World's War Events, Vol. I

enthu

summer days passed as tranquilly as usual. Only in the evenings did some hundreds of youths march along the highways of the central districts, soberly

re sedate citizens with their families. When the Imperial motor-car flashed like a streak of lightning down Unter den Linden, it was hailed with loud, but by no means frantic, cheers. It needed the outcries of the Press against Russia as the instigator of the war, the misleading speeches of the Emperor and the Chancellor, and the wi

people

have been duped by the official falsehoods. They knew as well as we do that it was greatly to the advantage of the Tsar's Government not to provoke a conflict. In fact, this question is hardly worth discussing. On

y regardin

d's at

d by the friendly tone of their conversations into thinking that Britain would stand aside. If at the beginning she had openly taken her stand by the side of her Allies, she might, to be sure, have checked the fatal march of events. This, at any rate, is the most widespread view, for a maritime war certainly did not enter into the calculations of the Emperor and Admiral von Tirpitz, while it was the nightmare of the German commercial world. In my opinion, however, an outspoken threat from England on the 29th, a sudden roar of the British lion, would not have made William II draw back. The memory of Agadir still rankled in the proud Germanic soul. The Emperor

sh op

d not concern the British nation, and the strife between Teuton and Slav left it cold. It did not begin to be properly roused until it grasped the reality of the danger to France's very existence, and it did not respond warmly t

al Review,

g about the conflict, the great German war machine was put in motion. It was anticipated by the General Staff th

rror when their armies presented themselves before the strong fortress of Liège, the first fortif

ce of th

their arrangement of plans which were a great

FENCE

LES

invades

age through our territory of the German armies. The following day, Monday, the Belgian Government replied that the nation was determined to defend its neutrality. The same night the German advanced p

ities

or which comprises the forts of Evegnée, Barchon, and Fléron. In the afternoon the attack extended as far as the fort of Chaudfontaine. The region attacked by the foe was thus that between the Meuse and the Vesdre, the beautiful country of Herve, where cornfields are followed by vineyards, where meadowland en

a-Chapelle on the way to Visé, the 7th Corps, which had passed through the Herve country, the 8th, which

of L

rd division of the army increased by the 15th mixed brigade, i.e., the 9th, 11th, 12th, and 14th of t

6th, was rich in

ht attack, an attempt was made on General Leman. The s

an s

so as to be more easily in telephonic communication with the forts and garrison. These offices in the Rue Sainte Foy were very badly situated, at the extreme end of the northern quarter, and were defended only by a few gendarmes. General Leman had been warned, however, and the King

night the General would

Leman in

, and bore upon their sleeves a blue band with the word "Gibraltar." This contributed in no small degree to cause them to be taken for British sharpshooters. They were preceded by a spy who had put on the Belgian uniform of the 11th of the line and who seemed to know the town very well. At Thier-à-Liège, they stopped a moment to drink at a wine-shop and then went on. They were more than a hundred in number and were preceded by two officers.

tempted to attack the house by scaling the neighbouring walls. General Leman, who was working, ran out on hearing the first shots. He was unarmed. He demanded a revolver. Captain Lebbe, his aide-de-camp, refused to allow him to expose himself uselessly, and begged him to keep himself for the defence of Liège. He even used some violence to his chief, and pushed him towards the low door which separated the house from the courtyard of a neighbouring

eman in F

s difficult to defend as those of the Barchon-Evegnée-Fléron front. There is first the discovered part which surrounds what remains of the unfortunate village of Boncelles, which the Belgians themselves were forced to destroy

oops fight

an 15,000 were available. A similar attack was delivered at the same time between the Meuse and the Vesdre. On both sides miracles of heroism were performed, but the enemy poured on irresistibly. They were able to pass, on the one side, Val Saint Lambert, on the other, between Barchon and the Meuse, between Evegnée and Fléron. Figh

at or

Lieutenant F. Bronne and forty of his men fell while covering the retreat. In spite of such devotion and of a bravery that will not be denied, the enemy passed through. Why? Some troops surrendered with their officers, who were afterwards set free upon parole at Liège. But this was only a very small exception, and it was un

that they did not dream of pursuit. They contented themselves with pushing forward as far as the plateau of Saint-Tilman (close to Boncelles) and that of Robermont (behind Fléron) some cannons of 15, w

er. I was able to see that for myself in passing through with the troops, from the fifth limit of the Saint Tro

uge

nd informed that it was disbanded, and a certain number of them had told the inhabitants that the Prussians were coming, and that there was nothing better to do than for everyone to bolt himself in. The cannon had thundered all night. The citizens of Liège had found in their letter-boxes a warning from the burgomaster concerning the behaviour of the inhabitants in case of the town being

Arches d

t up. It seemed wiser to destroy the bridge at Val Bénoit, which left the Germans railway communication. But no one thought of this; or rather, orders to that effect were no

re to the provisions and munitions which remained there along with some unserviceable cannon, generally used in the training of the Garde

envoys

neral Leman, who was all the time at Loncin with his Staff, he informed him that if the forts persisted in their resistance, the town would be bombarded a third time. General Lem

ment of

spect of

en shut up in the Royal Athen?um. Then there was an interminable defile of autos and carts conveying both German and Belgian wounded, especially the former, those who came from Boncelles more particularly. Bodies of stragglers re-entered Liège slowly, ignorant of what had happened, as they were either untouched by the order to retire, or had been forgotten in the advanced posts or in the trenches. They were very tired and hardly had the

s ente

hours of anguish, which were destined not to be the last. Everybody took refuge in the cellars. Some people lived there for several days in fear that a shell might fall upon their house. On this Friday the Germans penetrated into the town at five o'clock in the morning by th

ing communication as to the fate of the town.... He then spoke anew and said that he understood all the forts would surrender, in default of which the bombardment would recommence. M. Kleyer vainly protested agains

gomaste

uthorities. Later, some people have discussed the attitude he should have taken up and conceived the nature of

r the immense anxiety he felt on hearing of the horrible fate with w

to obtain the surrender of the forts. Someone pointed out that there was not much likelihood of getting this decision from General Leman, who had already pronounced himself upon that questi

Gaston Grégoire, permanent deputy. These gentlemen repaired to the citadel in search of the promised safe conduct. They were met there,

to the

present were detained as hostages. He gave as a specious pretext for this violation of right that some German soldiers had been killed by civilians in some neighbouring villages, and

esponsible hostages for three days: 1. Mgr. Rutien, Bishop of Liège; 2. M. Kleyer, Burgomaster of Liège; 3. M. Grégoire, Permanent Deputy; 4. M. Armand Fleche

day each one had half a loaf and some water. The burgomaster and the bishop were, however, allowed to go abou

in for B

sons who abandoned Liège and its suburbs may be calculated at some five thousand. From this moment and for

n order to discuss the surrender of the forts. Furnished with a safe conduct and accompanied by a German officer, he reached Waremme early in the afternoon

following order of the day addressed

ixed brigade are about to re-enter our lines, after havi

encourage

he town of Liège is always in our power. Standards and a number of prisoners are the trophies of these combats. I

costs to attack unjustly a peaceable people, but one who wields in its just

gle, and that you await but the arrival of our brothers-in-arms in order to march to victory. The whole world

y been associated with just and generous causes, is hur

address them a f

be

preca

des con

up several citizens. They caused the soldiers to occupy Quai des Pêcheurs, Quai l'Industrie, and the houses in proximity to the bridge, after clearing out the occupants. They placed bags of earth in the windows, behind which were installed machine guns. In the arteries leading to La Hesbaye and La Campine, and in the streets of the latter, they erected barricades, and installed themselves in the riverside houses. These labours continued during several days on the heights of Saint Nicholas and Hollogne, wh

rhood of Landen, the King, accompanied by the General Staff, reviewed the valiant and now reconstituted 3rd Division, reconstituted in spite of the heavy losses in officers suffered by certain regiments. G

defense o

ncaré honors

e the King of the Belgians received the congratulations of King George, the Tsar, and the President of the French Republic. Finally, M. Poincaré sent him the most envied of distinctions, the military medal. The resistance of Liège had everywhere aroused grateful enthusiasm, for the days, and even the hours gained from the invader were now

, however, be separated from the siege of Liè

welve

he banks o

ns of 5'7, ten more of 5'7 flanking the ditches. The little forts counted upon four large and three or four small cupolas. They were armed with two pieces of 15, two of 12, a howitzer of 21, three or four guns, without cupola, of 5'7, and of seven or eight commanding the ditches. The forts are arranged around Liège in the following order:-On the left bank of the Meuse: Flémalle, Hollogne, Loncin, Lantin, and Pontisse. On the right bank, between the Meuse and the Vesdre: Barchon, Evegnée, and Fléron. Between the Vesdre and the Ourthe: Chaudfontaine and Embourg. Between the Ourthe and the Meuse: Boncelles. The forts are four kilometres apart, except Flémalle-Boncelles and Embourg-Pontisse, which are si

ditions

obile garrison, but he confessed later that the difficulties which he knew he would meet with in the Belgian Parliament over the credits for the fortifications made him underestimate the number of men required. Besides which, the conditions of

in th

artillery (250 men) and three companies (120 men), a total

red for carrying messages to the different commanders. Several succeeded, but many were killed, for the investment became steadily tightened. Indeed, certain gaps, where the ground was most broken, could not be swept by the guns from the forts, and, under cover of the night, troops ensconced themselves there comfortably. Moreover, the Germans, having received reinforcements and heavy artillery, undertook the s

archon

ide breach through which the invader scrambled. Through there he could also

o centim

damage. A battery was also placed in a bend of ground up Rue Naniot, under the "Tomb," where some of those who fell in 1830 are buried, but it was discovered and had to be withdrawn. Forts Boncelles and Embourg were attacked by guns placed on the hill at Tilff, a pretty village, which would have been comple

st 9th. Right from the 5th they had not ceased to be the object of continual attacks. They had valia

nemy below Visé, did not give way till the 12th. On the 13t

ield on

ying upon the spot. The 14th saw the fall of Boncelles, Liers, and Fléron. Boncelles from the 5th had offered an admirable resistance. Commandant Lefert had been wounded on the 8th, when 200 Germans, presenting themselves to surrender, treacherously fired upon him. Suffering greatly, he none the less went on directing the defence until his officers met together in a kind of council of war, and had him taken away

and Lan

the same time upon the fort, which trembled in its massive foundations. No one can have an idea of how demoralising this rain of projectiles was. On the 15t

rified by the presence of the governor of the fortress, the soldiers of Loncin wrote with their blood the most heroic page of the heroic defence of Liège. Commandant Naessens modestly narrated the story when he had

Leman'

ausing it considerable damage. The escarpment was damaged, the protecting walls of the left flank battery destroyed, and the shutters of the windows pierced. Another unfavourable circumstance was that all the places of the escarpment where shelter could be obtained were full of smoke from the shells which had burst either in the p

f the bom

vault of the commanding post, where General Leman was present with his two adjutants, was subjected to furious shocks, and the fort trembled to its foundat

of pois

oar like a furious hurricane, and which finished by a sudden noise of thunder. At a certain moment of this formidable bombardment, I wished to reach the commanding post in order to see what was happening, but at the end of a few paces in the gallery I was knocked down by a shock of violent air and fe

rt blo

Leman a

the counter-escarpment. I managed to pass the gap and reach the ditch, which I crossed. What was my amazement when I perceived that the fort was blown up, and that the front was strewn with ruins, forming a quay reaching from the escarpment to the counter-escarpment. Some soldiers were running to and fro upon it. I took them for Belgian gendarmes and called t

ut I had not ye

eview, Ap

der of

iced, under the excuse that German troops had been fired upon by citizens of the town. On August 17 Brussels had been abandoned by the Belgian Government which withdrew to Antwerp. The former city was surrendered without resistance. In the meantime the French had hurried their armies to assist the Belgian forces and, joined by the available troops of the English Expeditionary Force, they encountered the Germans at Charleroi. On August 23 the great fortress of Namur w

REAT

OHN F

s effected in the best order and without a check. Each unit arrived

n of Briti

ove the force during Saturday, the 22d, to positions I considered most favorable from which to commence operations which the

anal from Condé on the west, through Mons and Binc

, and to the right of the Second Corps from Mons the First Co

lank, or move in support of any threatened part of the line. The forward reconnoissance was intrusted to Brigadier General Sir Phi

e on S

work, some of them penetrating as far as Soignies, and several en

at a point close to the position and explained the general situation of the Allies, and what I understoo

valry division, were in front of my position; and I was aware of no attempted outflanking movement by the enemy. I was confirmed in this opinion by the fac

on Mo

nemy was commencing an attack on the Mons line, apparently in some strength, but t

high ground south of Bray, and the Fifth Cavalry Brigade evacuated

passages of

is was done before dark. In the meantime, about 5 P. M., I received a most unexpected message from General Joffre by telegraph, telling me that at least three German corps, viz., a reserve corps, the Fourth Corps and the Ninth Corps, were moving on my position in front, and that the Second Cor

ess of Maubeuge on the right and extended west to Jenlain, southeast of Valenciennes, on the left. The position was reported difficult to hold, because standing crops and

re to Maubeu

t reached me, I endeavored to confirm it by aeroplane reconnoissance; and as a result of

o retake Binche. This was supported by the artillery of both the First and Second Divisions, while the First Division took up a supporting position in the neighborhood of Peissant. Under cover of this d

irst Corps gradually to withdraw to the new position; and he effected this without much further loss, reaching the lin

he cavalry to act vigorously in advance of my l

by supports F

Division, saying that he was very hard pressed and in urgent need of support. On receipt of this mess

er advance of the enemy's infantry by making a mounted attack on his flank. He formed up and advanced for this purpose, but was held up by w

rought up by rail to Valenciennes on the 22d and 23d. On the morning of the 24th they were

h-Dorrien suffe

ect his retreat to a new position; although, having two corps of the enemy on

Corps to the right. The right was protected by the fortress of Maubeuge, the left by the

; and the determined attempts of the enemy to get round my left flank assured me that it was his intention to h

ted and I knew that they had suffered heavy losses. I hoped, therefore, th

iculty, not only owing to the very superior force i

o a position in the neighborhood of Le Cateau, and rearguards wer

enby covers

ovement of the Second Corps. The remainder of the cavalry division, with the Ninetee

, the 23d, and by the morning of the 25th eleven battalions and a br

left resting on the Cambrai-Le Cateau Road south of La Chaprie. In this position the division r

, during the 25th, been partially prepared and intrenched, I had grave doubts-owing to the information I had

f French tro

e troops, I determined to make a great effort to continue the retreat till I could put some substantial obstacle, such as the Somme or the Oise, between my troops and the enemy, and afford the former some

al Allenby, were ordered

ern border of the Forêt de Mormal, and arrived at Landrecies about 10 o'clock. I had intended that the corps should come further w

igade in L

divisions suppo

issuing from the forest into the narrow streets of the town. This loss has been estimated from reliable sources at from 700 to 1,000. At the same time information reached me from Sir Douglas Haig that his First Division was also heavily engaged south and east of Maroilles. I sent urgent messages to the commander of the two French reserve division

teau, their left in the neighborhood of Caudry, and the line of defense was conti

eal scattered, but by the early morning of the 26th General Allenby

er the orders of the general offic

23d and 24th, I visited General Sordêt, and earnestly requested his co-operation and support. He promised to obtain sanction from his army commander to act on my left flank, but said that his horses were too tired to mo

s and Fourth Divisi

ng the bulk of his strength against the left of the posi

m, and Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien reported to me that he judged it impossible

etire at the earliest possible moment, as it was impossible for me to send

, and I sent an urgent message to him to do his utmost to come up and support the retirement of my

properly, but the troops showed a magnificent

ery outmatched

ast four to one, made a splendid fight, and

3:30 P. M. The movement was covered with the most devoted intrepidity and determination by the artillery, which had itself suffered heavily, and the fine

self suffered too heavily to

ith-Dorrien cited for

itish troops without putting on record my deep appreciation of th

rning of the 26th August could never have been accomplished unless a commander of rare and unusu

olding on line No

he 27th and 28th, on which date the troops halted on the line Noyon-Ch

he French cavalry division which he commands for materially assisting m

Divisions, moved down from the neighborhood of Arras on the enemy's right f

days' batt

hich commenced at Mons on Sunday afternoon, 23d Augu

re, I propose to close

ses in Brit

attle; but they were inevitable in view of the fact that the British Army-only two days after a

ificing and devoted exertions of their staffs; the direction of the troops by divisional, brigade, and regimental leaders; the co

orps cited for

rseverance have been beyond all praise. They have furnished me with the most complete and accurate information, which has been of incalculable value in the con

e air, they have succeeded in destr

lable assistance I received from the General and Pers

, Major General Wilson, Brigade General

ff; and all under them have worked day and night unceasingly with the utmost skill, self-sacrifice, and devotion; and t

lliam Robertson cite

m Robertson has met what appeared to be almost insuperable difficulties with his characteristic energy, skill, and determination; and it

al Sir Nevi

s and difficult tasks in connection with disciplinary arrangements and the preparation of casualt

