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What Gunpowder Plot Was

Chapter 7 THE GOVERNMENT AND THE PRIESTS

Word Count: 28965 | Released on: 06/12/2017

ligion. It is therefore no matter for surprise that we find, about April 1604,[259] an informer, named Henry Wright, telling Cecil that another informer named Davies

less to investigate further. It is to no purpose that Father Gerard produces an application to James in which it is stated that Wright had furnished information to Popham and Challoner who 'had a hand in the discovery of the practices of the Jesuits in the powder plot, and did reveal the same from time to time to your Majesty, for two years' space almost before the said treason burst forth.'[260] That Wright, being in want of money, made the most of his little services in spying upon Jesuits is likely enough; but if he had come upon Gunpowder Plot two years before the Monteagle letter, that is to say,

their reckless words and report them to the Government, probably with some additions of their own?[261] When Father Gerard says that a vague statement by an informer, made as early as April 1604, refers to the Gunpowder Plot, because Coke said two years later that it did,[262] he merely shows that he has little acquaintance with the peculiar intellect of that idol of the la

acy, because to convert an Englishman to the Roman Catholic faith, or to confirm him in it, was to pervert him from his due allegiance to the Crown. Regarded from this point of view, the words addressed by Salisbury to Edmondes on October 17, 1605, 'more than a week,' as Father Gerard says, 'bef

ceit concerning the insolencies of the priests and Jesuits, whose mouths we cannot stop better than by contemning their vain and malicious discourses, only the evil whi

on. To me it appears to be merely ominous of an intention to refuse passp

general were so anxious to bring home the plot, after its discovery,

at is under discussion. That they both had detailed knowledge of the plot is beyond doubt, as it stands on Garnet's own admission that he had been informed of it by Greenway, and that Greenway had heard it in confession from Catesby.[266] A great deal of ink has been spilled on the question whether Garnet ought to have revealed matters involving destruction of life which had come to his knowledge in co

.[267] The practice of omitting inconvenient evidence was unfortunately common enough in those days, and all that can be said for Coke on this particular occasion is, that the examination contained many obvious falsehoods, and Coke may have thought that he was keeping back only one falsehood more. Coke, however, at Garnet's trial did not content himself with omitting the important passage, but added the statement that 'Gerard the Jesuit, being well acquainted with all designs and purposes, did give them the oath of secrecy and a mass, and they received the sacrament to

hat Greenway had expressed approval of it, was either not genuine, or, at least, had been tampered with by the Government. As Father Gerard again italicises,[269] not

nt to Robert Catesby, the 4th of Decemb

cure him a lodging near the Parliament House. Whereupon he went to seek some such lodging and dealt with

one Powell (where Catesby had taken a lodging) and in the presence of Thomas Winter, asked him what he thought what business they were about, and this examinant answered that he thought they went about some dangerous business

hich being taken by him, they told him that it was true that they meant to do so

he counsel of Greenway, telling the said Greenway (which he was not desirous to hear) their particular intent and purpose of blowing up the Parliament House, and Greenway the priest thereto said that he would take no notice thereof, but that he, the said examinant, should be secret in that which his master had imparted unto him, because t

··

mas

m, H. Nor

k, Sal

cester

of Tho. Bate 4 Dec. 1

wo questions which ought to

ent or falsify the docume

s that the document is genuine

at a copy in which the names of the Commissioners appear, even though not under their own hands, falls not far short of an original. If this copy, being a forgery, were read in court, as Father Gerard says it was,[273] some of the Commissioners w

ch he leads up to-one can hardly say he arrives at this or any o

lear that it could not have been produced while Bates was alive to contradict it

he confession, though not a conclusive one, because at the trial of that batch of the prisoners among whom Bates stood, the Government may have wished to reserve the evidence to be used against Greenway, whom it chiefly concerned

his Majesty's proclamation so speaks it.'[275] To this it may be answered that, in the first place, the manuscript does not profess to be a history of the plot. It contains the story of the arrest of Garnet and other persons, and is followed by the story of the taking of Robert Winter and Stephen Littleton. In the second place, there is strong reason to suppose, not only from the subjects chosen

of Salisbury's to a certain Favat, who had been employed by the King to write to him, we find the following stateme

enitent examination, the point I am persuaded (but I am no undertaker) shall be so well cleared, if he forebear

