The Power Of The Popes

d;1 he charges his apostles not to confound the mission he gives them, with the power exercised by the princes of the earth.2 St. Peter and his colleagues

they, on the contrary, proclaimed its independence and the sacredness of its rights:4 obedience to sovereigns is one of the first prece

itself.6 They subjected to kings all the ministers of the altar, levites, pontiffs, evangelists, and even prophets.7 God alone was, immediately and wit

e than that of faith.10 These are the very expressions of the holy fathers, not only during th

times unconnected with the state. The popes, in these times of persecution and of ferment, most assuredly were far from aspiring to the governme

d, in all probability, says the President Henault, what has given rise to the supposition of Constantine's donation.11 This donation pres

t, in 755, Stephen II. had also an open to make use of it, as we shall shortly see; but as he neither mentions it, nor refers to it in any way, it follows that it was unknown to him as it had been to all his predecessors. It was therefore after the middle, and before the end of the eighth century, that it must

the see of St.

ry, all the author

more we give to

our palace of th

he finest palace

our mitre, our

estments: we tr

y. We bestow on

e city of Rome a

; also the weste

To cede preced

s of our authori

we withdraw fr

at of our empir

is not proper,

reserve the least

ished the head

eighth century to establish the temporal power of the popes. They also furnish a standard of the public ignorance during the succeeding centuries, in which this strange concession, revered by the people, and even by thei

writers of the sixteenth, even those of Italy, treated it with the contempt it deserved. Ariosto energetically expresses

ly: and when on the death of Theodoras two empires arose out of one, Rome, the metropolis of the west, continued to be governed still by an emperor. Then, as all historians attest, the popes assumed apostolic functions alone; they were not reckoned in the number of the civil magistrates; although their elec

s, invaded and laid waste Italy. Rome was governed by Odoacre down to 493, by Theodoric to 526, and, duri

of Narses over Theia restored to the Greek emperors an immediate sovereignty over the Roman territory and the neighbouring countries. Thus terminated seventy-seven years of wars and revolutions, during which the popes neither obtained n

in, made themselves masters of the northern parts of Italy, and there founded a kingdom, which lasted about two hundred years. The other

shop of Rome: this is a fact of which the proof exists in an ancient collection of the formulas of the Romish Church18 Once only, at the election of Pelagius II. in 577, they dispensed with the consent of the emperor, because the Lombards bes

deprived of his dignity, and condemned, like Judas, to the pit of hell, unless he do penance, and become reconciled with the monks.-See Maimbourg. Historical Treatise on the Church of Rome, chap. 99, the emperor thus commences: "Martin, bishop, to "the emperor our most serene lord," and ends with these words: "May the grace from above preserve "the very pious e

o II. towards the year 683, writing to Constantine Pogonat, calls him his king and lord.22 In 686 and 687, the elections of the popes Conon and Sergius were confirmed, the one by the Exarc

e Second, hastened to obey this superior order.24 We shall only ci

venna having be

the wicked nation

nt master, the E

d, retired to V

o unite with him

of Ravenna to th

d that we may, b

n inviolably att

e, our augu

gst the first, who sought to extend, beyond the bounds of the apostolat, the pontifical authority. His letter at

ment certainly, but the first symptoms of the temporal power of the Roman prelates. The various causes which could tend t

governments and such vacillating legislation.- Let us add to these circumstances the frequency and the solemnity of the councils, the general interest which their decisions excited, and the almost inevitable collision of their discussions with the quiet or disordered state of political affairs. We may observe, in particular, that at the commencement of the eighth century, there did not exist any great empire save the Eastern; and, nevertheless, that the power of the Greek Emperors-limited in Asia by that of the Caliphs, weakened in the very heart of Constantinople by internal revolutions, represented at Ravenna by unfaithful or injudicious Exarchs-with difficulty was upheld in Italy against the arms of the Lombards, and occasionally required to be defended by the influence of the Roman Pontiffs. In the mean while, the thrones which had been newly erected here and there by some barbarous conquerors,