TLE OF

OHN F

ptember

I have the honor to report the further progress of the o

s followed closely by two of the enemy's caval

Fifth Cavalry Brigades. South of the Somme General Gough, with the Third

wode routs G

near Cerizy, moving south. The brigade attacked and routed the column, the lead

uth to the east of Amiens. On the 29th it nearly completed its detrainment, an

ehind the line of the Oise,

t of retreating

e Fifth Army on the Oise. At least two corps were advancing toward my front, and were crossing the Som

n the 29th, when I received a visit f

t he had directed the Fifth French Army on the Oise to move forward and attack the Germans on the Somme, with a view to checking pursuit. He also told

nt towards Com

retirement toward the line Compiègne-Soissons, promising him, how

forces retired to a position a few miles nort

an army in dangerou

iously to endanger my line of communications with Havre. I had already evacuate

stablish an advance base at Le Mans. This operation was we

to the Ma

rench Corps on the right of the Fifth Army, it was not part of General Joffre's plan to pursue this advantage; and a general r

the south by General Joffre, and moved into the space bet

reated from which to assume the offensive, General Joffre found it necessary to modify from day to day the methods by w

t continued practically from day to day. Although we were not sever

tish First Ca

an cavalry. They momentarily lost a horse artillery battery, and several officers and men were killed and wounded. With the help, however, of some

e very difficult forest country, and a somewhat severe rearguard action ensued

in position sou

ry dispositions, and the destruction of the bridges had been effected, I was asked by the French Commander in Chief to continue my retirement to a point some twelve miles in rear of the position I then occupied, with a view to taking up a second position behind the Seine. This retir

s request, and he informed me of his intention to take the offensiv

nounces intention

, pivoting on the Marne and directing it to move on the Ourcq; cross and attack the flank of

nd my right on the Fifth Army-to fill the gap between that army and the Sixth. I was t

ns Sunday,

just in front of the left flank of the Sixth French Army, through Lizy on the Marne, Mauperthuis, which was about the British centre, Courtecon, which was on the left of the Fifth French Ar

er 10. Germans driven to

ere concerned, may be said to have concluded on the evening of September 10, by which time the Germans had been drive

e south direct upon Paris, for on September 4 air reconnoissances showed that his main columns were mov

observed moving southeast up the left flank of the Ourcq on the 4th, were now reported to be halted and facing th

s converging

mirail, while before sunset large bivouacs of the enemy were located in th

el-Faremoutiers-Villeneuve Le Comte, and the advance of the Sixth French Army north of the Marne toward the Ourcq became apparent, that the enemy realized th

ies and Germans

fore, the fronts and positions of th

ght on the Marne at M

n the line Dagny-

.-At Courtagon, r

the right of the British and th

the German Arm

d Corps.-East of the Our

y Division.-

Division.-North

Corps.-

h Corps.-Southwe

Second G

ected against the French Sixth Army on the Ourcq, and the British

d) was moving against the centre and right of t

nce of the French toward that river, but did not prevent the Sixth Army from gaining some headway, the Germans themselves suffering serious losses. The French Fifth Army th

overed by his Second and Ninth and Guard

cially General De Lisle's brigade, with

etreat Se

right and left, against whom the enemy was making his greatest efforts. On both sides the enemy was thrown back with very heavy loss. The First Army Corps encountered stubborn resistance at La Trétoire, (north of Rebais.) The enemy occupied

Petit Morin

was much assisted by the cavalry and the Firs

ell repulsed by the First Army Corps, a great many p

red considerable opposition, but drove back the enemy at

ck considerable bodies of the enem

cond Army Corps forc

orps encountered considerable opposition, as the bridge at La Ferté was destroyed and the enemy held the town on the opposite bank in

and wounded, some hundreds of prisoners fell into our hands and a

heavily engaged we

Ourcq. The enemy had largely increased his force opposing them; and ve

f Chateau Thierry after the most severe fighting, having dri

in the neighborhood of M

ance on the line of th

cavalry divisions on the right, the Third and Fifth Cavalry Brigades on the left, drove the enemy northward. Thirteen guns, seven machine guns, about 2,000 priso

ERMAN RETREAT AND THE INTREN

d German armies

the end of the battle which practically commenced on the morning of the 6th inst.;

t 23, up to the present date, (September 17,) from Mons back almost to the Seine, and from the Seine to the A

day, August 23, to September 17, from M

d Rheims

tle. Beginning with the first days of September all other military events were overshadowed by the Great Retreat. On September 1 the Germans, in spite of French and British resistance, had reached Senlis. On September 4th Amiens was captured, and two days later the German army entered Rheims. In the following narrative

FRENCH

H OFFICIA

ses and finished with defeats for the French troo

ncipal

left to the north of Verdun-Toul line, this double possibility involving the eventual variation of our transport. On August 2, owing to the Germans pas

r the British Army to begin to move would delay our action in connection with it.

se occ

eatest possible number of German forces, the General in Chief ordered our troops to occupy Mulhouse, (Mülhousen,) to

r troops, after having carried Mulhouse, lost it and were thrown back on Belfort. The work h

y lo

to Colmar, both by the plain and by the Vosges. The enemy had undergone enormous losses and abandoned great stores of shells and forage, but from this

n up, only a small part remaining to h

ces far from the northern theatre of operations. It was for our offensive in Lorraine to pursu

had reached the region of Saarburg and that of the Etangs, (la

ffensive

ization of the region, in the power of the enemy's artillery, operating over grou

reinfor

troops were brought back on to the Grand Couronne, while on the 23d and 24th the Germans concentrated r

e other from west to east, the enemy had to fall back. From that time a sort of balance was established on this terrain be

of th

and the General in Chief gave orders for our centre and our left to take the offensive. Our centre comprised two armies. Our left consisted of a third army, reinforced to the extent of t

t and Brussels, and even to prolong their movements more to the west. Our object was, therefore, in the first place, to hold and dispose of

fensiv

egan with ten army corps. On August 22 it

er the fire of the enemy, divisions ill-engaged, rash deployments, precipitate retreats, a premature waste of men, and,

ficult terrain, was able to secure the maximum of profit from the ad

osses th

. This was unfortunately not the case. On August 22, at the cost of great losses, the enemy succeeded in crossing the Sambre and

nes line. On the 25th and 26th its retreat became more hurried. After Landrecies and Le Cateau it fell ba

itish

tained in Belgian Luxembourg, allowed the enemy to cross the Meu

ilous, or we had to execute a strategic retirement which, while delivering up to the enemy a part of the national soil, would permit us, on the other hand, to resume th

ensive

efforts to preparing the offensive. To thi

n order under a succession of counter-

that the different armies should reach it simultaneously, ready a

offensive before this point should be reached must be ut

er-at

isengage the British Army. Two other corps and a reserve division engaged the Prussian Guard and the Tenth German Army Corps, which was deb

on the left bank. Our successes continued on the 28th in the woods of Marfée and of Jaulnay. Thanks to them we were

ame movement and carried out successful attacks on A

ing the

disturbed and were able to join in the action of our centre. Our a

This army was to assemble in the region of Amiens between August 27 and September 1 and take the offensive agains

reat co

e had to parry before thinking of advancing. On the one hand, our new army had not time to complete its detraining, and, on the other hand, the British Army, forced bac

der the situation created by the quick advan

hateau-Thierry. The First Army, (General von Kluck,) comprising

ith three active army corps and two res

tive army corps and a reserve corps, had crossed

rman a

, and numerous Ersatz formations, were in contact with our troops, the Fourth and Fifth Armies between Vouz

ft in

e, might be in great peril through the British forces and the n

same time from the new army which had been constituted to the left of the English. We should thus be runnin

say, for postponing the offensive and the continuance of the retreat. In this way he remain

t of the

Arcis-sur-Aube, Vitry-le-Fran?ois, and the region to the north of Bar-le-Duc. This line might be reached if the troops were compelled to go back so far. They woul

eared that this desir

had crossed the Grand Morin, and reached the region of Chauffry, to the north of Rebaix and of Esterna

erman

d on the line Champaubert,

Army was advancing on one side and the other from the Argonne as far as Triacourt-les

situation of September 5 and that of September 2-

es and Courchamps. Furthermore, the British forces, gathered between the Seine and the Marne, fl

armies

ake advantage of it, and ordered all the armies to hold themselves ready. He had taken from his right two new army c

sed to all the commanders of armies

rders th

advance at all costs, and to die wh

usly described, it will be seen that by his inflection toward Meaux and Coulommiers General von Kluck was ex

le of th

8th, the Germans, who had in great haste reinforced their right by bringing their Second and Fourth Army Corps back to the north, obtained some successes by attacks of extreme violence. They occupied Betz, Thury-en-Valois, and Nanteuil-le-Haudouin. But in spite of this pressure our troops held their g

left e

south to the north to face our left the enemy had exposed his left to the attacks of the British Army, which had immediately faced around toward the north, and to those of our armies which were prolong

of the

nd on the 9th had debouched to the north of the Marne below Chateau-Thierry, taking in flank the German forces which on that day were opposing, on the Ourcq, our left army. Then

of the Fr

h attacking on its left. It had on its right to support our centre, which from September 7 had been subjected to a German atta

ighting, guns, howitzers, mitrailleuses, and 1,300,000 cartridges. On the 12th it established itself on the north edge

the Fren

of the campaign had been engaged in Belgian Luxembourg. The first had retreated on August 29 to S

to the south of the line Humbauville-Chateau-

her re

west and to the east of Fère-Champenoise. On the 8th he succeeded in forcing back the right of our new army, which retired as far as Gouragan?on. On the 9th, at 6 o'cl

man?uvres

rd the marshes of Saint Gond. Then with the division which had just victoriously overcome the attacks of the enemy to the north of Sézanne, and with the whole of his left army corps, he made a flanking attack

rmies es

t referred to, had been intrusted with the mission during the 7th, 8th, and 9th of disengaging its neighbor, and it was only on the 10th that, being reinforced by an army corps from the east, it was able to make its action effectively felt. On the 11th the German

the enemy, which was operating to the west of the Argonne. But a wide interval in which the Germans were in force separated them from our centre. Th

etreat on

1th our progress continued with new successes, and on the 12th we were able to face round toward the north

n Nancy and the Vosges retreated in a hurry before our two armies of the East, which immediately occupied the positions that the enemy had e

the road to its neighbor, supported at once by it, taking in flank the adversary which the day before it had attacked in front, the

of the

for the offensive was given, were found to be as ardent as on the first day. It has also to be said that these troops had to meet the whole German army, a

f German

ns, mitrailleuses, shells, more than a million cartridges, and thousands of prisoners. A German corps lost

ctive is the

de to carry out the plans for the second objective, the capture of the Channel seaports, and the control of the coasts. The Allied commanders were quite aware of th

FOR THE

OFFICIA

mass to be constituted on the left wing of our disposition, capable of coping with the outflanking movement of the enemy." Everything led us to expect that flanking movement, for the Germans are lacking in inventi

the race t

he map-the concentric form of their front, which shortened the length of

thward. On the German side this movement brought into line more than eighteen new army corps (twelve active army corps, six reserve corps, four cavalry corps). On our

in Battle o

st of the Oise, and afterwards to utilize to the utmost our means of transport. It succeeded in this, and when, at the end of October, the battle of Flanders opened, when the Germans, havin

e army which had held the left of our front during the battl

s transported more to the left, with the task "of acting against the German right wing in order to disengage its neighbor, * * *

nts for the

on both banks of the Somme. In the wooded hills, however, which extend between the Oise and Lassigny the enemy displayed increasing activity. Nevertheless, the order st

reverse an

e engaged in the district Lassigny-Roye-Pero

ixth German Army was deployed against us. We retained all our positions, but we could do no more; consequent

onger on Beauvais, but toward Amiens. The front was then aga

rongly posted on the plateau of Thiepval, was continually slipping his force

y oper

d and, operating on both flanks of the Scarpe, to put themselves in touch with

ras and Lens. Confronting it were two corps of cavalry, the guards, four active army corps, and tw

would not have to be made. General Joffre resolutely put this hypothesis aside and ordered the offensive to be resumed with the reinforcements that had arrived. It was, however, clear that, despite the efforts o

of the Bri

h, on the Lille-Estaires-Merville-Hazebrouck-Cassel front, our cavalry and our territorials had their work cut out against eight divisions of German

y taken fro

have the advantage in this new position, and also of the impending arrival of two divisions of infantry from home and of two infantry divisions and a cavalry division from India, which would be able to deploy more easily on that terrain. In spite

ves, the stopping of the German right. In other terms, the British Army was to prolong the front of the general di

as not possible to attack the Germans during the time when they

Belgia

ntended to retire as far as to the north of Calais, but afterwards determined to make a stand in Belgian territory. Unfortunately, the condition of the Belgian troops, ex

rcing of the German right, our left was not capable of maintaining the advantages obtained during the previous few days. To attain our end and make our front inviolable a

tion it was strengthened by elements from other points on the front whose arrival extended from October 27 to November 11. These reinforcements were equivalen

d during the five following weeks with the ampleness we have just seen. The movements of troops carried out during this per

ies co-o

t, rested on Nieuport, thanks to the successive deployment of five fre

rrier was established. It remained to maintain it against the enemy's offensive. Tha

d tactically with remarkable energy. The complete and indisp

sposed for this operation betwee

between the se

ve, (men who had received no training before the war,) which was liberated by the fall of Antwerp; the Twenty-second, Twenty-th

Fabeck, consisting of the Fifteenth Corps, two B

part in the battle of Flanders, comprised the Nineteenth Army Corps, portions of the Thirteenth Corps and the Eighteenth

to fortify the "morale" of the troops. At the beginning of October the Crown Prince of Bavaria in a proclamation had exhorted his soldier

of thrusts

lan in F

hrust against Ypres will be of decisive importance." It should be noted also that the Emperor proceeded in person to Thielt and Courtrai to exalt by his presence the ardor of his troops. Finally, at the close of October, the entire German press incessantly proclaimed the importance of the "Battle of Calais." It is superfluous to add that events in Poland explain in a large measure the passionate resolve of the German General Staff to obtain a decis

he first

s at first upon the coast and the country to the north of Dixmude. His objective was manifestly th

pelle

the Battl

anal and the railway line spread along our front. On the 30th we recaptured Ramscapelle, the only point on the railway which Belgians had lost. On the 1st and 2d of November the enemy bombarded Furnes, but began to show signs of weariness. On the 2d he evacuated the ground between the Yser and the railway, abandoning cannon, dead and wounded. On the 3d our troops were able to

nded as a renewal to the south of the effort which had just been shattered in the north. Instead of turning our flank on the coas

of the Ypre

alry a conn

in. The delays already explained and the strength of the forces brought up by the enemy soon brought to a standstill our progress along the line Poelcapelle, Paschendaele, Zandvorde, and Gheluvelt. But in spite of the stoppage here, Ypres was solidly covered, and the connections of all the allied forces were established. Against the line thus formed the German attack was hurled from October 25 to November 13, to the north, the east, and the south of Ypres. From October 26 on the attacks were renewed daily with extraordinary violence, obliging us to employ our rei

reinfor

e it could be renewed the arrival of fresh reinforcements had to be awaited, which were dispatched to the north on November 12. By the 14th our troops had again begun to progress, barring the road to Ypres against the German

the north along the coast. The support which, according to the idea of the German General Staff, t

of th

tempt to renew his effort, but confined himself to an intermittent cannonade. We, on the contrary, achieved appreciable progress to th

r in B

of A

ops retreat

ry left to

German advance on Antwerp, opened the dikes and let in the waters of the North Sea. Termonde fell on September 13, and seven days later the German armies began the siege of Antwerp. The military authorities in command of the city had taken whatever measures were possible for defense. A body of British marines was hurried to the beleaguered city and preparations were made for a long siege. The Germans brought up guns of heavy caliber, with which they bombarded the city at long range. After a brave defense of two weeks, during which the inhabitants endured many hardships, it was plain that further resistance was useless, and the city was surrendered on October 10. The Belgian troops in the city,

DITCH I

O D

e Belgian's

the Yser, ebbed and flowed through the sunken fields, and there King Albert with his remnant of an army stopped the German military machine in its advance on Cala

e. Some of those who had not yet paid the price of death told me. They were not tragic about it. There was no display of heroics. Th

ser passer, an obliging gendarme led me to his commander, and he placed his visée on my passport without question. He asked me whether I was a correspondent, and I confessed to it,

p tr

trains which passed us going forward there were many more Belgian soldiers, some of whom I had seen only a few hours earlier in the

r voices flat and colorless like most school children's. They felt every word they sang, and they put their little hearts into it. Lo

Dun

It sounded close, too, but it did not seem to bother the people of the street. A few children ran behind their moth

arden in the direction from which the explosion came, and high in the evening sky I cou

usually get three or four every afternoon ab

were passed on to a safer place. It was full of French, English, and Belgian soldiers, with a scattering of sailors and breezy officers from both the French and English navies. They kept the w

d moto

river was a slit with a lip extending over it, giving it somewhat the effect of the casque belonging to an ancient suit of armor. That was the only opening except the one for the barrel of the rapid-fire gun in the turret. The armor was dented in a d

ent of N

oing forward at not less than forty miles an hour. The turret was being swung to bring the gun-muzzle forward, as if the gunner were expectin

o the fi

I soon learned. There were preparations for defence going on there which should not have been publicly known. The country was full of spies. Four suspects had been picked up on the boat coming from Folk

ced to show their credentials, but I strolled through unmolested. Once outside, the reservists guarding the various barricades let me pass as soon as I showed them my pa

ne barr

ns of these works in the hands of the German army, their spy system is so thorough, but I would not care to have any military secrets escape through

approached I recognized Mr. J. Obels, the Belgian correspondent of the Chicago Daily News, whom I had last seen under arrest near Brussels when the German army first passed through Belgium. He t

t highway, bordered on both sides by sunken fields, toward the cannonading I could now hear ahead. The road had been fairly full of automobiles, motor-trucks, motorcycles, and bicycles over its whole length, but it became crowded now with the addition of a lo

ad to

be taken at a price no army could afford, and any departure from them meant being mired in the heavy fields, now being hastily harvested of a bumper crop of sugar-beets: at one place a whole French regiment in uniform was gathering the beets preparatory to inundation. With the dyke

ttles on th

sand-dunes, and the English and French had fought some of the bloodiest battles of history there against the Spanis

an so

oded as I crossed the bridge and entered a narrow street, but it was on the far side of town, too far away for the soldiers halted in the street to notice. These were tired and dirty m

held at

owever, would have given the idea that the Belgians considered themselves outclassed by their enemy. They seemed superbly unconscious of the absurdity of their position. This was the tenth day they had held the Germans at the Yser, and they had done it with rifles and machine guns, taking punishment every minute from the big fieldpieces the Germans had brought agai

utomobiles

g over the Belgian blocks, and I held tenaciously to the sidewalk passing around the square, though it was mostly taken up with café tables and bay trees in boxes. At one point the tables were empty and

gian ge

lgian army. The other was older, also a general, wearing, if anything, the more gold braid of the two. They en

seen his back, but that had arrested my attention. I thought possibly I had se

Alb

g, Albert," he s

m Antwerp and Ghent ahead of the army, but preferred the chilly nights in an unheated seaside hotel in Belgium to comfort somewhere beyond. It seemed to be a point of courtesy on the part of the Belgians not to bother their king with ceremony at this trying time. I doubt if he cares much for ceremony

n at La

st beyond. The civilian, a tall youth with a blond beard, volunteered to show me the way to the beach, the shortest route, and ended by going all the way. He told me he was recovering from an "attack of Congo," which I take to be an inter