, but not yet satisfactory in its performance.'[277] Yes; but promise of what? The King, it may be presumed, had asked not merely to know what Greenway had done, but to

nspirators, because it followeth indeed in consequence that they could not be ignorant of their purposes,

they be put to,' I cannot see that anything short of the statement about Greenway ascribed to Bates would justify Salisbury's satisfaction with what he had learnt, though he qualifies his pleasure with the thought that there is m

concealed it when Father Greenway alias Tesmond did impart to him all particulars, and Catesby only the general. Thus do you see that Greenway is now by the su

befitted writing that was to come under the King's eye; but th

approving the plot was not produced even at Garnet's trial on March 28, 16

of Bates is cited, but precisely the significant passage of which we have spoken, as follows: 'Catesby afterwards discovered the pr

e to Greenway would prima facie afford a presumption that this particular matter had been confessed, thus furnishing a foundation whereon to build; an

tly,[280] but he has not observed that Coke, in his opening speech, i

ster's purpose; he hears his confession, absolves him, and encourageth him to go on

s in days prior to the invention of shorthand. The report-taker had followed the early part of Bates's examination fairly well. Then come the words quoted by Father Gerard at the very bottom of the page. May not the desire to get all that he had to say into that page have been too strong for the reporter, especially as, after what Coke had

man,' thereby meaning that Bates's testimony was now worthless, entirely omits to notice that the preceding

other ghostly father, to which effect Bates his confession was produced, which verified as much as Mr. Attorney said, and then Mr. Attorney ad

though he would not discredit him, yet he was bound to keep that

ry's letter to Favat, so far from contradicting the received story, goes a long way to confirm it, I proceed to ask why we are not to accept the report of A true and perfect relation, where Coke is represented as giving the substance of the confess

ore thereon desired the counsel of the Jesuit, and revealed unto him the whole intent and purpose of blowing up the Parliament House upon the first day of the assembly, at what time the King, the Queen, the Prince, the Lords spiritual and temporal, the judges, knights, citizens, burgesses should all have been there convented and met together. But the Jesuit being a confederate therein before, r

the confessions read was one from which 'it appeared that Bates was resolved from what he

he had not heard of the plot from Bates. In the second place, Father Gerard adduces a retractation by Bates of a statement that he thought Greenway 'knew of the business.' Now, whatever inference we choose to

aw Mr. Whalley," i.e. Garnet, "and Mr. Greenway at Coughton, and it is true. For I was sent thither with a letter, and Mr. Greenway rode with me to Mr. Winter's to my master, and from thence he rode to Mr. Abin

3,[286] in which these matters were spoken of, and it is to be noted that Bates d

at all-a solution which in the face of Salisbury's letter to Favat seems to be an impossible one-or else Bates knew that he had at that time made disclosures to which

and that Greenway told him that it was his master's secret, and he might be content to think that it was in a good cause?[287] As time went on Bates would easily read his own knowledge of the plot into the words he had used in confession, or may even have deliberately expanded his statement to please the examiners. Life was dear, and he may have hoped to gain pardon if he could throw the blame on a Jesuit. Besides, Greenway, as he probably knew, had not been arrested, and no harm would com

hey had heard of a plot to blow up the Pope and the College of Cardinals. They were men who had suffered much and were exposed at any moment to suffer more. They held that James had broken his promise without excuse. But they had their instructions from Rome to di

procure stirs; but yet they would not hinder any, neither was it the Pope's mind they should, that should be undertaken for the Catholic good. I did never utter thus much, nor would not

whole design was poured into his ears, was told under the sanction of the confessional, and that not only the rule of his Church, but other more worldly considerations, prohibited the disclosure of anything so heard, there was all the more

siege of a town in war. At first Garnet treated the question as of no other import. "I ... thought it at the first but as it were an idle question, till I saw him, when we had done

hem together enwrap not only innocents but friends and necessary persons for the Commonwealth, I thought I wo

he must not have so little regard of innocents that he spare not friends and necessary persons to a Commonwealth, and told him what charge we had of all quietne