the popes, the preposterous taste of the Greek Emperors for dogmatical

o be paid by the people of Italy. Pope Gregory the Second, become the defender of their temporal and spiritual interests, and their faith, addressed respectful but energetic letters to the emperor, to induce him to maintain in the churches an ancient and salutary practice. Leo replied only by menaces calculated to strengthen in the hearts of the Italians their love and veneration for the pontiff. What does Gregory do? he appears inattentive to his personal danger, but implores for the people and their prince the divine mercy he thunders no anathemas, but recommends good works, and sets himself the example of them; he desires especially that each may remain faithful to the head of the empire, whatever may the deviations of Leo, and perseveres in ap

es to make himself master of Ravenna and many other places: in this conjuncture it was that Gregory wrote to the Duke of Venice the letter which we have already transcribed. Gregory did more, he negociated with Liutprand, he soothed him: but the King of the Lombards in abandoning the cities he had conquered and pillaged, was not disposed to restore them to the officers of the emperor; he made them a present to the Roman Church, which abstained alike from an acceptance or refusal of them. Disconcerted by so much wisdom, Leo, the Isaurian, saw himself limited i

by shipwreck; the Pope laboured to create in the bosom of Rome an independent state, or, at least, one destined to become so. Some authors think they perceive, from the year 736, in the pontificate of Gregory the Second, a semblance of a Roman republic; and we may assure ourselves, at least, that in 730, a short.time previous to the death of this pope, and apparently without his concurrence, the Romans formally erected themselves into a republic. But it was especiall

authors who deny the existence of this republic.- Without doubt, it was but a shadow of a republic; but they loved to present themselves under this title to the sovereigns of the west of Europe:36 it was a mode of ranking themselves secretly in the number of independent states, and of weakening still more the tie

Gregory II.an important mistake, which Bossuet

in vain, the protection of the Exarch and the power of the Emperor. The Byzantine historians of this period scarcely ever speak of Italy: one of them, Theophylactus Simosatta, wrote the history of the empire from the year 582 to 802, without once naming Italy, Rome, or the Lombards. Deserted by their master, the Romans of necessity attached themselves to their pontiffs, who were generally Romans, and meriting such attachment. Fathers and defe

the Romans for a peace of twenty years. Under the same pope, Pepin dethroned in France the Merovingian dynasty, submitted to the Holy See a famous case of conscience, and obtained from it a reply, which, absolving in the eyes of the people his audacious enterprise, placed in his hands a sceptre which he alone could wield. A short time after this wise reply,37 Astolphus, th

antine. But Constantine, occupied in making war against images,39 directs Stephen to negociate with Astolphus, and, if Astolphus was intractable, with Pepin king of the French. The pontiff proceeds into France; there, as minister of the Greek emperor, he gives, in 753, to Pepin and to his sons, the title of R

St. Peter-to the Roman Church and Roman Republic. Vain promise! no sooner is King Pepin returned into France, than the Lombard king forgets his oaths, lays waste the environs of Rome, and labours to become master of the city. It was at this time, in 755

o the apostolat

living God, &c..

of which Stephe

e stone........I

harles, and Carlo

he bishops, abb

the dukes, coun

and with me the

yrs, and all the

fer that my city

longer left a

you obey me qui

ve an abundant r

ome your enemies

eat the fat of

receive eternal

hat by the auth

y apostolat, you

kingdom

They add, that the original title of Pepin's grant exists no where in the world-that no authentic copy of it can be produced -and that its directions, omitted by contemporary historians, are only known to us through Anastasius, who compiled his History of the Popes at the end of the ninth century, one hundred and thirty years

the infidelity of the Lombard kings, who ravaged, or again seized on, the possessions of the church. Besides, Constantine Copronymus never renounced his rights: he offered to pay the expenses attending'the victories of the French army over the Lombards, provided the places recovered from them were restored to him. Pepin, though very little disposed to comply with these requisitions, evaded characterizing the power which he exercised over the Roman republic by the title of patrician; leaving it undecided, whether he considered himself as actual sovereign, or as but provisionally invested with the functions of the impeiial authority. What is very remarkable is, that in fixing the limits of the states of this monarch, no French historian extends them beyond the Alps.42 As to the pop