, were riding naked into the deeper water, and this, mind you, was late October. They were even playing jokes on one another, and did not seem to be paying any attention to the fifteen English and French cruisers and gunboats which

en unco

English warships were directly opposite them, and, by this time, they were drawing the German fire. German shells, probably from siege guns, were plumping down into the water all around them only a couple of miles off-shore, but, though the shrimpers looked up occasionally when the explosion of a shell fairly shoo

ama of

y to cross

o Dixmude in the distance. The whole line of battle for ten miles was in the midst of a German attack, covered by a terrific artillery fire. Over the white, red-tiled cottages of the fishermen, almost lost among the l

e miles or more, though, the figures of the men were so small, it was hard to keep the fact in mind that those who dropped w

to see a

so we could see the pontoons being rushed into the water. As we neared Nieuport, however, the firing became much more active and we stopped for second thought. After ca

under

t the tap-tap of the rifle fire which had been only a continuous cracking a mile in the rear. Into this the machine guns cut with a whir. Sp

y automobiles going both ways, but my desire to get behind the shelter

plosions in

again. It was as far as we were destined to get. All at once shells began dropping on the village, and I have not seen shells drop so fast in so small

and a younger woman appeared on the road to Furnes just beyond us, hurrying along without once looking back. They were the only people we saw and the destruction of the town looked like the most ruthless piece of vandalism. It had a military purpose, howev

on of Ram

brackish water of the canal, which was running in with the tide. Presently we noticed something in the water, and, stooping down in the twilight, we made out the body of a man face downward. The

elle. On the seat beside the driver was a young English woman. She was wearing the gray-brown coat and gray-brown puttees of the English soldier. We called out to her we thought the to

s and inf

ng column of infantry going forward. Headed toward the rear there were also many wounded men on foot. They had been dressed at Nieuport,

ver our heads. Crossing over the sand dunes to the beach, we passed under two batteries, though we did not see them. We could tell they were F

y were sure to get some of the return fire. But we noticed there were lights in every one of

f the sa

g of the co

l on the German trenches, the shrapnel leaving puffs of white smoke in long, uneven lines; and the Germans were keeping up their steady pounding o

beyond Nieuport-les-Bains. As it was dark now we could see where they were only by the streaks of fire fro

h sol

whole company of French soldiers was standing along the edge of the water, jumping back in surprise when the lit

amited, because it belonged to a German and was suspected of having a concrete floor for siege g

e found

amining it under a half-full moon, I could see the foundations were brick walls two feet thick covered with mo

erman which had been punched full of holes. It was in no place thick enough, ho

through soft sand. But even if I had been much more tired I would have sensed the atmosphere of that town. To me t

y were in the last little town in Belgium. To some their soldiers had already returned, and they were dining as merrily as if to-morrow did not hold out a reasonable likelihood of being killed. At the doors of the

s at La

some, of course, there were disappointment and bad news. But they must

to me: "They shoot the enemy all day; at night they come home and kiss mot

women folk. To see them there in La Panne that night you might have thought it was all

dining room were full of soldiers. Officers and their men were eating and drinking together in the pleasant democratic way they have in the Belgian army. Room was made for us at the long central table in the dining roo

the Belgia

once got the better of him in Brussels before the war. There were other stories of matters equally foreign to war. The private on one side of me told me he was the manager for Belgium of an Ame

ng about having to take the word to his sister of his brother-in-law's death. The whole company turned grave then and conversation from being general was carried on

n the road

ermans must take, if they were to advance, but the Belgians would not give way. They were too clever with their rapid-fire guns to be rushed, and the German bayonet charges only blocked the road with their dead. Again and again t

e shells don't leave many wounded, but they littered the place with arms and leg

n, and he looked around the tab

I think there were just seventy last Monday." This was Th

nd around the table. "Five or six more," he said. There were eighteen of

t eight out of twenty, and I just heard the dogs a

f the mach

tairs to see that I had a comfortable room. And these men had just come out of a trench where they had l

o the

in the street and saw my friends of the night before falling into line and getting their equipment straight.

iter agent smiling. "Company that relie

the morning, but they were a pitifully small company as

rld's Work, J

already made diplomatic and military moves which indicated that she was certain of a Turkish alliance. The strongest figures of the Ottoman Empire, Enver Pasha and Talaat Bey were strongly pro-German, although the latter endeavored

RKEY E

E

D G.

danger o

rnational situation provide the Turk with the best opportunity in a century to achieve the aims cherished by Turkish statesmen who have the best interests of Turkey itself at heart. For several years Turkey has been in extreme peril. It was condemned to death by the Triple Entente some time ago, and the prediction of the British Prime Minister in a recent public speech that this war would end the existence of Turkey as an independent power was only the publication of the sentence of death l

of Turkey

ople core

core of the war." In diplomatic circles in Vienna this summer there was a general agreement that the loss of Salonika, which the Turk was forced to hand over to Greece at the end of the Balkan wars, was a vital blow to the Triple Alliance, and its recovery would be of s

om the Black Sea i

had been hardly pressed in Europe by Russia and by Austria, both of whom coveted sections of his dominions, and both of whom would have been glad to obtain Constantinople, the gateway between Europe and Asia. Of the two, Russia was more insistent because her interests made the control of the exit from the

od-sized armies and something approaching national wealth. The long years of subjection had left behind a consuming hatred of the Turk in their breasts; as Christians, they hated the Turk as the Infidel; and

l growth

der ch

all made the control of the Mediterranean far more difficult for England and France. They could no longer spare ships and troops in sufficient numbers to rescue the Turk from Russia without exposing themselves more than was wise in northern Europe. Besides, the designs of the Triple Alliance made it seem

f new Turk

and nationa

tions; it should be conducted in the future solely in the interests of Turkey. They were roused to enthusiasm by the past history of the Ottoman empire and burned to reconquer its old provinces, to establish a closer relationship between the provinces which remained. An imperialistic movement, a nationalistic revival, if you will, was preached in Turkey by ardent enthusiasts whose words fell on willing ears. To the democratic and nationalist revival was joined religious discontent. The Sultan was the religious head of the Mohammedan world. Everywhere the

ederation

n to Bagda

Gulf and would make possible overland trade with the East. A railroad already existed as far as Constantinople, and a railroad from Constantinople to Bagdad and the Gulf would not only throw open Asia Minor and the great plains of Mesopotamia to European capital, but would furnish a perfectly practicable commercial road to the East through which in time would flow a trade which would make the great Confederation rich. Of this Confederation, Turkey would be an integral and essential part. Adri

ustain courteous hol

y useful; some one had to own it; England and France could not hold it themselves; they were determined Russia should not have it; and the Turk was a useful locum tenens. They, therefore, frowned u

nic Confe

a capable government, a good army, a State deserving of independence, and were overjoyed to find Germany ready and desirous to foster this ambition. Indeed, as a member of the Pan-Germanic Confederation, the Turk must be strong enough to hold Constantinople and the Bagdad Railway in the event of a general European war, without depending upon

-Is

n Egypt. It might even overturn the British Empire in India. This would be the greatest possible service any one could render Germany, and it might be one which Germany could accomplis

zation o

government upon England and France and declared them the work of intention. Turkey, they saw, was not a nation in the European sense of the word; it was not even a single race. It was not a geographical unit by any means, but a series of districts on th

economic

entral Europe, and was able to control the overland trade as soon as it emerged from the Caucasus or the Persian Gulf, and maintain that control until the continental highway passed into the defiles of the Balkans beyond Adrianople. Constantinople itself, controlling the narrow passage which formed the exit of the Black Sea, was

ortant strat

d for each other antipathies and jealousies almost as old as history. The racial problem of Turkey would be less difficult if the races were only located side by side in solid masses. With few exceptions the races interpenetrate one another to a remark

eak politi

ples hated each other less cordially, had they been more capable of organization and willing to compromise, they might have ended the Turkish rule decades ago, army or no army. Some observers, indeed, have thought the Turkish Government an artificial sham kept alive by France and England for their own purposes. Whatever reasons were to be given, the Germans and the Turks saw that Turkey as a nation and Turkey as a state had been, both of them, practically n

lingness to a

influence

Turkey's joi

ses. We have here in the last analysis the reasons why Turkey has joined Germany in the war. The enlightened Turks see in Pan-Germanism a democratic Turkey with constitutional self-government, a Turkey developing its own resources, a Turkey gradually freeing itself from the fetters of European alliances and becoming gradually but certainly strong enough to take its place in the Pan-Germanic chain as a state of worth, integrity, and importance. They see in the victory of Pan-Germanism the effective

zation o

ed Tripoli with the consent of the Triple Entente, Italy then changed sides, returned to the Triple Alliance and took Tripoli with her. The result was a prompt reversal of the strategic situation in the Eastern Mediterranean and placed England and Fr

alkan

s of Ma

many was ready to mobilize, saved the Turk. The ambitions of Bulgaria brought her over to the side of the Triple Alliance, which was more than ready to assist her in dominating the Balkans. The second war cost B

od of attack on

er was purchased from one of the South American states. There would this time be no escape. The death sentence had been passed upon the Turk, and if he waited for his enemies to gather and descend upon him defense would be problematical. It was, of course, realized that in the long run Germany would save Turkey by battles won in France or in Poland, and also that German defeats in Europe would in t

sers at Con

e had come when the Turk must openly join in the war, send his troops to the frontier in order to hold the invader as far as possible from Constantinople. Indeed, action at this time might allow the Turk to accomplish results of the utmost importance. Those who see simply the fact that Russia could easily overwhelm

the Black S

il supplies in the

ain ships through the Mediterranean has been one of England's chief reasons for maintaining control of that sea. So large were these supplies normally that England has had considerable difficulty in replacing them and is destined soon to experience greater difficulty in furnishing a supply equivalent in volume and accessibility. The Black Sea district also has large oil supplies which would be of eno

ion of

of Turkey

ns point out that the isolation of Russia will have precisely the same effect on that country unless Russia can find some place where her raw products can be exchanged for the manufactured goods which are much more necessary in warfare than the crude products which she always has to sell. The experience of the past has proved again and again that belligerent countries persistently trade with one another when it is profitable. The Germans expect to sell their manufactured goods in Russia in exchange for the raw materials which Russia produces, just as long

uez Canal vital

Their places were filled by less experienced regiments from France, England, and the English colonies. Egypt and the Suez Canal, India, and the great defenses would not be so strongly held. The Turk occupied a position flanking Persia and a position flanking Egypt. A strong, well-trained Turkish army might conceivably capture either or both. Assistance from within might well be expected in both, and victory in either would exert a moral effect upon the war in Europe which would be of the utmost importance. A few hours' possession of the Suez Canal, furthermore, would allow the Germans to obstruct it and effectually block the approach of England

ally of

ates weakened

tes except Roumania-which is hardly a Balkan State-were very much weakened in men and in resources by the late Balkan wars, and will probably have considerable difficulty in obtaining any quantity of supplies from foreign countries, though we are told of large purchases by the Greeks in the United States. The fact, however, that the Turk has taken the offensive against Egypt and Persia makes it extremely probable that the Balkan hatreds have offset each other. Bulgaria's existence probably depends upon Austrian protection. Roumania is probably afraid to take the field with Bulgaria, Turkey, Russia, and Austria aga

ion if Germany

ans are excluded from Persia, and the English from Egypt. The victorious Turkish army is then in a position to advance along the Persian Gulf road u

ties of P

of the Mohammedan religion. His orders Moslems are all bound to obey. At present the Mohammedans in the English and French possessions, who are, of course, under English and French influence, are claiming that the acts of the Sultan are not really his, but those of German officers; and the reports at the time of writing indicate that at the present momen

ation is Co

ealing with world politics, with a world war which is being fought on the battlefields of Europe; but we are dealing with a world war

rld's Work, J

of Helgoland. Squadrons were sent out, however, to attack isolated British ships, and on August 28 the first naval battle of the war occurred in the Bight of Helgoland. Here British and German cruisers engaged in a struggle in

ers off the Coronel. On December 9, however, a British fleet, after a search of many days, came up wi

KLAND S

. HI

kland I

Differences arose between the two leaders. One was an explorer: the other had a tendency towards freebooting. They parted off the coast of Patagonia. Davis, driven out of his course by stormy weather, found himself among a cluster

rface, and

ot excessively cold. So violent are the winds that it is said to be impossible to play tennis or croquet, unless walls are erected as shelter, while cabbages grown in the kitchen-gardens of the shepherds, the only cultivated ground, are at times uprooted and scattered like straw. The surface, much of which is bogland, is in some parts mountainous, and is generally wild and rugged. Small streams and shallow freshwater tarns abound. A natural curiosity, regarded with great wonder, exists in 'stone-rivers'; long, glistening lines of quartzite rock débris, which, without the aid of water, slide gradually to lower levels. There are no roads. Innumerable sheep, the familiar Cheviots and Southdowns, graze upon the wild scurvy-grass and

ern

ty of th

s resources are not stated, however, to be habitually strained. Education is compulsory: the Government maintains schools and travelling teachers. The inhabitants are principally engaged in sheep-farming and seafaring industries. The colony is prosperous, with a trade that of late years has grown with extraordinary rap

d exp

ached, though keen, interest changed, however, as the weeks passed, to intimate alarm. The Governor, Mr. Allardyce, received a wireless message from the Admiralty that he must expect a raid. German cruisers were suspected to be in the neighbourhood. Never before had the colony known such bustle and such excitement. They, the inhabitants of the remote Falklands, were to play a part i

warships

r German

y for the enemy. Passing through the West Indies, he proceeded to the coast of Brazil. Here he was joined by the Glasgow. The Good Hope had picked up the Monmouth previously. The three ships, accompanied by the auxiliary cruiser Otranto, kept a southerly course. The discovery at Pernambuco of twenty-three German merchantmen snugly ensconced behind the breakwater, in neutral harbour, proved very galling. The Straits of Magellan and the cold Tierra del Fuego were at length reached. The squadron was on the scent

of di

ation. On October 19, he issued a notice that all women and children were to leave Stanley. Provisions, stores, and clothes were hastily removed into the interior, which was locally termed the 'camp'. The colony possessed a Volunteer Rifle Company, some 120 strong, and two nine-pounder field-guns. Further volunteers were enrolled and armed. Suddenly, on November 3, an alarming wireless message was received. The Good Hope and the Monmouth were reported to have been sunk off the coast of Chili. It was unsigned. There was no proof of its authenticity. But

asgow

cious several men who rushed in to put out the fire. The vessel had escaped any serious outbreak, however, and had suffered only four slight casualties. Warm tributes were pai

uisers in

c, and began to prey upon the western coast of South America. Half the maritime trade of Chili was carried in English ships. Many of them might be seized and destroyed at little risk. The Admiral, with his two remaining vessels, the Scharnhorst and the Gneisenau, successfully evaded the hostile fleets for some time. On September 14 he touched at Apia, in German Samoa, familiar to readers of Robert Louis Stevenson. It could be remembered how, fifteen years before, this colony, shortly to fall before a New Zealand expeditionary force, had been a bone of contention between Great Britain and Ger

t of cr

nee

's ex

for c

ach the nearest German harbour, from coaling again for three months at a port of the same nationality. But if German merchantmen, hampered by no such restrictions, could constantly renew his supplies, the difficulty of fuel could be to some extent met. Provisions and secret information as to British movements could also be obtained through the same source. Such employment of merchantmen, however, being contrary to international law, would have to be clandestine. The great Pacific coast offered numerous harbours and abundant facilities for being utilized as a base under such conditions. It showed many historic precedents for bold and adventurous exploits which could not fail to appeal to an admiral whose family, ennobled by the Emperor Charles VI, took pride in its ancient and aristocratic lineage. The occasion seemed opportune, moreover, for the accomplishment, by himself, his officers, and men, of deeds which should inspire their posterity as British naval traditions, for lack of other, at present inspired them. They could recall how, on this very coast, in

d. It was not unlikely that von Spee might be able to cut off and to destroy stray units of the patrolling squadrons. Th

ear coast

ruisers

d, had won enduring glory in the struggle for Chilian independence, nearly a hundred years before. The conditions of naval warfare had, indeed, through the introduction of armour and the perfection of weapons, radically changed since Cochrane, in a series of singularly audacious exploits, had overcome the fleets of Spain. Sea-fighting had become purely a matter of science. The object of strategy was to concentrate faster ships and more powerful guns against weaker force. The odds with which Cradock was to contend against the Germans were greater in proportion, if less in bulk, than the odds with which Cochrane had contended, with his peasant crews and his hulks, against the Spanish "wooden-walls". Admiral Cradock now knew that there were two more cruisers in the neighbourhood than had at first been supposed. The Canopus had accordingly been sent to join his squadron. But she was a battleship, and much slower than the cruisers. She could travel no faster than at eighteen knots. Cradock proceeded northwards, ahead of the Canopus, made a rendezvous off Concepcion Bay for his colliers

adrons

nto line behind her, and the whole squadron now proceeded south. Von Spee, coming up from that direction in line ahead, about twelve miles off, changed his course and also proceeded south, keeping nearer to the coast. The wind was now blowing almost with the force of a hurricane. So heavy was the sea that small boats would have been unable to keep afloat. But the sky was not completely overcast, and the sun wa

sh ve

orders

s capable of twenty-six knots, the flagship and the Monmouth could only go to twenty-three. But there was another consideration which the Admiral might weigh. Coming slowly up from the south, but probably still a considerable distance off, was the battleship Canopus. Her presence would give the British a decided preponderance. She was a vessel of some 13,000 tons, and her armament included four 12-inch and twelve 6-inch pieces. How far was she away? How soon could she arrive upon the scene? Evening was closing in. Cradock was steering hard in her direction. If the British, engaging the enemy immediately, could keep them in play throughout the night, when firing must necessarily be desultory, perhaps morning would bring the Canopus hastening into the action.