Society, directing him, in the Pope's name, to hinder all conspir

country. But I being earnest with him, and inculcating the Pope's prohibition did add this quia expresse hoc Papa non vult et prohibet, he told me he was not bound to take knowledge by me of the Pope's will. I said indeed my own credit was but little, but our General, whose letter I had read to him, was a man everywh

ncerned here with Garnet's expostulations, and again it must be said that they

abhorred the plot, he was surely bound to take up Catesby's earlier self-revelations, and to strive to the uttermost to probe the matter to the bottom, in all legitimate ways. No doubt he had moments in which his conscience was sorely troubled, but they were followed by no decisive action, and it is useless to say that he expected to meet Catesby at 'All-hallowtide.' With all the J

well enough what strict prohibition we had had.' Greenway replied 'that in truth he had disclaimed it, and protested that he did not approve it, and that he would do what lay in him to dissuade it.' Yet up to the discovery of th

is own account, Garnet remained 'in great perplexity,' and prayed that God 'would dispose of all for the best, and find the best means which were pleasing to Him to prevent so great a mischief.' He tells us, indeed, that he wrote constantly to Rome 'to get a prohibition under censures of all attempts,' but as the answer he got was that the Pope was of the opinion that 'his general prohibition would serve,' it does not seem likely that Garnet enlarged on the real danger more than he had done in the letter referred to abo

myself harmless both with the state here, and with my superiors at Rome, to whom I knew this thing would be infinitely displeasing, insomuch as at my second conference wi

Pope, but that those directions commended themselves to his own mind whenever he set himself seriously to consider the matter. It was but human weakness[295] to be so shocked by the persecution going on around him as to regard with some complacency the horrors which sought to put a stop to it, or at least to find excuses for omitting to in

. What is more, no explanation has been offered by any one which will fit in with the evidence which I have adduced in its favour. As for the plot itself, it was the work of men indignant at the banishment of the priests after

the bottom of the whole affair, it suppressed at least one statement to the contrary, which it may very well have believed to be untrue, whilst the Attorney General-not a man easily restrained-put forward his own impression as po

ics increased in numbers, so far as to become a power in the land, would they or the Pope tolerate a 'heretic' King? This was the real crux of the situation. In the nineteenth century it is not felt, and we can regard it lightly. In the beginning of the seventeenth century men could remember how Henry IV. had been driven to submit to the Papal Church on pain of exclusion from the throne. Was there ever to be a possibility of the like happening to James? There can be no doubt that he believed in the doctrines of his own Church as firmly as any Jesuit believed in those which it was his duty to maintain. But, though this question of doctrine must not be left out of sight, it must by no means be forced into undue prominence. It was the question of allegiance that was at stake. James tried hard to avoid it, and it must be acknowledged that his efforts were,

