Bajazet was offering enormous br

housand ducats for his brother's safe custody. He was a willing prisoner, or rather a willing exile, for, far from being kept a prisoner, he was treated at Rome w

for aid to Bajazet. For so doing he has been severely censured, and with some justice, for the picture of the Head of Christianity making appeal to the infidel to assist him

oved from the tribulations of this world, and his soul transported to another, where he might enjoy a greater peace." For this service he offered the Pope 300,000 ducats, to be paid on de

anded it to his brother, the Cardinal Giuliano. The cardinal, in his turn, laid it before the King o

s refusal, and so, being again between the sword and the wall, the Pope was compelled to submit. A treaty was drawn up

in Consistory, kissing his ring and his foot, and professing obedience t

the Pope, and they parted with every outward mark of a mutual esteem which they most certainly cannot have experienced. When Charles knelt for the Pope'

h him his hostages, neither of which he was destined to retain

ca. Ferdinand and Isabella were moved at last to befriend their cousins of Naples, whom all else had now abandoned, and at the same time serve the

f a mile out of the town, Francesco del Sacco, an officer of the Podestá of Velletri, awaited him with a horse, and on this he sped back to Rome, where he arrived on the night of the 30th. He went straight to the house of one Antoni

f his presence, but not attempting to approach the Vatican. O

representatives to Charles to assure him that Rome had had nothing to do with this breach of the treaty, and to implore him not to visit it upon the c

e threats of Spain, pushed on

as to withdraw to Sicily, retire from the world, and do penance for his sins, for which no doubt there was ample occasion

nspicuous, for the French entered Naples almost without str

stage he had brought from the Vatican. On February 25, after a week's illness, Pr

in the world, rather difficult to make that poisoning credible, until the bright notion was conceived, and made public, that the poison used was a "white powder" of unknown components,

poisoning of Prince Djem, which it was desired to fasten upon the Pope by hook or by crook, it was found altogether too valuable a

fallow for weeks in the human system, suddenly to become active and slay, or yet to kill by slow degrees involving some weeks in the process, so none was known in the Borgia

white powder-was said to be a secret of the Borgias. If that is so, by what Borgia was the secret of its existence ever divulged? Or, if

had administered it; yet here, on the first recorded occasion of its alleged use,

ander, to whom Bajazet had promised a large sum of money for the deed. The same is practically Giovio's statement, save that Giovi

riche dei Mon

noteworthy that in the four narratives we find different dates and three different places given as the date and place

-by any painstaking examiner. His poisoning, on the other hand, was admittedly a secret matter, the truth of which it was impossible to ascertain with utte

iters to the true facts which lay just as ready to their hands, but of course were less sensational-and we will

of it, not for a moment would he have been silent on the point. Yet not a word of this secret poison shall you find in his diaries, and concer

too friendly to the Pope-as, indeed, he proves again and aga

s Pont

at Djem took ill at Capua of a catarrh, which

ould be from us, and utterly irrefutable and conclusive in its logic. "This death is very harmful to the King of France, to all Italy, and chiefly to the Pope, who is thereby deprived of 40,000 ducats yearly, which was paid him b

the 40,000 ducats yearly, but of the hold whic

dentally, had never reached the Pope-was instantly taken as proof of its acceptance-a singular case of making cause follow upon effect, a method all too prevalent wit

as had caused the Knights of Rhodes to remove the Turk from French keeping. Upon that circumstance they might, had it sorted with their inclinations, have set up a stronger ca

tural death, as is established by the only authorities competent to speak upon the matter, and his death w