oser

lashes to

d Hope

moured cruisers set the Good Hope and the Monmouth afire. Shells began to find their mark, some exploding overhead and bursting in all directions. In about ten minutes the Monmouth sheered off the line to westward about one hundred yards. She was being hit heavily. Her foremost turret, shielding one of her 6-inch guns, was in flames. She seemed to be reeling and shaking. She fell back into line, however, and then out again to eastward, her 6-inch guns roaring intermittently. Darkness was now gathering fast. The range had narrowed to about 5,000 yards. The seven ships were all in action. Many shells striking the sea sent up columns of white spray, showing weirdly in the twilight. It was an impressive scene. The dim light, the heavy seas, the rolling of the vessels, distracted the aim. Some of the guns upon the main decks, being near the water-line, became with each roll almost awash. The British could fire only at the flashes of the enemy's guns. Often the heavy head seas hid even the flashes from the gun-layers. It was impossible to gauge the effect of their shells. The fore-turret of the Good Hope burst into flames, and she began to fall away out of line towards the enemy. The Glasgow kept up a continual fire upon the German light cruisers with one of her 6-inch guns and her port batteries. A shell struck her below deck, a

h in di

signallin

w draw

th finally

were forming plans of action. Firing was still proceeding intermittently. It was about half-past eight. Captain Luce could see nothing for it but to abandon the Monmouth to her fate. To rescue her crew, under such conditions, was impossible, while to stand by and endeavour to defend her would be folly. The Glasgow was not armoured, and could not contend with armoured vessels. Of the two guns she possessed capable of piercing the enemy's armour, one had been put out of action ten minutes after the start. If she stayed and fought to the end, 370 good lives, in addition to the sufficiently heavy toll of 1,600 in the Good Hope and the Monmouth, would be needlessly sacrificed. The Canopus, moreover, mus

opus start for

econds and then disappeared, was also observed. The vessel bore round gradually to the south. Her wireless was put into operation, and she made efforts to get through to the Canopus. But the Germans had again set their apparatus in motion, and the messages we

my appeared, she and even the damaged Glasgow could give a very good account of themselves. But during the morning Captain Grant of the Canopus received a wireless message from the Admiralty. He was to proceed immediately to Rio de Janeiro with

almost de

prepare

ernor's silver

n the Falklands considered the only dry month. The ground is then covered with a variety of sweet-scented flowers. Further, all the stores it was possible to remove must be taken into the 'camp'. Quantities of provisions must be hidden away at various points within reach of the town. In order to add to the mobility of the defending force, it would be well to bring in another hundred horses from the 'camp'. Every man should be mounted. These measures were duly carried out. Every preparation was made and every precaution taken. Everybody began to pack up boxes of goods. Clothes, stores, and valuables were all taken away to safety. Books, papers, and money were removed from the Government offices, and from the headquarters of the Falkland Islands Company. What was not sent away was buried. The official papers and code-books were buried every night, and dug up and dried every

us ar

and lined up with their horses. It would soon become a question whether to resist a landing or to retire. In any event the men were ready and provided with

ok-decks are cl

by no means an attractive prospect. Duty, however, was duty. The Canopus turned about, and retraced her passage. She set her wireless in operation, and tried to get through to Stanley. But for some reason she was unable to do so. It was concluded that the Germans had made a raid and had destroyed the wireless station. Probably they had occ

aid anti

visit to So

to be sent to avenge the defeat, arrived. Relief could hardly be expected for two or three weeks. The Falklands formed a very distant corner of the Empire. It was doubtful, indeed, whether even the ubiquitous German spy had penetrated to these remote and barren shores. It could, however, be recalled that, in 1882, a German expedition had landed on South Georgia, a dependent island of the Falklands, eight hundred miles to their south-east, to observe the transit of Venus. Upon that same island, indeed, another and a quite unsuspicious expedition had landed, early in that very month, November. Sir Ernest Shackleton, the explorer, had left Buenos Ayres on th

adron reaches

ruisers

November 11, and had proceeded to the West Indies. Their mission was to avenge Coronel. They had picked up at Albatross Rock the Carnarvon, Cornwall, Bristol, Kent, Glasgow, now repaired, and Macedonia, an armed liner. All had then steamed southwards towards the Falklands. The vessels started coaling. Officers came ashore to stretch their legs. Certain stores were laid in. It was anticipated that the squadron would depart in search of the enemy on the evening of the following day. That search might, indeed, be a matter of months. Early next morning, December 8, at about eight o'clock, a volunteer observer posted on Sapper's Hill, two miles from Stanley, sighted two vessels upon the ho

nts of th

hard to

ion of ne

s neut

s a poss

rnberg fire on w

are su

ransferring them at sea to the German warships. There were other causes of complaint. Juan Fernandez, the isle of romance and of mystery, the home of the original of Robinson Crusoe, was said to have been degraded into use as a base for apportioning the booty, coals and victuals, among the belligerent vessels. The island was a Chilian possession. It was practically certain that von Spee's squadron had stayed there beyond the legal limit of time. A French merchantman had, contrary to rule, also been sunk there by the Dresden, within Chilian territorial waters. Inquiries in other quarters were being made, moreover, as to the friendly wireless stations which the Germans had been utilizing secretly in Colombia and Ecuador; while a rumour was current in the United States that neutral vessels had been seized and pillaged on the high seas. Von Spee soon found that he was nearing the end even of his illegitimate resources. He had tried the patience of the Chilian authorities too far. About the middle of November they suddenly prohibited, as a provisional measure, the vessels of the Kosmos Company from leaving any Chilian port. On November 24 a Government ship was sent to Juan Fernandez to investigate, and to see that Chilian neutrality was upheld. Many such signs seemed to warn von Spee that the time was appropriate to a sudden disappearance. He gathered his squadron for a descent at last upon the Falklands. His plans must be, n

of Britis

e both confide

ight mi

s open

of the battle-cruisers was twenty-eight knots; of the three middle-class cruisers, twenty-two to twenty-four knots; and of the light cruisers, twenty-five to twenty-six knots. In size, in armament, in speed, the British squadron would decidedly preponderate. Admiral Sturdee, however, though confident of victory, was determined to take no risks, and to minimize loss in men and material by making full use of his superior long-range gunfire, and of his superior speed. He would wait, screened by the land, until the Germans had drawn nearer. Everything should be got ready carefully. Undue excitement was to be deprecated. Meanwhile, he watched the enemy closely. At about a quarter to nine, Captain Grant of the Canopus reported that the first two ships sighted were now about eight miles away: the other two were still at a distance of some twenty miles. The Kent passed down the harbour and took up a position at the entrance. Five minutes later the smoke of a fifth Germa

unusua

e be

man ship

le j

Inflexible quickly drew to the fore. The Germans were roughly in line abreast, 20,000 yards, or some eleven miles, ahead. The morning sunlight, the gleaming seas, the grey warships, white foam springing from their bows, tearing at high speed through the waves, formed a magnificent spectacle. Crowds of the inhabitants of Stanley gathered upon the hills above the town to view the chase. The excitement and enthusiasm were intense. The vessels were in sight about two hours. At about a quarter past eleven it was reported from a point in the south of East Falkland that three other German ships were in sight. They were probably colliers or transports. The Bristol signalled the information to Admiral Sturdee. He at once ordered her, with the armed liner Macedonia, to hasten in their direction and destroy them. The newcomers made off to south-west, and the British followed. Meanwhile the rest of the squadron, now travelling at twenty-three knots, were slowly closing upon the enemy. The distance had narrowed to 15-16,000 yards. The British were within striking range. Nevertheless, Sturdee decided to wait till after dinner before engaging. His guns could outdistance those of the enemy. It would be advisable for him to keep at long range. The Germans, on the other hand, would be forced, when firing

rnhorst

arnhors

senau go

ish accurately to gauge the damage, rose from her decks. Shells rending her side disclosed momentarily the dull red glow of flame. She was burning fiercely. The firing on both sides was deadly, though the German had slackened considerably. But the British vessels, through their preponderance in gunfire, suffered little damage. Their 12-inch guns hit their marks constantly, while 8·2-inch guns of the Scharnhorst were accurate, but ineffective. She veered to starboard at about 3.30, to bring into play her starboard batteries. Both her masts and three of her four funnels were shot away. At length the German flagship began to settle down rapidly in the waters. It was about a quarter past four. There was a swirl of the seas and a rush of steam and smoke. The Scharnhorst disappeared. She went down with her flag flying to an ocean grave, bearing 760 brave men and a gallant admiral, whose name will deservedly rank high in the annals of German naval history. The Gneisenau passed on the far side of her sunken flagship. With the guns of both battle-cruisers now bearing upon her alone, the German was soon in sore straits. But she fought on gallantly for a considerable time. At half-past five she had ceased firing, and appeared to be sinking. She had suffered severe damage. Smoke and steam were rising everywhere. Her bridge had been shot away. Her foremost funnel was resting against the second. Her upper deck was so shattered that it could not be crossed, and every man upon it had been killed. An exploding shell had hurled one of the gun-turrets bodily overboard. Fire was raging aft. Her colours had been shot away several times, and hoisted as ofte

Friedric

ipzig

, upon either quarter, and made her escape whilst they were being engaged. The Kent gave chase to the Nürnberg. The Glasgow, in pursuit of the Leipzig, raced ahead of the Cornwall, and by about three o'clock in the afternoon had closed sufficiently, within 12,000 yards, to open fire with her foremost guns. The German ship turned every now and then to fire a salvo. Soon a regular battle began which was maintained for some hours. Shells fell all around the Glasgow. There were several narrow esc

ent r

of the N

Honolulu, "The Nürnberg will very likely be our coffin. But we are ready to fight to the last". He had fought and died true to his words. The German ship was ordinarily more than a knot faster than the British. But the engineers and stokers of the Kent rose magnificently to the occasion. Fuel was piled high. Her engines were strained to the utmost. Soon she was speeding through the waves at twenty-five knots, a knot and a half more than her registered speed. The Nürnberg drew nearer. At five o'clock she was within range, and firing was opened. A sharp action began which lasted some two and a half hours. The Kent was struck many times, and lost several men. She had one narrow escape. A bursting shell ignited some cordite charges, and a flash of flame went down the hoist into the ammunition passage. Some empty shell bags began to burn. But a sergeant picked up a cordi

our in to Sir Doveton Sturdee. And the curtain closed, in the flush of triumph,

f the Eite

drich comes to

esden

tish barque was sunk by the Dresden. The position was again rapidly becoming troublesome. The movement of British shipping, on the Chilian coast had to be suspended. But the Glasgow and the Kent were on the Dresden's track. The Kent entered Coronel on March 13, coaled, and departed the same night. The Eitel Friedrich, meanwhile, had arrived at Newport News, a United States port, with her engines badly in need of repair. Much indignation was aroused among Americans by the announcement that one of her victims had been an American vessel. The German liner had many prisoners on board. Declarations of a resolve, if he had been caught by the British, to have sunk fighting to the last, were repeatedly and emphatically declaimed by the German captain. Five da

the Falkl

hips and cruisers, engaged in sweeping the oceans, for other usefulness. It gave Great Britain effective mastery of the outer seas. Henceforth German naval ambition, frustrated in its endeavour to disorganize the trade routes, wa

A. N. Hilditch, Oxf

TNO

e press. But the source from which it was taken, together with many of the preceding details of the condition of Stanley

by isolated vessels. Of these terrors of the sea the most famous was the cruiser Emden, which began her career on October 29 by sinking the Russian cruis

OF TH

AIN

ndus

ed many officers for the capturing and sinking of steamers, or manning them when we took them with us. On September 10 the first boat came in sight. We stop her. She proves to be a Greek tramp, chartered from England. On the next day we met the Indus, bound for Bombay,

g ships

ions s

. After a few hours they'd be on board with us. We ourselves never set foot in their cabins, nor took charge of them. The officers often acted on their own initiative and signaled to us the nature of their cargo; then the Commandant decided as to whether to sink the ship or take it with us. Of the cargo, we always took everything we could use, particularly provisions. Many of the English officers and sailors made good use of the hours of transfer to drink up the supply of whisky instead of sacrificing it to the waves. I heard

God I've been captured!' He had received expense money for

cess of

process took longer or shorter, according to where they were struck and the nature of the cargo. Mostly the ships keeled over on their sides till the water fl

Kabi

confidential, like all the Captains, called us 'Old Chap,' gave the Lieutenant a nice new oilskin, and as we finally let the Kabinga go wrote us a letter of thanks, and his wife asked for an Emden armband and a button. They a

omat, chock full of tea-we sunk $2,500,000 worth. On the same day the Trab

il tanks

ht for the harbor. We stopped still 3,000 yards before the city. Then we shot up the oil tanks. Three or four burned up and illuminated the city. They answered. Several of the papers asserted that we left with lights out. On the contrary, we showed our lights so as to seem to indicate that we were going northward; only later did we put them out, turn around, and steer southward. As we left we could see the fire burning bri

the Emden

o with a load of passengers and captured crews. We also sent the Markomannia away because it hadn't any more coal. She was later captured by the English together with all the prize papers about their own captured ships. All this happened before October 20; then we sailed southward, to Deogazia, southwest of Colombo. South of Lakadiven on Deogazia some Englishmen came on board, solitary farmers who were in touch with the world only every three months through schooners. They knew nothing about the war, took us for an E

eamers

now?' On the next day we found three steamers to the north, one of them with much desired Cardiff coal. From English papers on captured ships we learned that we were being hotl

rth smo

ay a dark silhouette; that must be a warship! But it wasn't the French cruiser we were looking for. We recognized the silhouette-dead sure; that was the Russian cruiser Jemtchug. There it lay, there it slept like a rat. No watch to be seen. They made it easy for us. Because of the narrowness of the harbor we had to keep close; we fired the first torpedo at 400 yards. Then to be sure things livened up a bit on the sleeping warship. At the same time we took

ips fight

ial a

ench torpedo boat Mousquet. It comes straight toward us. That's always remained a mystery to me, for it must have heard the shooting. An officer whom we fished up afterward explained to me that they had only recognized we were a German warship when they were quite close to us. The Frenchman behaved well, accepted battle and fought on, but was polished off by us with three broadsides. The whole fight with both ships lasted half an hour. The commander of the torpedo boat lost both legs by the fir

partly like an artist, and not trying to eliminate the flavor of adventure,

on Cocos

o weigh

near.' The work of destruction went smoothly. The wireless operator said: 'Thank God! it's been like being under arrest day and night lately.' Presently the Emden signaled to us: 'Hurry up.' I pack up, but simultaneously wail

y traps t

pinnace. Therefore, I turn back to land, raise the flag, declare German laws of war in force, seize all arms, set up my machine guns on shore in order to guard against a hostile landing. Then I run again in orde

ned to the Sydney? At the Dardanelles maybe?" And his hatred of the Emden

den on

nning fight now followed, I don't know, because I again had to look to my land defenses. Later I looked on from the roof of a house. Now the Emden again stood out to sea about 4,000 to 5,000 yards, still burning. As she again turned toward the enemy, the forward mast was shot away. On the enemy no outward damage was apparent, but columns of smoke showed where shots

ing ships

eighborhood, I saw myself faced with the certainty of having soon to surrender because of a lack of ammunition. But for no price did I and my men want to get into English imprisonment. As I was thinking about all this, the masts again appear on the horizon, the Emden steaming easterly, but very much slower. All at once the

izes a s

y, but I found it quite a seaworthy tub. Now quickly provisions were taken on board for eight weeks, water for four. The Englishmen very kindly showed us the best water and gave us clothing and utensils. They declared this was their thanks for our 'moderation' and

ha sails

this seaman has, for he was trained on a sailing ship and had won many prizes in the regattas at Kiel. "But we had hardly any instruments," he narrated, "we had only one sextant

te to

! Only two neutral ports came seriously under consideration: Batavia and Padang. At Keeling I cautiously asked about Tsing-tao, of which I had naturally thought first, and so quite by chance learned that it had fallen. Now I decided for Padang, because I knew I would be more apt to meet the Emden there, also be

board th

ined, all possible receptacles were placed on deck and the main sail was spread over the cabin roof to catch the rain. The whole crew went about naked, in order to spare ou

torped

. I promenade the deck as the solitary skipper. Through Morse signals the stranger betrayed its identity. It was the Hollandish torpedo boat Lyn. I asked by signals, first in English, then twice in German: 'Why do you follow me?' No answer. The next morning I find myself in Hollandish waters, so I raise pennant and war flag. Now the Lyn came a

rman

a three-master arrive. Great excitement aboard our German ship, for the schooner carried the German war flag. We thought she came from New Guinea and at once made all boats clear,

s are r

had great luck. On the day before a Japanese warship had cruised around here. Naturally, I rejected all the well-meant and kindly advice, and did this in presence of my lieutenants. I demanded provisions, water, sails, tackle, and clothing. They replied we could take on board everything which we formerly had on board, but nothing which would mean an increase in our naval strength. First thing, I wanted to improve our wardrobe, for I had only one sock, a pair of shoes, and one clean shirt, which had become rather seedy. My comrades had even less. But the Maste

an ship

ing still for days. The weather was alternately still, rainy and blowy. At length a ship comes in sight-a freighter. It sees us and makes a big curve around us. I make everything hastily 'clear for battle.' Then one of our officers recognizes her for the Choising. She shows the German flag. I send up light rockets, although it was b

board the

was too high, and we had to wait two days before we could board the Choising on December 16. We took very little with us; the schooner was taken in tow. In the afternoon we sunk the Ayesha and we were all very sad. The good old Ayesha had served us faithfully for six weeks. The log showed that we had made 1,709 sea

esha i

le in her; she filled slowly and then all of a sudden plump disappeared! That was the saddest day of t

n ally o

Then we traveled together for three weeks, from Padang to Hodeida. The Choising was some ninety meters long and had a speed of nine miles, though sometimes only four. If she had not accidentally arrived I had intended to cruise high along the west coast of Sumatra to the region of the nort

h the Choising in the direction of Aden. Lieutenant Gerdts of the Choising had heard that the Arabian railway now already went almost to Hodeida, near the Perim Strait. The ship's surgeon there, Docounlang, found confirmation of this in Meyer's traveling handbook. This railway could not have been taken over by the Englishmen, who always dreamed of it. By doing this they would hav

ward

, courage!