al, report by the Nu

ms Salisbury that Percy had

of the pr

istaken reference

ts to the Nunc

have stated that Catesby

omas, arr

ation

e evidence

t against Gre

Edmund, mis

onjectural view of the neighbour

in 1605 than

s., eviden

kinne

, alleged st

l, see Nun

takes the position

s of the evi

, said to visit

given info

enway of th

ons with G

rresponds with James

eply to the Nuncio

r inventing Gunp

Viscount, and S

es antedates the

r made

on the le

between Ferrers a

ount of the

o Mrs. Skinn

to Perc

be ignorant of th

nce on the de

or int

ces in

blic acces

s visit

s search

Pope, writes

from the Nuncio a

mes's prop

t towards

rt on the proc

eports a saying

as informer

conducts the first exa

oners for the examin

ing inqu

confession, and brings a fal

Salisbury's

conversation with the Ven

Robert, and Sal

an infor

, a commissioner to

tatement about the knig

st o

o Salisb

about an otter h

ce against

elm, alleged s

ond, secures F

hunting-m

er, the, negativ

f the story o

alisbury's

bury's lette

first exami

e name of

panions by fals

ion of the exam

e whole of t

xaminati

aminatio

xaminati

d with to

aminatio

examination of, with

tion under

mes of the p

to noblemen to absent them

bought

ess of his full account o

ecting mining

the cellar is

s in the accounts of

of, 1

Henry, gives up hi

for the le

n, notes on the pl

s information of the p

idence aga

ge of the p

h century), not to be trusted w

the sacrament to th

norant of t

brought by Co

has charge of

hinks Salisbury co

erroneously given as

ald Tesimond), informs

informed of the

tes's evidence a

ns with Gar

reports a sayin

plotters, exaggerations

sal o

pture or death of

cy, the, Fawkes's

of Mrs. Gi

on the le

ion of

smallnes

ness of the neig

he garden bel

brought

er admitt

, the old, des

ger, evid

ve called November

use of to

the Monteagle letter by i

with the Catho

n a letter to

th Cecil on to

ely attribu

f Lindsay's mi

s from the Nuncio

towards the r

desire to keep the Cath

the pri

nquiry into the

st o

t his working

hat he worked

e 'King's Boo

from Lam

eous account of Robert Wi

of the issue

mas, visits the

een told that Salisbury

charact

arries a letter from

return with t

for Ita

's opinio

from R

commissioner to e

lence of Fawk

iard ignor

ment ignor

ioned by F

d by Win

ion o

he wall of Per

rience of the

to avoid n

wall under Hous

e earth and st

ignorant of the

rd, sent to

r addressed to said to hav

about the inter

have been previous

ery o

o Salis

rd, sent to

, a commissioner to

Catho

a commissioner to e

ns to the C

, the, makes overt

e, reports on James

pe's desire to keep the C

to Jame

to the overt

reply to

hinks the plot a de

not a priest

mas, draft of

Salisbury's lette

tures from th

tement about the hiring of

for the appre

t the moveme

f his ho

ssion of the hous

for the appre

estershire announce

tch for F

t of the procee

the lease of t

turned out when P

he cell

bigamy

visited Sal

onnection with

ass for post

ret orders

(see Cle

Justice, exami

y a rumour of Per

nto the movements

er to examin

ishment of, proc

form of publishing

heir fines r

eimpose

, examination of

alleged to have in

s son that he had co

unt of the plo

for the examinatio

to the amba

ived his fellow-

the plot before the

ceived visits f

d orders not to ta

letter deliv

of the plot independ

interpreter of

tter from Sir

for inventing

s plot

to Fava

the charge

John, evid

ves up the cellar

his canon of hist

ercy's house was only to be let w

Anthony, mi

commissioner for exa

o the Cath

arch the c

John, summoned be

is, informed o

orms the Gov

ith the letter t

ge used about

ted to the charge

o assert the plot to

ives information of

Fawkes ob

that Winter is r

to announce the death or

es's evidence about h

of the ho

per of the Ol

e land held b

f the gard

cellar to

onsents to the lea

bert, arre

ed to have worke

ituted for tha

inquiry into the

at Holb

ess of his full account o

t of the p

of the tor

e confusion betwe

hes to e

atements by a cor

cter of L

a commissioner to

od to be a

, says that Cecil

stopher, dea

's name subst

y, an inform

killed at Ho

tno

good, McIlvain

rard,

p. 51,

odman,

ard, pp

rard,

Wood's correspondent, and that Fulman's marginal quest

, the se

hen?, i

view, January

000l. was imposed for his part in the

anuary and beginning of February, and then a

as absent par

festly the deposition of November 17. It must be remembered that, when she produced this volume, Mrs. Everett Green was quite ne

en brackets are inse

ually hired till ab

ords about the cellar were written. It will be observ

cechurch

f midnight is to be reckone

draft is occupied with t

ation Book,

Nov. 5. Popham to Salisbur

mes of persons.-S.

vember 5. (G. P. B. No. 10.)

ive, G. P.

s, on Sept. 10/20, he is distinctly spoken of as a Ca

. that Nottingham showed him every civility 'that could be

really hired till a litt

on of Fawkes, Novembe

Gibbons, November 5.

Mrs. Whynniard said was that the vault was 'let to Mr. Skinner of King Street; but that she and her husband were ready to consent if Mrs. Skinner's good will could be had.' 'Mr.'

bably 'H

by whose means.' That Whynniard was alive on the 7th is proved by the fact that Susan Whynniard is styled his wife and not his widow at the head of this examination. As he was himself not questioned it may be inferred that he was seriously ill at the time. That his il

operly

P. Dom.

Witnessed by Northam

40, from which it is printed. That volume, however, is merely a letter book. The letter to Edmondes, on the other hand, in the St

lisbury, Nov. 7

isbury, Nov. 8.-

e rack, but never racked. Probably the torture used on the 9th

e either killed or taken at

homas

, Percy, and

sbury (Stowe MSS. 168, fol. 223) the copyist had originall

omitted in th

istopher

,' in the

n whether Keyes worked at this

an,' in the

s,' in the

s inserted a

as not at this time married to Bright, but one just as

it,' in the

en,' in S

nce,' in

] P

are marked by penstrokes

ractice, that,' i

omitted in th

omitted in t

of,' in the

ted, and a list of fifteen plotters added. As the paper was inclosed in a letter

erard,

MSS., 168

erard,

P. Dom.

Coke's questions are

writing is qu

re, was not, as Mrs. Everett G

ered that, in that case, those who prepared it would never have added to the allegation that some of the conspirators had received the Sacrament from Gerard the Jesuit to bind them to secrecy, the passage:-"Bu

whom more

fe of Gerard, p. 437) argues, with a good deal of probability, that Fawkes misto

s should

ard suggests, what would now

ation Book,

e 9th (Winwood, ii. 173) shows that before the end of the day Salisbury had

Nov

or Keyes was one of two workers

ion from her mistaken date of the examination of the 17th (see p. 17, note 1). In Fawke