ding to the instructions of Pepin, by the Archbishops of Ravenna, wh

of Pepin.-This act, however, is no better authenticated to us than those of 753 and 754. There is no original document, no au

no right of sovereignty, not even that of conquest. Sicily and Sardinia were never in his possession: Venice, struggling more and more for independence, yet recognised in form the sovereign rights of the Greek emperors. A duke governed Beneventum, which had been ceded to the Holy See only in 1047 by Henry the Black. This cession of 1047, does not embrace the whol

rician of the Romans. The sovereignty or supreme authority remained in his hands; he exercised it either by himself or by his delegates, received the homage of the pontiffs, invested himself with the right of confirming their elections, and subjected their possessions and their persons in such sort to his authority, that we cann

rs with the temporal power. The donation of Constantine is mentioned in one of these epistles,50 as we have already observed; the name of the new Constantine is there promised to Charles, if he fulfils his engagements. But in 789, the pope complains of the delightful expectation held out to him, being still unfulfilled; he again brings forward the donation of Pepin as an act remaining without effect. It appears, however, that Ad

t to be supposed that he considered himself only as their representative. It is even conjectured, that in 781, he had received from Irene the letter which created him, in express terms, Patrician of the Romans. When Paul Diacre says, that Charles added Rome to his States from the year 774; it is according to Duquet an hyperbolical expression53

me, previous to the year 800, it is necessary to form an idea of

y the clergy, the nobles, and the people of this city, almost always at the will of the popes, but never at their sole discretion. The Greek emperors ratified either expressly or tacitly the election of the patrician; preferring that it might be supposed he governed in their name, rather than it sh

prince was accustomed to receive from his vassals.54 However, there remains to us a monument of the supremacy still preserved by

n are named Charles and Leo. The Emperor receives a standard from the hands of Jesus Christ; Charlemagne receives another of them from St. Peter's left hand, who, with his

refers to commissioners the investigation and decision of the whole affair.56 This f

been raised to this supreme dignity, not by the pope alone, but by a

vernor or first magistrate of Rome and of its territory. Charlemagne, in order to deceive the court of Constantinople, had pretended to fill only a passive part in his own coronation:-it was without his knowledge that they decreed him the imperial crown -it was against his consent

of friendship and alliance with him, which fixed the limits of the two empires, without, however, a formal recognition of the Emperors of th

succour from the emperors of the east. There were wanting none of the circumstances necessary, as is said in the present day, to justify the deposition of kings. These emperors were heretics, obstinate in error, cruel in their persecutions, and besides, were forger

empire: so true it is, that they had not then the least idea of that power, in which, at the present day, all the hopes of the church are made to consist, and which is regarded as the firmest bulwark of the pontifical authority. Def. Cler. Grail, p. 26. 6 ch. 20

See avails itself, there is one which bears the name of this first Louis, and the date of 816 or 817:66 it is pretended, that in confirming the concessions of Charlemagne and of Pepin, Louis h

he pope did not even dream of governing it; and it is so incredible that it should have been ceded to the pope in 816, by the emperor, that Father Morin,68 in supporting the authenticity of the donation of Louis I. is obliged to suppose

orged the decretals of the ancient popes, Anaclet, Clement, Evaristus, and others, down to St. Sylvester. In the sixth century, Dionysius-le-Petit was unable to collect any decretals, but those subsequent to St. Siricius, who died at the end of the fourth. Those of

of these lette

gery: they speak

archs, as if the

the birth of

ng of any council

he permission o

usual thing, the

power, and to invest them with political authority: their fatal effects have b

l later, the pope and the Romans have always acknowledged, as their sovereigns, the emperors of the East or the

ressing supreme authority, independent and undelegated, we may maintain with certain authors, that he did not begin to be such until 1355, whe

ween the priesthood and the empire, had no other object, than to emancipate and extend their power. It was necessary in the first place, to render it independent; and from the time it was or asserted itself so to be, to amplify its prerogatives, its rights, its limits, finally to transform itself into a univ