he Strait

the Englishmen will be vexed when they learn that we have passed smoothly by Perim. On the next evening we saw on the coast a few lights upon the water. We thought that must be the pier of Hodeida. But when we measured the distance by night, 3,000

arty ente

Guards. For we did not even know whether Hodeida was in English or French hands. We waved to them, laid aside our arms, and made signs to them. The Arabs, gathering together, begin to rub two fingers together; that means 'We are friends.' We thought that meant '

ugh by land. Therefore, I gave red-star signals at night, telling the Choising to sail away, since the enemy was near by. Inquiries and determination concerning a safe journey by land proceeded. I also heard that in the interior, about six days' journey away, there was healthy high

iries and discussions that finally resulted in our foregoing the journey by land through Arabia, for religious reasons. But

in sa

fear of English spies, we sailed from Jebaua, ten miles north of Hodeida. That was on March 14. At first we sailed at a considerable distance apart, so t

uk runs

nd still another. The water poured in rapidly. I had run upon the reef of a small island, where the smaller sambuk was able barely to pass because it had a foot less draught than mine. Soon my ship was quite full, listed over, and all of us-twenty-eight men-had to sit on the uptilted edge of the boat. The little island lies at Jesirat Marka, 200 miles north of Jebaua. To be sure, an Arab boat lay near by, but they did not know us. Nobody could help us. If the Commander had not changed

finally

guns bro

ood swimmer trailed along, hanging to the painter of the canoe. When it became altogether dark we could not see the boat any more, for over there they were prevented by the wind from keeping any light burning. My men asked 'In what direction shall we swim?' I answered: 'Swim in the direction of this or that star; that must be about the direction of the boat.' Finally a torch flared up over there-one of the torches that were still left from the Emden. But we had suffered considerably through submersion. One sailor cried out: 'Oh, pshaw! it's all up with us now; that's a search

y becom

as done good service as guide in the last two months. He is an active man, thoroughly familiar with the country. He procured for us a larger boat, of fifty-four tons, and he himself, with his wife, sailed alongside on the little sambuk. We sailed fro

ling o

ce. We remained aboard ship so long. We marched away on the 28th. We had only a vague suspicion that the English might have agents here also. We could travel only at night, and when we slept

att

were tired-had been riding eighteen hours. Suddenly I saw a line flash up before me, and shots whizzed over our heads. Down from the camels! Form a fighting line! You know how quickly it becomes daylight here. The whole space around the desert hillock was occupied. Now, up with your bayonets! Rush 'em! * * * They fled, but

truce and

ates, and hands. The whole barricade had a diameter of about fifty meters. Behind it we dug trenches, which we deepened even during the skirmish. The camels inside had to lie down, and thus served very well as cover for the rear of the trenches. Then an inner wall was constructed, behind which we carried the sick men. In the very centre we buried t

chmidt and

night, Lieutenant Schmidt died. We had to dig his grave with our hands and with our bayonets, and to eliminate every trace above i

uffer fro

ceived only a little cupful three times a day. If our water supply was exhausted, we would have to sally from our camp and fight our way through. Then we should have gone to pot under superior numbers. The Arab gendarmes simply cut the throats of those camels that had been wounded by shots, an

ns demanded arms no longer, but only money. This time the negotiations took place across the c

se go

the Emir

10 o'clock in the morning, there bobbed up in the north two riders on camels, waving white cloths. Soon afterward there appeared, coming from the same direction, far back, a

rpreter, in French. Now things proceeded in one-two-three order, and the whole Bedouin band speedily disappeared. From what I learned later, I know definitely that they had been corrupted with bribes by the English. They knew when and where we would pass and they had made all preparations. Now our first act was a rush for wa

y reache

re we proceeded in nineteen days, without mischance, by sailing boat to Elwesh, and under abundant guard with Suleiman Pasha in a five-day c

ar you had eno

ships each time; only a single time, at Penang, was it engaged in battle, and

s grea

to bring my men as quickly as possible to German

u desire for yo

nd the blue eyes sparkled,

eview, Ap

pledges she, at the outbreak of the war, prepared to capture the German stronghold Tsing-tao, the capital of t

E OF T

. HI

s of the

ma Prime

se ult

rage, his burning patriotism, his patience, his habitual suppression of emotional display singularly distinct from those of the modern Goth. Nor was the statesmanship which brought about that conflict less admirable. Japan's alliance with Great Britain was at once a solemn pledge and the guiding principle of her foreign policy. August 1914 found British interests and the vast trade that centred at Hong-kong in danger: German armed vessels prowled the seas, and the German naval base of Tsing-tao was busy with warlike preparations. Great Britain appealed to Japan to free their joint commerce from the menace. The Japanese Prime Minister, Count Okuma, might well hesitate, however, before recommending intervention. Was he the right minister to direct a war? He was nearer eighty than seventy years old, and recently had been for seven years in retirement: his Government had a minority in the Diet, and to the Genro his name was anathema: he claimed the allegiance of no party, and the powerful military and naval clans, Choshiu and Satsuma, were openly hostile. He had been raised to powe

ific squad

ao's im

prepare

warships

coal being present. In winter the port, connected to the junction of Tsi-nan by a German-built railway, was the natural outlet for the trade of Northern China. The heights which surrounded the bay offered admirable sites for fortification, while the land-approaches to Tsing-tao were guarded by formidable defences stretched across its peninsula. In many quarters the stronghold was regarded as a second Port Arthur. The Germans had paid particular attention to defence, so much so, indeed, that over five-sixths of the white inhabitants were engaged in military occupations. Five thousand German marines constituted the normal garrison, though the outbreak of war in August called about a thousand more men-volunteers, reservists, and sailors-to the colours. The complement of the Kaiserin Elizabeth, an Austrian cruiser sheltering in the harbour, left for Tientsin, having received orders to disarm their ship, but returned in time to join the defenders. The garrison was amply provisioned for five or six months, and well provided with weapons, stores, and munitions. Most of the German ships off the Chinese coast at the outbreak of war, indeed, had made immediately for Tsing-tao, and discharged upon its wharves many thousand tons of cargo. When war with Japan became inevitable, therefore, the defenders could anticipate a successful resistance, provided the expected instantaneous victories in Europe materialized. Elaborate preparations were made for the defence. The harbour mouth was blocked by three sunken vessels, enabling only small craft to enter. Chinese villages within the leased territory, and the bridge whe

was declared, as commencing from 9 a.m., August 27, and war vessels patrolled the shores, some seventy miles long. Action soon began, and continued during ensuing days, with shells that at intervals screamed towards the town. The position was, however, reconnoitred carefully. Japanese airmen went up frequently to scan the fortifications and to drop bombs. All protruding structures, spires and factory-chimne

ng ef

hinder

nt upon the Powers involved to respect Chinese property and administrative rights. Japan, therefore, was permitted to make use of the main roads to transport an army to the rear of Tsing-tao. The forces landed composed a division numbering 23,000, and commanded by Lieutenant-General Mitsuomi Kamio. An advance-guard was sent forward without delay, but soon found its way rendered impassable by torrential floods which at this time swept down upo

e neut

British a

ese a

y of the situation was that British local interests had long conflicted with Japanese national interests. Japan's activities had, at every stage of her recent history, reduced British opportunities. Japanese trader competed with British trader for the markets of China, and Japan's share of the annual trade expansion was increasing, that of Great Britain decreasing. High tariffs and preferential rates had closed Corea and Manchuria to British enterprise. It is easy to estimate in what commercial jealousy and rivalry such circumstances had resulted. While the expediency of the British-Japanese alliance was fully recognized, and its consequences admitted to be the freedom of the China seas from menace of commerce-destroyers, nevertheless the fact remained that the hostilities against Tsing-tao would constitute a fresh impulse to Japanese expansion. The operations in Shantung were watched with critical eyes by many British in the foreign settlements of China. The floods had, meanwhile, subsided considerably, and on September 12 Japanese cavalry reached Tsimo, ten miles outside the Kiao-chau zone. No trace of the enemy north of the Pai-sha River had been seen, beyond a German aeroplane that occasionally passed overhead on reconnoitring flights. O

force co

r were aggrieved, and that their attitude might produce unfortunate effects. If Great Britain herself took some share in the Tsing-tao operations, greater sympathy with their purpose might be induced, and a better state of feeling in the Orient between the two peoples might possibly result. It must have been some aim such as this that prompted the dispatch of a British force to the Tsing-tao area to co-operate with General Kamio, a step which the earlier symptoms o

oppo

lery

iles north-east of Tsing-tao. The enemy at all points fell back, and the advance upon the town continued. The Japanese had now drawn their lines across the neck of the narrow peninsula upon which Tsing-tao stands. There were indications that the main forces were now in contact. The only obstacle, but a formidable one, between the invaders and the forts themselves was constituted by the dominating height of Prince Heinrich Hill, from whose crest, rising some five miles from the town, all the forts could be bombarded. General Kamio estimated that three days of fighting would be required for its capture: it was as all-important to the defence as to the attack, and was sure to be strongly held. The forts themselves, of the latest type, were elaborately constructed, and equipped with concrete and steel cupolas, mounting high calibre pieces. They commanded both landward and seaward approaches to the town, those nearest the invading Japanese being situated upon, and named Moltke Berg, Bismarck Berg, and Iltis Berg. Earth redoubts and trenches between formed the German line of defence. Plans for the most considerable engagement, the assault of Prince Heinrich Hill, that had so far taken place, to begin on Sunday, September 27, were made by the Japanese General. It developed more speedily than had been expected. German artillery opened a terrific cannonade upon the Japanese lines, while three warships shelled the attacking right wing from the bay. The German fire was heav

ege co

oats

s by sap and mine, though hindered greatly by terrible weather, and occasionally having slight encounters with the enemy. In one of these, on October 5, a German night-attack was heavily repulsed, forty-seven dead being left behind by the attackers. At sea the operations were also spasmodic. At the end of September a landing force occupied Lao-she harbour, in the vicinity of Tsing-tao, where four abandoned field-guns were taken possession of. Mine-sweeping had constantly to be maintained, under fire from the shore, and proved a dangerous task. Several vessels thus engaged were sunk or damaged, though with comparatively few casualties, through coming into contact with mines. Some German gunboats, however, among them the Cormoran and the Iltis, were apparently sunk about this time, either deliberate

ay se

prot

e as far as Tsi-nan itself. Hints of such action drew forth protests from China, whose Government, however, adopted too compromising an attitude. The Japanese Government was firm. China's right to formal protest was admitted, but the occupation was stated to be an urgent military necessity, and without any prejudice to Chinese claims after the war. Since China was unable to enforce the neutrality of the line, flagrantly violated by the Germans, the Japanese had no alternative but to bring it under their own control. The Chino-German Treaty of 1898 and the German Government's charter clearly proved that the railway was essentially German. A compromise, hastened by the unhesitating and thorough measures taken by the Japanese to effect the occupation, was arrived at. The Japanese were temporarily to control the administration, while the Chinese conducted the traffic, of the railway. Its fate, since China d

batants

y we

lties o

on Mikado'

. Two hundred and seventy-one officers and seamen lost their lives. The rough weather which contributed to the disaster continued with little break, and hindered operations, till the end of the month. The landing of the Sikh contingent at Laoshan Bay on October 21 was, indeed, attended by great difficulties and some loss of life. A strong southerly gale had raised high seas, and enormous lighters and sampans, employed for disembarkation, were thrown high and dry upon the beach. Sixteen Japanese were drowned in trying to save other boats that broke loose. The Sikhs got safely ashore, but next morning again the winds blew and the rains descended, and the camping-ground was soon a miry pool. Circumstances other than the weather, however, helped to put the British officers out of humour. Trouble ahead threatened in connexion with transport arrangements. While the Chinese carts and drivers, brought hurriedly from Tientsin, were doubtfully reliable, many of the mules were raw and quite unused to harness. When a start for the front was preparing on the morning of the 23rd, it was found that the best of the harness, which had been purchased from peasants in the locality, had been stolen in the night by the people who had brought it in, and that what was left was tied up with string. The column, however, at length set off, and made a march memorable for hardship and difficulty. From Laoshan to Lutin, where a metalled road b

anks

for many hours the heavens were darkened by an immense cloud of black petroleum smoke which hung like a pall over the town. Shells passing over these fires drew up columns of flame to a great height. Chinese coolies could be seen running before the spreading and burning oil. Fires broke out also on the wharves of the outer harbour, in which during the day a gunboat, apparently damaged fatally by a shot which carried away her funnel, disappeared. The redoubts and infantry works particularly were heavily bombarded. On the left of the German line 100 Chinese in the village of Tao-tung-chien were unfortunately caught by shell-fire directed on the redoubt c

nes dir

attacks Fo

Elizabe

acti

ng the enemy, from sight strips specially calculated, without exposing themselves or their weapons. It became customary aboard to call the bombardment 'pressing the enemy' from an exhortation sent by the Japanese Crown Prince to 'press the enemy, braving all hardships'. Ashore, indeed, the pressure on the enemy developed steadily as the days passed. On November 2 the Austrian cruiser Kaiserin Elizabeth, which had, with the German gunboats still afloat, been engaging vigorously in the fighting, sank, having probably been blown up deliberately, and the floating dock also disappeared. Iltis Fort, moreover, was silenced, two guns being smashed and ammunition giving out, and Japanese infantry advanced and captured an eminence in German hands. On another ridge, however, hard by the silenced fort, some German naval gunners carried out a ruse which saved for the present both their position and their battery, composed of naval 9-cm. pieces, which were exposed dangerously to fire from sea and land. Lieutenant von Trendel, in command, during the night constructed wooden models of cannon, which he placed in position 200 yards from his real guns. Next morning he exploded powder near by, and drew the fire of the besiegers, attracted by the flashes, upon the dummies. That day the wireless and electric power stations were wrecked, and large attacking forces crept further forward, despite severe fire, and entrenched closer to the enemy's lines. In the evening and night the latter showed special activity, star rockets

redoub

tack on

hite

and the Japanese flag was hoisted. The besiegers were through the German line, but the position had to be consolidated, or disaster would follow. Danger from the flank was, however, soon obviated by advances in other parts of the line. Just after five o'clock a battery on Shao-tan Hill was captured; half an hour later another battery in Tao-tung-chien redoubt was taken, and Fort Chung-shan-wa, the base of the German right wing, fell. The shadows were still dense, and the final phase of the siege, viewed from Prince Heinrich Hill, presented a sight brilliant with many flashes and flaming fireworks, and a sound dominated by the thunder of the batteries. But dawn, as the besiegers began in mass to close in upon the main line of forts Iltis, Moltke, and Bismarck, was breaking. It was decided to storm these positions forthwith, since the German fire, owing to exhaustion of the ammuni

f capit

terial

of vi

ips in harbour, and also the floating dock, had been destroyed, but it seemed probable that the Kaiserin Elizabeth could be successfully raised. Sufficient provisions were found to feed 5,000 persons for three months, and the victors were able to regale their appetites with luxuries such as butter, crab, or salmon, which were plentiful. Looting, however, was strictly forbidden. For fastidious persons the bath, after many weeks, was again available, and proved, indeed, in view of steady accumulations of mud, a salutary course. Measures, meanwhile, were

A. N. Hilditch, Oxf

ardanelles

conceived by Winston Churchill, then First Lord of the British Admiralty. After careful consideration it was approved by the mili