02, fol. 108. The volume of the Council Book itself whic

ere is a facsimile in Nat

ee pp.

erard,

, and the substitution of that of

erard,

o show his dislike of Salisb

ll Sai

t foreign prince he and his compliees could have wished to have been governed, one more than another, he doth protest upon his soul that neither he nor any other with whom he had conferred would have spared the last drop of t

egotiation for peace with England. There he remained, delegating his powers to others. This date of the Constable's arrival is

er Owen," or "Owen the Jesuit."' He is however mistaken in saying that Mrs. Everett Green inserted the title without warrant in the original documents. A pape

term began on April

erefore wish to retract my former argument-which is certainly not conclusive-in

g abroad, Fawkes's face would not be known to the ordinary Londoner as that of a Recusant, and he was therefore better qualified to act as a watchman than others who were so known. On the other hand, when there was no need for anybody to watch at all, somebo

ctober 9, end

"This was about a mon

of York, afterw

as 'we resolved' are

S. 'taken

ing's hand 'which was abo

o the number of ten,' with a marginal

Prince

rince was with his

] Oc

] No

A.M. o

] No

on in brackets is i

erard,

e., Thom

the conspiracy 'was confined to five persons at first, then to two, and afterwa

. P. B.

yes' occurs in both of them

clamation

. P. B.

t likely to have been long kept back. The discourse consists of four parts-1. An account of the discovery of the plot, and arrest of Fawkes. 2. Fawkes's declaration of the 17th. 3. Winter's confession of the 23rd. 4. An account of the flight and capture of the conspirators. The whole composition shows signs of an early date. Part 1 knows nothing of any names except those of Percy and Johnson alias Fawkes, and was probably, therefore, drawn up before the confession of the 9th. At the end it slips off from a statement that Fawkes, having been 'twice or thrice examined when the rack having been only offered and showed unto him, the mask of his Roman fortitude did visibly begin to wear and slide off his face, and then did he begin to confess part of the truth,' into 'and thereafter to open up the whole matte

rd, App. E

small a scale to be repr

ding to the Parliament Stairs' of Capon's plan, and I have,

See

Gerard

ard, pp.

am Barlow, who was Bishop of Lincoln in the r

History, ed.

arch 24

he Agreement, G

. 44 Eliz

ard, p. 6

p. 39. The question of the number of doors

Gerard

] P.

4 Edw. VI

6 Edw. VI

. 30 Eliz

arliame

rac Whynniard's tenure of the house I have assigned to him. It was within the Old Palace, and was probably the of

se house Catesby tried in vain to secure a room?-'

Hampton Court, which would account for his s

wise Parlia

own as Cotton Garden. I have been unable to trace th

. P. B.

See

on's pencilled notes to the

t of the London County Council; than whom no m

beneath the ground, but we do not know of what substan

on on Winter's evidence that 'we underprop

rard, pp

ase with which Baron Trenck executed a far harder piece

r Gerard notes, till the

s will be seen at pp. 81, 83, there was a kind of dock whic

rard, pp

. P. B.

ip. The cellar was not und

91; or it may have been erected in the c

the surface this must mean that they were seven feet thick at the level of the floor of the so-called cellar, and this measurement must have been known to the conspirators after they had access to it. I am informed that in the case of a heavy wall, especially when it is

g the 'cellar' was about Lady Day (March 25)." I can see no contradiction. The resumption of work for a third time in March was, from Winter's mode of referring to it, evidently for a very short time. "And," he says, "near to Easter, as we wrought the third time, opportunity was given to hire the cellar." Fawkes, though less clear and full, implicitly says much

rard, pp

oodman,

folk in the house for mending and repairing thereof (G. P. B. No. 39). "To say nothing of the wonderful honesty of paying rent under the circumstances, what was the sense of putting a house in repair upon Monday, which on Tuesday was to be blown to atoms?" The rent having fallen due at Michaelmas, is it not probabl

Gerard

. P. B.

See

. P. B.

Gerard

ould not make a door into it about the middle of Lent. My solution is, that in his second examination, on November 6th, Fawkes was trying to

Gerard

See

the Defeat of the Spanish Armada, ed. by Prof.

Review, Januar

erard,

sited the house at Westmins

alisbury, Nov. 5.

wickshire to Salisbur

oodman,

erard,

oodman,

erard,

; Pass, Oct. 25, 1605.-S. P. Dom., xii. 65

is book. It is usual to estimate the value of money as being about four or five times as much as it is in the present day. The relative price, however, depended so much on the commodities purchased that I hesitate to express myself positively on the subject. The only thing that I am quite clear about is that Father Gerard's estimate is greatly exaggerated.

name (Gerard, p. 155) is disposed of by the fact that there were only three proclamations in which Percy's name was mentioned, dated the 5th, the 7th, and the 8th. Percy was killed on the morning of

See

25 (G. P. B. No. 116). Compare Tresham's

e's Gunpowde

MSS. 11,402

tiquities of Wes

See

this, s

ard, p. 1

uesday at midnight, as he was busy to prepare his things for execution was

S. P.

eived by Edmondes, that printed in Winwood, ii. 170

i.e. '

erard,

inwood,

Carleton, November

See

. P. B.

inwood,

f he had been found not in

, who, on April 10, 1604, had recommended him

ry of England, 160

.e. Gua

ing James VI. with Sir Ro

f King James VI. with

Del Bufalo, June 16/26.

Del Bufalo, July 21/31.

See

f England, 16

. Scotland

Parry, Nov., 1603.-Tierne

i habbiamo dato quest' ordine.' In the instructions by the Nuncio at Brussels to Dr. Gifford, July 22/August 1 (Tierney's Dodd, iv.; App. lxvi.), nothing is said

mean safety or salvation

Del Bufalo to Cardinal Aldobrandino

al Aldobrandino, July 20/3

ug. 8/18.-Roman Transcripts, R

rwards Duk

ecil, Aug. 20, 1

e p. 151

compare Del Bufalo to Cardinal Aldobrandin

.) Cecil's covering letter (ib.) is in draft and dated Nov. 6. It must, however, have been held back

l Aldobrandino, December 4/

Januar

ation given

, e corriamo pericolo di perdere i sicuri, si come non ci par che il Nuntio debba premere nella cosa di mandar noi personaggio, perchè dubitiamo che essendo tanta gelosia tra Francia e

tanta forza che no haveva potuto far altro, ma che no si sarebbe eseguito con rig

ended in his letter written to Cecil whi

See

but Cranborne-Cecil was now known by this title-and others asked why the Catholics were not put on the same footing, on which the King

f conscience meant what we sh

November 1604. On his proceedings there s

, now in the Record Office, this despatch is found, remarks that mistakes o

troppo,' perhaps an addition by the a

d by Mr. Rawdon Brown for the

i meno di non observar le leggi,' t

tolico bisogna che habbia questa ferma rissolutione in se medesimo di esser per conserva

, March 7/17, 1605, Ven

I. Jan. 26/Feb. 5, 1605

passage quoted from M

cisely what James had faile

rsonal to the writer, and I am strongly inclined to interpret the words as

.) As Father Gerard says, the date cannot be earlier than

vies's pardon from the Pardon Roll as Ap

he endorsement 'Mr. Secretary Conway' shows that it was not earlier than 1623. The further endorsement 'touching Wright and his services perf

State Papers or on the Patent Rolls, as recipient of some favour from the Crown? A still more indefensible argument of Father Gerard's is one in which a letter written to Sir Everard Digby about an otter hunt is held (p. 103) to show the existence of Governmen

rard, pp

erard,

ndes, Oct. 17, 1605.-St

of England, 1603

on, March 9, 1606.-Hist.

rard gives a fa

MSS. 360,

See

sed to pay the imposition on currants, 'Bate'

e added in a different hand. Dunbar's name does

See

is point conclusive, but obviously it would be useless

. MSS. 360

erard,

to Favat, Dec. 4, 1605.

erard,

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Open

1 Chapter 1 HISTORICAL EVIDENCE 2 Chapter 2 GUY FAWKES’S STORY 3 Chapter 3 THE LATER DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE.4 Chapter 4 STRUCTURAL DIFFICULTIES.5 Chapter 5 THE DISCOVERY 6 Chapter 6 THE GOVERNMENT AND THE CATHOLICS 7 Chapter 7 THE GOVERNMENT AND THE PRIESTS