LIP

HN GA

ndlanders

t the outbreak of war. A rigid medical examination sorted out the best of them, and ten months of bayonet fighting, physical drill, and twenty-mile route marches over Scottish hills had molded these into trim, erect, bronzed sol

ilita

gh the regiment. It was the spirit that possessed them on the long-waited-for day at Aldershot when Kitchener himself pronounced them "just the men I want for the Dardanelles." That day at Aldershot every man

ment at A

to get to

t they would be punished by being kept back from active service. To break a rule that week carried with it the suspicion of cowardice. This was the more remarkable because many of the men were fishermen, trappers, hunters, and lumbermen who until their enlistment had said "Sir" to no man, an

ps in Mud

aunches and rowboats. There were gray-and-black-painted troopers, their rails lined with soldiers; immense four-funneled men-of-war; and brightly lighted, white hospital ships, with their red crosses outlined in electric lights. The landing officer left us in a little motor-boat. We watched him glide slowly shor

ron R

nd much-maligned "bully beef"-a bag of biscuits, and a small tin that held two tubes of Oxo, with tea and sugar in specially constructed air- and damp-proof envelopes. This was an em

tary let

its envelope, that was given to every man to be used for a parting letter home. For some poor chaps it was

could see the dusky outline of land, and once, when we were about half-way, an airship soared phantomlike out of the night, poised over us a

ing Cape

ing

ame A

Anzac to make a surprise attack on the Turks' right flank. Presently we were going upshore past the wrecked steamer River Clyde, the famous "Ship of Troy" from the side of which the Australians had issued after the ship had been beached on the shore hitherto nameless, but now known as Anzac. Australian New Zealand Army Corps tho

almost alongside the ship. Four hours it took us to go fifty miles in a destroyer that could make thirty-two knots easily. By one o'clock the stars had disappeared, and for perhaps three-quarters of an hour we nosed our way throu

in front some one hailed

a casual English voice say, and th

g about that cool, self-contained voice out of the night. I

l of a

under our bow a naval launch with a middy in charge swerved alongside

into the boats the

few minutes you'll be ashore. Let me know how

rapnel shell fired at the Newfoundlanders burst near him, and he had s

oundland

The wind had freshened considerably, and was now blowing so hard that our unwieldy tug dared not risk a landing. We came in near enough to watch the other boats. About twenty yards from sh

tillery

in. To the left I could see the boats of another battalion. Even as I watched, the enemy's artillery located them. It was the first shell I had ever heard. It came over the hill close to me, screeching through the air like an express-train going over a bridge at night. Just above the boat I was watching it exploded. A few of the

g of bom

f the Newf

t-men were caught half-way up the beach. Above the din of falling shrapnel and the shriek of flying shells rose the piercing scream of wounded mules. The Newfoundlanders did not escape. That morning Beachy Bill's gunners played no favorites. On all sides the shrapnel came in a shower. Less often, a cloud of thick, black smoke and a hole twenty feet deep showed the landing-place of a high-explosive shell. The most amazing thing was the cool

es of gr

eninsula for months. Many of them are still there. From the beach to the firing-line is not over four miles, but it is a ghastly four miles of graveyard. Everywhere along the route are small, rude wooden crosses, mute record of advances. Where the crosses are thickest there the fighting was fiercest, and where the fighting was fiercest there were the Irish. On every

arable Twe

l was taken

op of a hill that commanded the Narrows. For forty-eight hours the result was in doubt. The British attacked with bayonet and bombs, were driven back, and repeatedly re-attacked. The New-Zealanders finally succeeded in reaching the top, followed by the 88th Brigade. The Irish fought on the tracks of a railroad that leads into Constantinople. At the end of forty-eight hours of attacks and counter-attacks the position was considered secure. The worn-out soldiers were relieved and went into

nders run

harge in ma

sualties of

attack we were repaid for the havoc wrought by Beachy Bill. As soon as the Turk topped the crest they were subjected to a demoralizing rain of shell from the navy and the artillery. Against the hazy blue of the sky-line we could see the dark mass clearly silhouetted. Every few seconds, when a shell landed in the middle of the approaching columns, the sides of the column would bulge outward for an instant, then close in again. Meanwhile every man in our trenches stood on the firing-platform, head and shoulders above the parapet, with fixed bayonet and loaded rifle, waiting for the order to begin firing. Still the Turks came on, big, black, bewhiskered six-footers, reforming ranks and filling up their gaps with fresh men. Now they were only six hundred yards away, but still there was no order to open fire. It was uncanny. At five hundred yards our fire was still

in a stat

man fixed his bayonet and prepared to repulse any attack of the enemy. After that sentry groups were formed, three reliefs of two men each. Two men stood with their hea

mirrors, a sentry can keep his head below the parapet while he watches the ground in front. Sometimes a bullet struck one of the mirrors, an

shell

f a shell drops right in the traverse where men are, only half a dozen or so suffer. In open or slightly protected g

l and b

ders' name for shrapnel. We had become accustomed to rifle-bullets. When you hear the zing of a spent bullet or the sharp crack of an explosive you know it has passed you. The one that hits you you never hear. At first we dodged at the sound of a passing bullet, but soon we came actually to believe the superstition that

of intr

ving every man dig a hole in the ground that is large and deep enough to allow him to lie flat in it. The intrenching-tool is a miniature pickax, one end of which resembles a large-bladed hoe with a sharpened and tempered edge. The pick end is used to loo

ity for co

n the side nearest the enemy. Out in no-man's-land, with bullets and machine-gun balls pattering about us, we did fast work. As soon as we had filled the second and third sand-bags we

s use st

e. At first when a man saw a star-shell he dropped flat on his face; but after a good many men had been riddled by bullets, we saw our mistake. The sudden blinding glare makes it impossible to identify ob

attacked by

ur men soon convinced them of the futility of this. After that they relied on their artillery. In the air all around the tiny speck we could see white puffs of smoke where their shrapnel was exploding. Sometimes those

man's a

atched two hostile planes chase him back right to our trench. When they came near us we opened rapid fire that forced them to turn; but before Samson reached his landing-place at Salt Lake we could see that he was in trouble; one of the wings o

artillery

ed our shells demolish the enemy's front-line trenches on the hill well to our left. Through field-glasses we could see the communication-trenches choked with fleeing Turks. Some of our artillery concentrated on the support-trenches, preventing reinforcements from coming up. A mule-train of supplies

inction of making the charge. High explosives cleared the way for their advance, and cheering and yelling they went over the parapet. T

slike for Ger

r German officers. One prisoner said that he had been an officer, but since the outbreak of t

from

corporals were left, I and one other. For a week after he had been ordered by the doctor to leave the peninsula the other chap hung on, pluckily determined not to leave me alone, although staying meant keeping awake nearly all night. By this time dysentery and enteric had taken toll of more men than bullets. These diseases became epidemic until the clearing-stations and the beaches were choked with sick. The time we should have been sleeping was spent in digging, but still the men worked

ed consid

ook hands with their comrades. From every ration party of twenty men we always counted on losing two. Those who were wounded were looked on as lucky. The best thing we could wish a man was a "cushy wound," one that would not

n Austr

. There was always faith in the invincible Australasians. Early in October, 1915, had come the news of the British advance at Loos. The report that re

ho stood

rmerly been a dread, were now an eagerly sought variation. Any change was welcome. The thought of being killed had lost its fear. Daily intercourse with death had robbed it of its horror. One chap had his leg blown off from standing on a bomb. Later, in hospital, he t

post on Car

Newfoundlanders. It is called Donnelly's Post because it is here that Lieutenant Donnelly won his military cross. The hitherto nameless ridge from which the Turkish machine-guns poured th

y machi

at sent me off the peninsula. The machine-guns on Caribou Ridge not only swept parts of our trench, but commanded all of the intervening ground. Several attempts had been made to rush those guns. All had failed, held up by the murder

y surprised

f great

rpses. But daylight showed something more to the credit of the Newfoundlanders than the mere taking of the ridge. It showed one of Donnelly's men, Jack Hynes, who had crawled away from his companion to a point about two hundred yards to the left. From here he had all alone kept up through the whole night a rapid fire on the enemy's flank that duped them into believing that we had

their refuse over the parapet into the short underbrush. Since coming in we had made a dump for it. I was sent out with five men to remove the rubbish from the unde

ter is

down I went like a Mohammedan saying his prayers. Connecting the hit in the back with the pain in my chest, I concluded that I was done for, and can distinctly remember thinking quite calmly that I was indeed fortunate to be conscious long enough to tell them what to do about my will and so forth. I tried to say, "I'm hit," and must have succeeded, because immediately I heard my henchman Hynes yell with a frenzied oath: "The corporal's struck! Can't you see the corporal's struck?" and heard him curse the Turk. Then I heard the others say, "We must get him in out of this." After that I was quite clear

l at Al

ospital-ship, and a few days late

r-guard

the honor of fighting the rear-guard action. This is the highest recognition a regiment can receive; for the duty of the rear-guard in a retreat is to keep the enemy from reaching the main body of troo

ntury Magazin

ports, continued the efforts to break through the British and French lines. The British held the strong line of Ypres, and in March made gains at Neuve Chapelle. In April the Germans made a de

ND BATTLE

. D. S

Battle

sumed the importance of a second battle for that town. With the aid of a method of warfare up to now never employed by nations sufficiently civilized to consider themselves bound by international

e Road, roughly following the crest of what is known as the Grafenstafel Ridge. The French prolonged the line west of the Ypres-Poelcapelle Road, whence their trenches ran around the north of Langemarck to Steen

plan a g

ess achieved. Taking advantage of the fact that at this season of the year the wind not infrequently blows from the north, they secretly brought up apparatus for emitting asphyxiating vapor or gas, and distributed it along the section of their front line opposite that of our alli

d that afternoon, all being ready, the Germans put their plan into execution. Since then events have moved so rapidly and the situation has moved so frequently that it is difficult to give a consecutive and clear story of what happened, but the foll

gas batt

al Division. Allowing sufficient time for the fumes to take full effect on the troops facing them, the Germans charged forward over the practically unresisting enemy in their immediate front, and, penetrating through the gap thus created, pressed on silently and swift

of the French Colonials and the sight of the wall of vapor following them. Our flank being thus exposed the troops were ordered to retire on St. Julien, with their lef

y shell and g

dinary high-explosive shell and shrapnel of various calibres and also with projectiles containing asphyxiating gas. About this period our men in reserve near Ypres, seeing the shells bursting, had gathered in groups, discussing the situ

in quietly in perfect order on their alarm posts amid the scene of wild co

ss of th

over hedgerows, came the German firing line, the men's mouths and noses, it is stated, protected by pads soaked in a solution of bicarbonate of soda. Closely following them again came the supports. These troops, hurrying forward with their formation somewhat broken up by the obstacles encountered in their path, looked like a huge mob

retires

pposite directions, the enemy being on three sides of them. It was under the very heavy cannonade opened about this time by the Germans, and threatened by the a

reserves

nd the officers on their own initiative, without waiting for orders, led them forward to meet the advancing enemy, who, by this time, were barely two miles from th

isoners. Other reinforcements were thrown in as they came up, and, when night fell, the fighting continued by moonligh

cross th

about three-quarters of a mile south of the former place, and had established themselves at various points on the west bank. All night long the shelling continued, and about 1.30 a.m. two heavy attacks were made on

e our men got into the Germans with the bayonet, and the latter suffered heavily. The losses were also severe on our side, for the advance had to be carried out across the open. But in spite of this nothing could exceed the dash with which it was conducted. On

tish in

le, whence it curved southwestward before turning north to the canal near Boesinghe. Broadly speaking, on the section of the front then occupied by us the

still more. Along the canal the fighting raged fiercely, our allies making some progress here and there. Du

ws bridges acr

, under cover of their gas, made a further attack between 3 and 4 a.m. to the east of St. Julien and forced back a portion of our line. Nothing else in particular occurred until about midday, when l

counter

e line was re-established north of the hamlet of Fortuin, about 700 yards further to the rear. All this time the fighting along the canal continued, the enemy forcing their way across near Boesinghe, and holding Het Sase, Steenstraate, and Lizerne strongly. Th

aults on B

th of the wood which had been the objective on the 23d and which we had had to relinquish subsequently. In the afternoon the Germans made repeated assaults in great strength on our line near Broodseinde. These were backed up by a

he appearance of a great effort to break the line and capture the Channel ports. Its initial success was g

BATTLE

ADIANS

ADIAN RECO

the Canadi

capelle road, and connecting at its terminus with the French troops. The division consisted of three infantry brigades, in addition to the artillery brigades.

den gas

At 5 o'clock in the afternoon a plan, carefully prepared, was put into execution against our French allies on the left. Asphyxiating gas of great intensity was projected into their trenches, probably

nch giv

to labor the compelling nature of the poisonous discharges under which the trenches were lost. The French did, as every one knew they would do, all that stout soldiers

urse, extremely grave. The Third Brigade of the Canadian Division

he Canad

ticable to move the First Brigade from reserve at a moment's notice, and the line, extending from 5,000 to 9,000 ya

er, commanding the Third Brigade, to throw bac

o had advanced rapidly after his initial successes, took four British 4.7 guns in a small wood

the Canadia

y-with a gap still existing, though reduced, in their lines, and with dispositions made hurriedly under the stimulus of critical danger, fought through the day and through the night, and then throug

n to push a formidable series of attacks upon the whole of the newly-formed Canadian salient. If it is possible to distinguish when the attack was ever

t on t

attalion of the Second Brigade, which was intercepted for this purpose on its way to a reserve trench. The battalions were respectively commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Leckie and Lieutenant Colonel Boyle, and after a most fierce struggle in the light of a misty moon they took the position at th

ine never wavered. When one man fell another took his place, and with a final shout the survivors of the two battalions flung themselves into the wood. The German garrison was completely demoralized, and the impetuous advance of the Canadians did not cease until they reached the far side of the wood and intrenched themselves there in the position s

adians, fighting in positions so difficult to defend and so little the subject of deliberate choice, could maintain their resistance for any long period. At 6 A. M. on Friday it became apparent that the left w

tack on Ge

line of German trenches, now far, far advanced from those originally occupied by the French. This was carried out by the Ontari

n knew all that rested upon its success. It did not seem that any human being could live in the shower of shot and shell which began to play upon the

st line tre

n and, at the very moment when his example had infected them, fell dead at the head of his battalion. With a hoarse cry of anger they sprang forward, (for, indeed, they loved him,) as if to avenge his death. The astonishing attack which followed-pushed home in the fac

death indifferently in the face, (for no man who took part in it could think that he was likely to live,) saved, and that was much, the Canadian left. But it did more. Up to the point where the assailants conquered, or died, it secured and maintained during the most critical moment of all th

onous ga

e same time sparing all the men it could to form an extemporized line between the wood and St. Julien. This brigade also was at the first moment of the German offensive, made the object of an attack by the discharge of poisonous gas. The discharge was followed by two

e line running northeast, and upon the Third Brigade, which, as has been fully explained, had continued the line up to the pivotal point, as defined above, and had then spread down in a southeasterly direction. It is, perhaps, worth mentioning that two

f reti

pon their ground. The Forty-eighth Highlanders, which, no doubt, received a more poisonous discharge, was for the moment dismayed, and, indeed, their trench, according to the testimony of very hardened soldiers, became intolerable.

resource, a gallantry, and a tenacity for which no eulogy could be excessive, w

pass gap

ound and overwhelm its left wing. At some point in the line which cannot be precisely determined the last attempt partially succeeded, and in the course of this critical struggle German troops in considerable though not in overwhelming numbers swu

ighlanders

stice to others, but though the efforts of the Royal Highlanders of Montreal, Thirteenth Battalion, were only equal to those of the ot

Captain

cCuaig, of the same battalion, was not less glorious, although his death can claim no witness. This most gallant officer was seriously wounded, in a hurriedly c

tached. But he, knowing, it may be, better than they, the exertions which still lay in front of them, and unwilling to inflict upon them the disabilities of a maimed man, very resolutely refused, and asked of them one thing only, that there should be given to him, as he lay a

s amounting to seven battalions. From this time forward the Canadians also continued to receive further assista

nders gi

intained against the overwhelming superiority of numbers by which it was assailed. Slowly, stubbornly, and contesting every yard, the defenders gave g

y in St.

ble, without hazarding far larger forces, to disentangle the detachment of the Royal Highlanders of Montreal, Thirteenth Battalion, and of the Royal Montreal Regiment, Fourteenth Battalion. The brigade was ordered, and not a moment too soon, to move back. It left these units with hearts as heavy as those with which his comrade

of the Third Brigade itself at the moment of the withdrawal of the French. The Second Brigade, it must be remembered, had retained the whole line of trenches, roughly 2,500 yards, which it was holding at 5 o'clock

Curry's

onel Lipsett h

of trenches from Thursday at 5 o'clock till Sunday afternoon. And on Sunday afternoon he had not abandoned his trenches. There were none left. They had been obliterated by artillery. He withdrew his undefeated troops from the fragments of his field fortifications, and the hearts of his men were as completely unbroken as the parapets of his trenches

hour, it counter-attacked, retook the trenches it had abandoned, and bayoneted the enemy. And after the Third Brigade had been forced to retir

dable attack the enemy succeeded in capturing the village of St. Julien, which has so often been referred to in describing the fortunes of the Canadian left. This success opened up a new and formidable line of advanc

or the C

pport. The attack was thrust through the Canadian left and centre, and as the troops making it swept on, many of them going to certain death, they paused an instant

oes not belong to the special account of the fortunes of the Canadian contingent. It is sufficient for our purpose to not

Third Briga

reinforcements which this time filled the gap between the two brigades were gradually driven fighting every yard upon a line running, roughly, from Fortuin, south of St. Julien, in a northeasterly di

ier General Curry whether he could once more call upon his shrunken brigade. "The men are tired," this indomitable soldier replied, "but they are ready and glad to go again to the trenches." And s

he apex o

as still occupying the reserve trenches, and on Wedne

o others who played their part-and all did-as gloriously as those whose special activities it is possible, even at this stage, to describe. But the friends of men who fought in other battalions may be content in the knowledge that they, too, shall

and dispat

d up their lives in the discharge of their duty, carrying out repairs with the most complete calmness in exposed positions. The dispatch carriers, as usual, behaved with the greatest bravery. Theirs is a lonely life, and very often a lonely dea

y and en

g battle of retreat. And the nature of the position renders such a record very remarkable. One battery of four guns found itself in such a

s or the Medical Corps. Their members rivaled in coolness, endurance, and valor the Canadian infantry, whose

the Canadians were not less glorious, but the long, drawn-out struggle is a lesson to the whole empire. "Arise, O Israel!" The empire is engaged in a struggle, without quarter and without compromise, against an enemy still superbly organized, still immensely

ir hearts are still bleeding, will answer eve

n graveyard

Those who lie there have left their mortal remains on alien soil

eternal ca

nt tents a

uards with

uac of t

th of Ypres at the same time. At one point it was not until the early morning of Saturday, April 24, that

re poison

y also it was bombarded for some hours, the Germans firing poison shells for one hour. Their infantry, who were intrenched about 120 yards away, evidently expected some result from their use of the latter, for they put their heads above the parapets, as i

ng gas e

splay of pyrotechnics, again turned to their front it was to find the German trenches rendered invisible by a wall of greenish-yellow vapor, similar to that observed on the Thursday afternoon, which was bearing down on them on the breeze. Through this the Germans started

y fell back from a part of the Grafenstafel Ridge, northwest of Zonnebeke, and the line then ran for some distance alo

ced at Br

, however, our line was pierced near Broodseinde, and a small body of the enemy established themselves in a portion of our trenches. In the afternoon a strong, combined counter-attack was delivered by the French and British along the whole front from Steenstraate to the east of St. Julien, accom

near St

ening gained the southern outskirts of the village. In the centre they captured the trenches a little to the south of the Bois des Cuisinirs, west of St. Julien, and still further west more trenches were taken. This represented an advance of some 600 or 700 yards, but the gain in ground could not at all points be maintained. Opposite St. Julien we fell back from the village to a position just south of the place, and in front of the Bois des Cui

y li

nk of the canal. Heavy as our losses were during the day, there is little doubt that the enemy suffered terribly. Both sides were attacking at different points, the fighting was condu

cular occurred d

battle

t about half a mile east of St. Julien. Thence it curved back again to the Vamheule Farm, on the Ypres-Poelcappelle road, running from here in a slight southerly curve to a point a little west of the Ypres-Langemarck road, where it joined the French. In the last

little later the left was also held up, and the situation remained very much as it had been on the previous day. The Germans were doubtless much encouraged by their initial success, and their previous boldness

exhau

not surprising, in view of the fact that by Tuesday evening they had been fighting for over five days. Their state of exhaustion i

f our line, and the shelling was less severe. Some fighting, howev

batt

held by the Germans was blown up by our miners. On the 28th a hostile aeroplane was forced to descend by our anti-aircraft guns. On coming down in rear o

bed the stations of Staden, Thielt, Courtrai, Roubaix, and other places, and located an armored train near Langemarck, which was subsequently shelled and forced to r

on Co

s he was the target of hundreds of rifles, of machine guns, and of anti-aircraft armament, and was severely wounded in the thigh. Though he might have saved his life by at once coming down in the enemy's lines, he decided to save his machine at all costs, and made for the British lines. Descending to a height of only 10

s of the

is quarter a machine gun was stationed in the angle of a trench when the German rush took place. One man after another of the detachment was shot, but the gun still continued in action, through five bodies lay around it. When the sixth man took the place of his fall

one wi

e repeatedly cut. The wire connecting one battery with its observing officer was severed on nine separate occasi

right and by our left from the Ypres-Langemarck road to a considerable distance east of St. Julien. The fumes did not carry

earance of

try as they were withdrawing. Meanwhile our guns had not been idle. From a distance, perhaps owing to some peculiarity of the light, the gas

of vapor as it was shaken by the wind, and the lower and denser part sinking into all inequalities of the ground, rol

oops held firm and shot through the cloud at the advancing Germans. In other cases the men holding the front line managed to move to the flank, whe

through

d our trenches, when they charged through it and met the advan

es in position. In every case the assaults failed completely. Large numbers were mown down by our artillery. Men were seen falling and others scattering and running ba

methods of fighting, such as spreading poisonous gas. It is a confession by the Germans that they have lost their former

sticks a

be underestimated. Though it may not pay the Germans in the long run, it renders it all the more obvio

h seems to have been attended with even less success, and the as

and the whole line reestablished in its original posit

ent. of its men in the first week; that the losses from our artillery fire, even during days when no attacks w

ns due to

ise, resulted in a considerable gain of ground for the enemy. Between all the earlier German efforts, the o

nor that they are likely to lose it. They do mean, however, and the fact has been repeatedly pointed out, that the enemy's defensive is an active one, that

be gained only by bearing in mind that it is their primary obje

e as early as possible some success of sufficient magnitude to influence the neutrals, to discourage the Allies, to make them weary of the struggle and to induce the belief among the people ignora

artill

e apparent that the Germans were preparing an attack in strength against our line running east and northeast from Ypres,

it being evidently their intention while engaging us closely on the whole of this sector to break our front in the vicinity of

fternoon we made a counter-attack between the Zonnebeke road and the railway in order to recover the lost g

cks near M

our left to the north of Ypres with fresh masses. Most desperate fighting ensued, the German infantry coming on again

oelcappe

t exactly what hour our line was broken at different points, but it is certain that at one time the

s counter-attacks were organized without delay. To the east of the salient the Germans first were driven back to Frezenb

counter

, regained most of the ground to the north of that point. And so the fight surged to and fro throughout the night. All around the scene of the conflict the sky was lit up by the flashes of the guns and the light of blazi

saults on

the new line we had taken up and to obtain some rest after the fatigue and strain of the night. It did not last long, however, and in the afternoon the climax o

he Menin road, where the fighting was especially fierce. In the latter direction masses of infa

advanced from the wood, and it is affirmed by th

ses at Cha

broke and fell back under the hail of shrapnel poured upon them by our guns. It was on this side, where they had to face the concentrated fire of guns, Maxims and

w their efforts, and as night came on the fury of their offensiv

ripping the British dead in our abandoned trenches, east of the Hooge

cessf

, after the previous day's fighting, been reconstituted a short distance behind the original front, remained intact. Our losses wer

e days previously they had been in possession of information which led them to suppose that we intended to apply pressure on the right

n expected hostile offensive is to forestall it by attacking in some other quarter. In this instance their

y held i

n blotted out whole lengths of the defenses and killed the defenders by scores. Time after time along those parts of the front selected for assault

repeated the great deeds their comrades performed half a year ago and beaten back

l significance will only be realized in the light of future events. But so far their devotion has

f our line and the left of the French, for when the firing around Ypres was temporarily subsiding during the early hours of the mor

re Guinchy, with its brickfields and the ruins of Givenchy. To the north of them lay low ground, where, hidden by trees and hedgerows, ran the opposing lines that were

ment of

sh of the larger shells and the earth shook with the concussion of guns. In a few minutes the whole distant landscape d

le near

trenches. Hand-to-hand fighting went on for some time with bayonet, rifle, and hand grenade, but we continued to hold on to this position throughout the day and caused t

bert, our advance met with consider

nch v

on a front of nearly five miles, and had pushed forward from two to three miles, capturing 2,000 p

ve later, all the communications of the enemy being subjected to so heavy and accurate a fire that in some quarters all movement by daylight within range of our lines was rendered impracticable. At one place oppos

figh

his way there, but continued and fulfilled his mission. Near Wytschaete, one of our aviators pursued a German aeroplane and fired a whole belt from his ma

was brought down over Lille by the enemy's anti-air

hat the British used gas in their att

had not

loyed by us at any time, nor have t

of sinking the ships of the belligerent powers, whether or not they were engaged on legitimate errands. This policy culminated on May

OF THE L

ECISION BY JUD

sitani

f 702, making a total of 1,959 souls on board, men, women, and children. At approximately 2:10 on the afternoon of May 7, 1915, weather clear and

rs and e

king a total of 48 boats with a capacity for 2,605 in all, or substantially in excess of the requirements of her last voyage. Her total of life belts was 3,187, or 1,959 more than the total number of passengers, and, in addition, she carried 20 life buoys. She was classed 100 A1 at Lloyd

itania

ty cartridges, and 189 cases of infantry equipment, such as leather fittings, pouches, and the like. All these were for delivery abroad, but none of these munitions could be exploded by setting them on fire in mass or in bulk, nor by s

lls suf

been called to the colors,) but, all told, the crew was good and, in many instances, highly intelligent and capable. Due precaution was taken in respect of boat drills while in port, and the testimony shows that those drills were both sufficient and efficient. Some passengers did not see any boat drills on the voyage, while others characterized the drills, in effect, as formally superficial. Any one fami

cy prec

mergency boat, which was a fixed boat, either No. 13 on the starboard side or No. 14 on the port side, according to the weather, the idea, doubtless, being to accustom the men quickly to reach t

f that time. It may be that more elaborate and effective methods and precaution have been adopted since then, but there is no testimony which shows that these boat drills,

d re

e of about twenty-one knots. The ship was operated under this reduced boiler power and reduced rate of speed for six round trips until and including the fatal voyage, although at the reduced rate she was considerably faster than any passenger ship crossing the Atlantic at that time. This reduction was in part for fi

argo of the vessel, reference will now be made to a

erial German Government issu

an procl

e war zone. On and after the 18th of February, 1915, every enemy merchant ship found in the said war zone will be d

l flags ordered on January 31 by the British Government and of the accidents of naval war, it ca

astern waters of the North Sea and in a strip of not less than

n P

Admiral Staf

February

blockade

reasons advanced by the German Government in support of the is

in the seat of war, and will prevent by all the military means at its disposal all navigation by the enemy in those waters. To this end it will endeavor to destroy, after February 18 next, any merchant vessels of the enemy which present themselves a

nt by the U

nment regarding the use of the American flag by the Lusitania on its voyage through the war zone on its trip from New York to Liverpool of January 30, 1915, in response to which

ly to Ameri

ns for saving the lives of noncombatant crews and passengers. It was in consequence of this threat that the Lusitania raised the United States flag on her inward voyage and on her subseq

ommunication to the American Secretary of State regarding an economic blocka

ent on the sub

found in that area will be destroyed, and that neutral vessels may be exposed to danger. This is in effect a claim to torpedo at sight, without regard to the safety of the crew or passenger

sink merc

an submarines attacked and seemed to have sunk twenty merchant and passenger ships within about 100 mile

ontrary, the implication is that settled international law as to visit and search and an opportunity for the lives of passengers to

om New York to Liverpool, beginning with that of January 30, 1915, stee

ns in dan

ng out and provisioned while passing through the danger zone, did not use its wireless for send

ia received certain advices from the British

he vicinity of ports and off prominent headlands on the coast. Important landfalls in this area should be made after dark wh

m the Briti

one on which the Lusitania was torpedoed, the Cunard Company and the master of th

ce 15th April, 1915, issued und

fly off prominent headlands and landfalls. Shi

morandum issued

s follow a z

irregular intervals, say in ten minutes to half an hour. This course is almost invariably adopted by warships when cruising in an area known to be infested by submarines. The underwate

ship owners, representatives of the Board of Trade and the Admiralty, which received these instructions and passe

t in the New

eared the following advertisement in the New York "Times," New York "Tribune," New York "Sun," New York "Herald," and the New York "World," this advertisemen

war includes the waters adjacent to the British Isles. That in accordance with formal notice given by the Imperial German Government, vessels flying the flag of Great Britain

l German

1915. Washi

kind" before sailing, and realized that the Lusitania was included in the warning. The Liverpool office of the Cunard Company was advised of the sailing and the number of passengers by cable from the Ne

justified

l port with many neutral and non-combatant passengers, unless he and his company were willing to yield to the attempt of the German Government to terrify British shipping. No one familiar with the Bri

funnels and a figure so familiar as to be readily discernible not only

ubmarine

ervision of Staff Captain Anderson, who later went down with the ship. All bulkhead doors which were not necessary for the working of the ship were closed, and it was reported to Captain Turner that this had been done. Lookouts were d

ibly get on the boilers, and in case the bridge rang for full speed, to give as mu

sages from t

at Queenstown: "Submarines active off south coast of Ireland," and at 7:56 the vessel asked for

the following message was rece

ritish Sh

dlands. Pass harbors at full speed; steer

nia's spee

had been received by the Lusitania, and the same message was offered to

d was reduced to 15 knots. Previously the speed, according to Captain Turner's recollection, had been reduced to 18 knots. This adjustment of speed was due to the fact that Captain Tur

the most dan

is much safer from submarine attack at night than in the daytime, and Captain Turner exercised proper and good judgment in planning accordingly as he approached dangerous waters. It is futile to conjecture as to what would or would not hav

een and a half miles south of Fastnet, which was not in sight. The course was then held up slightly to bring the

e clear, and the speed was increased to 18 knots. The course of the vessel w

el, last heard of twenty miles south of Coningbeg.

reported

additional wireless message f

of Cape Clear, proceeding w

call which. Land was sighted which the Captain thought was Galley Head, but he was not sure, and therefore held in shore. This last course was continued for an h

tania to

as torpedoed on the starboard side. Whether one, two, or three torpedoes were fired at the vessel cannot be determined with certainty. Two of the ship's crew were confiden

ting te

y two t

osives

direct testimony, (as, for instance, Adams, Lehman, Morton,) but also because of the unquestioned surrounding circumstances. The deliberate character of the attack upon a vessel whose identity could not be mistaken, made easy on a bright day, and the fact that the vessel had no means of defending herself, would lead to the inference that the submarine commander would make sure of her destruction. Further, the evidence is overwhelming that there was a second explosion. The witnesses differ as to the impression which the sound of this explosion made upon

, judged by the sound or shock of the explosions, certain physical effects, especially as to

the other, on the same side, either abreast of No. 3 boiler room or between No. 3 and No. 4. From knowledge of the torpedoes then used by the G

iler rooms and

coming into the engine room. Water at once entered No. 1 and No. 2 boiler rooms, a result necessarily attributable to the fact that one or both of the coal bunkers were

was built so as to float with two compartments open to the sea, and with more compartments open she could not stay afloat. As the side coal bunkers are regarded as com

gone as the result of the explosions, and th

he explosion the steam pressure fell from 190 to 50 pounds, his explan

es di

s, with the result that the ship kept her headway until she sank. That the ship com

behavior in

Johnson, officers,) testified that the ship stopped listing to starboard an

mentary scientific knowledge; for, if the ship temporarily righted herself, it must have been because the weight of water on the two sides was equal or nearly s

ury as flying metal may have done. It is easy to understand, therefore, how the whole pressure of the water rushing in from the starboard side against the weakened longitudinal bulkheads on the port side would cause them to give way and thus open up some apertures on the port side for the entry

ll been ord

y is conclusive that the ports on Deck F (the majority of which were dummy ports) were closed. Very few, if any, ports on E deck were open, and, if so, they were starboard ports in a small section of the first class in the vicinity where one of the torpedoes did its damage. A v

affected b

possible to determine. These ports, however, were from twenty-three to thirty feet above water, and when the gap made by the explosion and the consequent severe and sudden list are co

the air, the passengers scattered about on the decks and in the staterooms, saloons and companion ways, the ship under headway and, as it turned out, on

sm of the

tion for women and children. There was no panic, but naturally, there was a considerable amount of excitement and rush and much confusion, and, as the incre

eding difficulty, occasioned largely because of the serious list

sighted t

rdered

osion and then Turner went to the navigation bridge and took the obvious course, i. e., had the ship's head turned to the land. He signaled the engine room for full speed astern, hoping thereby to take the way off the ship, and then ordered the boats lowered down to the rail and directed that women and children should be first provided for in the boats. As the engine room failed to respond to the order to go full

display coura

their task, they were not confronted with some of the problems which the port side presented. There, in addition to Anderson, were Bestic, Junior Third Officer, and another officer, presumably the Second Officer. These men were apparently doing

ats could be put over the rail, but then a real danger would follow. Robertson, the ship's carpenter, aptly described

could not

the boats you would be dragging them down the rough side of the ship on rivets which are what we call "snap-headed rivets"-they stand up about an

denced by the fact that two port boats were lowered to the water and got

and 4,) although it is naturally difficult, in each ca

ts in l

s, however, were due either to lack of strength of the seaman who was lowering, or possibly, at worst, to an occasional instance of incompetency due to the personal equation so often illustrated, where one man of many may not be equal to the emergency. But the problem was of the most vexatious character. In addition to the crowdin

et away fro

rs getting in them, a difficulty intensified by the fact that many more passengers went to the starboard side than to the port side and, also that the ship maintained her way. Six boats successfully got away. In the case of the remaining boats, some w

le boats

ats had gotten clear of the ship. It was the duty of the officers to get the open boats away before giving attention to the collapsible boats, and that was a question of tim

however, does an inadvertent injustice to the great majority of the crew, who acted with that matter-in-fact courage and fidelity to duty which are traditional with men of the sea. Such of these men, presumably fairly typical of all, as testified in this court, were impressive

perienced transatlantic traveler, concis

as they could without any fear. They didn't care about themselves. It was very

er's comment

and something is sought to be made of comments of Captain Turner, construed by some to be unfavorable but afterward satisfactorily supplemented and exp

ressed that the men were not sufficiently instructed and drilled; for I think

. e., whether Captain Turner was negligent in not literally following the Admiral

in's judg

confined in a mental straitjacket. Of course, when movements are under military control, orders must be strictly obeyed, come what may. No such situation, however, was presented either to the Cunard Steamship Co. or Captain Turner. The vessel was not engaged in military service nor

advices

acticable, follow the Admiralty advices and use his best judgment as events and exigencies occurred; and if a situation arose where he believed that a course should be pursued to meet emergencies which required departure from some of the Admiralty advices as to general rules of action, then it was his duty to take such course, if in accordance with his caref

ons in care of

es, the destruction of an enemy merchant ship, but, at the same time, it was the accepted doctrine of all civilized nations (as will be more f

eed not only to general advices advanced as the outcome of experience in the then developing knowledge as to sub

of the A

aptain Turner, on May 6, had taken the full precautions, such as swinging out the boats, properly provisioned, which have been heretofore described. The principal features of the Admiralty advices were (1) to give the

iven a wi

closely, and, in normal times, the passing would be very near, or even inside of Fastnet. The Lusitania passed Fastnet so far out that Captain Turner could not see it. Whether the distance was about twenty-five miles, as the Cunard Steamship Co. contends, or about eighteen and one-half miles, as the claimants calculate, the result is that either distance must b

This wireless message presented acutely to the Captain the problem as to the best course to pursue, always bearing in mind his determination and the desirability of getting to the Liverpool Bar when it could be crossed while the tide served and without a pilot. Further, as was sta

rsey s

be Captain, that we did not think it would be safe for him to arrive off the bar at such a time that he would have to wait there, because that area had been infested with submarines, and we thought therefore it would be wiser for him to arrange his ar

he bar as much earlier than that as he could get over without stopping, while at the same time figuring on pa

decides to w

at he should determine whether to keep off land approximately the same distance as he was when he passed Fastnet, or to work inshore and go

g a b

urged that he should have taken a two-point bearing or a cross bearing, which would have occupied less time, but if, under all the conditions which appealed to his judgment as a mariner, he had taken a different method of ascertaining his exact distance and the result would have been inaccurate, or while engaged in taking a two-point bearing the s

bout the sh

e attack instead of twenty-four, or, in any event, twenty-one knots, and upon the further fact (for such it

at the Admiralty advices as of May, 1915, were sound and should have been followed, then the answer to the charge of negligence is twofold: (1) that Captain Turner, in taking a four-point bearing off the Old Head of Kinsale, was conscien

better express my conclusion tha

rsey's

t may be (though I seriously doubt it) that had he done so his ship would have reached Liverpool in safety. But the question remains: Was his conduct the conduct of a negligent or of an incompetent man? On this question I have sought the guidance of my assessors, who have rendered me invaluable assistance, and the conclusion at which I have arrived is that blame ought not to be imputed

experience

and experienced man, and although others might have acted differently, a

one submar

of the Admiralty, (May 6, 7:50 P. M., "Submarines active off south coast of Ireland"; May 6, 8:30 P. M., "Submarines off Fastnet"; the 11:25 message of May 7, supra; Ma

old with una

s usually not known, that of the Lusitania was. A submarine commander, when attacking an armed vessel, knows that he, as the attacker, may and likely will also be attacked by his armed opponent. The Lus

two sub

f she had evaded one submarine, who can say what might have happened five minutes later? If there was, in fact, a third torpedo fired at the L

rine activity and comfortably well off the Old Head of Kinsale, from which point it was about 140 miles to the Scilly Islands, and

ended to d

erchantman, which from every standpoint of international law had the right to expect a warning before its peaceful passengers were sent to their death. That the attack was deliberate and long contemplated and intended ruthlessly to destroy human life, as well as property, can no longer be open to doubt. And when a foe employs such tactics it i

and company

at the Captain and, hence, the C

es the statement of another ground which effe

rson is negligent recovery cannot be had unless the ne

ligence is shown, it cannot be the proximate cause of the loss or damage i

the act of the German submari

ationa

recognize the binding f

n, Secretary of State, to the French Minister, our Government has reco

ions; and, as evidence of these, to the works of commentators and jurists. * * * Such works ar

ether that position has authoritative support. Mr. Lansing, in his off

ng's comm

y of the Germ

ple of h

unparalleled in modern warfare. The fact that more than one hundred American citizens were among those who perished made it the duty of the Government of the United States to speak of these things and once more with solemn emphasis to call the attention of the Imperial German Government to the grave responsibility which the Government of the United States conceives that it has incurred in this tragic occurrence, and to the indisputable principle upon which that responsibility rests. The Government of the United States is contending for something much greater than mere rights of property or privileges of commerce. It is contending for nothing less high and sacred than the rights of humanity, which every Government honors itself in respecting and which no Gove

must be sa

cept as established beyond question the principle that the lives of non-combatants cannot lawfully or rightfully be put in jeopardy by the capture or destruction of an unresisting merchantman, and to recognize the obligation to take sufficient precaution to ascertain whether a suspected merchantman is in fact of belligerent nationality or is in fact carrying contraband of war under a neutral flag. The Government of the United States therefore deems it reas

isted upon by the Government of the United States, for, after considerable corresponden

sex agr

isit and search and destruction of merchant vessels as recognized by international law, the sole exception being the conduct of w

not to be sunk

search and destruction of merchant vessels recognized by international law, such vessels, both within and without the area declared as naval war zone, shall not be sunk without warning and without saving huma

o make

high seas, and, under certain conditions, to destroy her, and equally no doubt of th

one stating the rule and the other the attitude which obtains among civiliz

hantmen without previous r

of Nations" is peculiarly applica

est ourselves of that charity which connects us with all mankind. Thus shall we courageously defend our country's rights without violating those of h

rules of

ts. In 1512 Henry VIII. issued instructions to the Admiral of the Fleet which accord wi

he Russian and Japanese regulations, and probab

cticed by the United States,

possible to take it into port, and provided always that the persons on board a

ciples in A

otten) and all the difficulties of having no port to which to send a prize, Captain Semmes of the Alabama strictly observed the rule as to human life, eve

States, and prior to the sinking of the Lusitania had not announced any other rule. The war zone proclamation of February

erican note in reference to the Lusitania the German Foreign Office, per von Jagow, addressed to Ambassador Gerard a n

alaba

ain disregarded the order to lay to and took to flight, sending up rocket signals for help, that the German commander ordered the crew and passengers by signals and megaphone to leave the ship within ten minute

f the rule, as is evidenced by the note written to our Government by von Ja

ind translation, p. 68,) in force at the date of the Lusitania

passengers

ts, is to be provided for, and all ship's papers and other evidentiary material which, according to the views of the perso

ally accepted principle would not be violated. Few, at that time, would be likely to construe the warning advertisement as calling attention to more than the perils to be ex

Line and its Captain should have known that the German Government would authorize or permit so shocking a breach of internat

est evidenced by the horror which it excited

Imperial Germ

plotted

of life and property. The cause of the sinking of the Lusitania was the illegal act of the Imperial German Government, acting through its instrument, the submarine commander, and violating a cherished and humane rule observe

re strongly convinced of the aggressive intentions of Germany, and, after careful consideration, the Government and the people alike decided to cast their lot with the Allies.

AIN W

D C.

le of w

of centuries, set out to demonstrate the value of the theories that they had learned in time of peace. In a few months an entire

stria fight

re battles in the old sense of the word. From the North Sea to the Swiss frontier, the fighting was just a novel and gigantic form of siege warfare. Caval

t-books on mountain warfare have lost their significance. In the Trentino and along the Isonzo we see the consummation of a new style of mo

all with the object of obtaining the best position in an open valley or upland plain where the real fighting must take place. Now the smooth floors of the valleys are comparatively deserted, while whole armies are spread out ove

nciples of Mou

olume and that of the young Comte de Guilbert on general tactics have historical interest and importance because, according to Spenser Wilkinson, they show where some of Nap

les once the st

principle of mountain warfare that when the enemy holds a strong position, the assailant should force him to

defense, must compel the general who is taking the offensive to seek every possible means of turnin

ct attack that might be attempted against him, it would be necessary to attempt to turn him by some more distant point, choosing positions that would facilitate th

modern

real purpose, and must undertake diversions, dividing our forces into small bodies. This method, which would be dangerous in any other sort of country, is indispensable

always possess the initiative; and if it prepares its blow with sufficient secrecy and strikes swiftly, the ene

stand each oth

r defenses of the Dual Empire, and that the natural avenues of attack were up the valley of the Adige, along the railway through Pontebba and Malborghetto, or between Malborghetto and the sea. The Austrians have enough men and guns to de

we can hope to deceive the enemy and induce him to weaken himsel

cannot be

ermarch as much as they pleased, but there is no possible way of turning the enemy out of his position

great ob

hways from Italy into Austrian territory. Bourcet himself, in 1735, designed the defense of this pathway at Rivoli, just inside the Italian boundary, where he laid out what were considered impregnable positions. To the north; where Trent lies, the country bec

e on the Go

al. Besides occupying Grado and Monfalcone in the coastlands, General Cadorna's forces have crossed the Isonzo at several points, have smashed through to the north, and no

e Germans or the Anglo-French forces in the flat or rolling plains of Flanders and northern France. But the outflanking tactics of

es of approach, and had cemented up the embrasures. It was merely necessary to knock the cement out and pour shells upon the advancing Italians at a rang

methods

he Italians began driving their trenches up the steep slopes of Podgora-the Gibraltar of Gorizia-the defenders rolled down barrels of kerosene and set them alight with artille

possession o

orced to start this campaign under every strategic disadvantage. By the frontier delimited in 1866, they were left without natural defenses on the north and east. All along the Austrian bou

nded the troops that they were in the position of men on the top floor of a six-story h

Alpins in

tion the use of skis in military operations on the snow-clad slopes. This is the first war in which skis have really come to the front. In France, too, the Chas

rom the French position at St. Dié. This impression was deliberately strengthened by a heavy artillery fire from St. Dié, while a considerable detachment of the Chasseurs Alpins led a body of infantry along a windi

rs Alpins simultaneously whizzed down the slope on their skis. The swift flank attack did the b

apture of M

nt L?vchen, the huge black mass of rock, nearly six thousand feet high, which dominates

t the Austrians were something like eighteen months on the job; and in all this time it is doubtful if the defenders ever numbered much more than five thousand. It was not captured until th

in the Ca

Czar's armies back into their own country, also illustrates how the mountain warfare of to-day g

e broken hosts of the Dual Monarchy were sent flying through Galicia and the Carpathians, a cloud of Cossack cavalry followed them and penetrated

n westward to the Dunajec, threatening Cracow. This was their high tide. On their left flank was the mass of the Carpathia

pathian

able, because of the railroad facilities, and delivered a heavy blow at the Dukla Pass, the least important of the four. Here they pushed through to Bartfeld, on the Hungarian plain. Then, however, Macke

e often ba

aratively small part in the world's annals. Almost all the great campaigns have been fought out in the lowlands. It is Belgium, for instance, and not Switzerland, that has been prov

y the valor of raiding clansmen like Roderick Dhu of the Scottish Highlands, or guerrilla chiefs like Andreas Hofer, the Tyrolese pat

s mountain

Alpine campaigns against the Austrians were successful and effective, but his most brilliant powers were shown in his memorable invasion of Sicily in 1860. Chased ashore at Marsala by the Neapolitan war-ships, and narrowly escaping capture, he led his followers-one thousand red-shir

nsey's Magazi

spring and summer, there had been hard fighting all along the 400-mile line from the North Sea to Switzerland. The military results had been small on either side an

EAT CH

SIVE

OF THE FRENCH H

the French

sant counter-attacks. The superiority established over the adversary, the wearing down of the latter through vain and costly counter-offensives, which absorbed in that sector his local resources; the state of uncertainty in which the Germans found themselves

for a grea

e situation of the Russian armies imposed on us, as their Allies, obligations the accomplishment of which ha

fensive org

ance of fresh British troops enabled Marshal French to take upon himself the defence of a portion of the lines hitherto held by French troops. The improvement of our defensive organizations, which made possible certain economies in the effectives, th

ppeal to t

ividual worth of the French soldier. It was to the traditional warlike qualities of the race that the Generalissimo appealed when

s of the

, while the adversary has been using up his own, the hour has come to attack and conquer

where your brothers have, night and day, worked for us, you will proceed to the att

it of th

t a bound up to the batteries of the adversary, beyo

er pause nor rest until

eliverance of the soil of la Patrie,

Joff

acquitted themselves of the task assigned to them, and also the value and significance of

line that

oronvillers; to the east it stretches as far as the Argonne. It was intended to cover the railway line from Challerange to Bazancourt, a line indispensable for the concentrat

ded g

covered by numerous little woods. The road from Saint-Hilaire to Saint-Soup

y of

the further edge. The road from Souain to Pomme-Py describes the radius of this semi-circle. The farm of N

Germa

Bricot and those of the Butte du Mesnil a passage three kilometres wide, barred by several lines of trenches and ending at

German

le Nord and Trapèze), on the east by the Butte du Mesnil. The German trenches formed between these two

y practicable, with a gentle rise in the direction

nk of the G

gure of a hand, very strongly constructed and constituting the eastern flank of the wh

em of trenc

Maisons de Champagne and took by assault the "hand" of Massiges. That is to say that they captured an area about forty square kilometres in extent. The importance of that figure is shown when one examines on the map accompanying this report the position of the German trenches, with a view to understanding the system of defence adopted by our adversaries. Two positions, distant from three to four kilom

cond p

f commun

ween the two positions the terrain was also specially prepared, being cut up by transverse or diagonal trenches. The alleys of communication constructed to facilitate the firing, which were in many cases protected by wirework, make possible, according to the German method, a splitting up of the terrain by lateral fire and

rganizat

tter, according to the sector of attack wherein it was situated. This minute precision in the details of the preparation is worthy of being pointed out; it constitutes one of the peculiarities of the present war

and was pursued night and day according to a time scheme and a divis

of bom

tion of the wir

f the defenders

trenches and the demol

up of the alleys

he long-r

anglements made it difficult to make field observations in that direction. At the same time the heavy long-range guns bombarded the headquarters, the cantonments and the railway stations; they

temb

ound on p

d we all took refuge in our dug-outs. On the evening of the 22nd we were to have gone to get some food, and

temb

days. The whole postal service has been stopped; all places have been

amaged that the train service for s

during those three days the French have fired so

of wo

temb

n destroyed. There were sixteen men in it. Not one of them managed to save his skin. They are all de

ist of smoke hangs over the whole battle-front, so that it

o longer anything b

s of the

temb

ent to us is bombarded at night. The field-kitchens no longer come to us. Oh, i

tebook of a man of

can now be seen; it will soon

man of the 100th Regim

temb

a state of collapse. We have had heavy losses. One company of two hundred and fifty

ess of the F

French shells. A dug-out five metres deep, surmounted by 2 metres 50 centim

ing, by the captain commanding the 3rd

ments at once. Many men are no longer fit for anything. It is not that they are wounde

Urgently want illuminating cartridges and hand grenades.

roops ex

ber 25,

men are dying from fatigue and want of

g. There was no hesitation. At the time mentioned the troops came out of the trenches with the

es; this was covered without serious losses. The Germans were nearly everywhere surprised, and t

an trench

certain units continued their forward movement with extreme rapidity, others came up against machine guns still in action and either stopped

advance i

a series

sts and on the other the victorious continuity of the efforts of our troops in this hand-to-hand struggle. The battle of Champagne must be considered in the light of a series of assaults, executed at the same moment,

of the

equence either of the nature of the ground or of the peculiarities of the enemy defences, a different character. The unity of the action was nevertheless ensured by the sim

offensive doe

he fighting which took place in Auberive and round about Servon were distinguished by more than one trait of heroism, but they were destined to have

Auberive to So

cks the

main

ed a vast triangle. To the west of the road, from Saint-Hilaire to Saint-Souplet, the troops traversed the first enemy line and rushed forward for a distance of about a kilometre as far as a supporting trench, in front of which they were stopped by the wirework. A counterattack debouching from the west and supported by the artillery of Moronvillers caused a sli

the positi

s and gu

glacis. On this front, which was about three and a half kilometres wide, the attack on September 25, 1915 achieved a varying success. The troops on the left, after having penetrated into the first trench, had their progress arrested by machine guns. On the right, however, in spite of the obstacle presented by four successi

ights as far as the western side of the hollow at Souain the success was identical. Notwithstanding the losses they sustained, notwithstanding the fatigue involved in the incessant fighting, the troops pushed fo

an position

attack in t

continued, thanks to the conformation of the terrain, to penetrate into the enemy trench to a depth of about four hundred metres. But it was impossible to take advantage of this breach owing to a concentration of the German heavy artillery, a rapidly continued defence of the surrounding woods, and the fire of machine guns which it was not possible to capture and whi

e vicinity of our trenches, to the west at the Mill and to the east of the wood of Sabot, they s

g oper

e in three

digging alleys of communication. This difficult undertaking was effected with very slight losses, under the eyes and under the fire of the enemy. Our parallel lines approached to within a distance of two hundred metres of the German trenches. The assault was made in three different directions: on th

positions

man machine guns stood their ground in the wood of Sabot and contributed to the resistance of the enemy. This defence was destined to be overcome by surrounding them. Arriving at the wooded region in that part where it is intersected by the road

take guns a

atériel (supplies of shells and provisions, grenades, telephones, wire, light railways) remained in our hands. On the 28th, along the entire length of the sector, we were immediately in front of the second German position. The tro

between Soua

up by mines

of trenches forming a salient almost triangular in shape, to which we gave the name of the Pocket (la Poche). During the whole year a war of mining had been going on, and the region, which was broken up by concave constructions and intersected in all directions by trenches and alleys of communication, constituted an attacking ground all the more difficult because to the north of la Poche the somewhat thickly wooded Trou Bricot, the edges

ork t

ce of 1000 metres to 1200 metres a supporting trench, called the "York trench," was almost unique in its entire construction. The open country beyond stretched for a distance of three kilometres up to the se

eded by art

ook place in the most perfect order. The assailants were already swarming in the German lines when the enemy artillery opened it

osition su

trench

of the southern edges of the wood of Trou Bricot. The battalions that followed, marching to the outside of the eastern edges, executed with perfect regularity a "left turn" and came and formed up alongside the alleys of communication as far as the supp

g up th

ance of three hundred metres from the machine gun and in firing at it at close quarters. Of the troops which were advancing to the north of Perthes, some made for the eastern border of the wood of Bricot, where they penetrated into the camps, ousting the defenders and surprising several officers in bed. Late in the

hindered

ree of 105 and seven of 77. But, from twelve o'clock midday onwards the rate of progress decreased, the bad weather making it impossible for our artillery to see what was going on, and rendering the joining up of the different corps extremely difficult.

second Germ

the York trench, also brought forward its heavy pieces. At dawn the reconstituted regiments made another forward rush which enabled them to establish themselves i

possible only after a fresh preparation. Up to October 6, 1915, the troops remained where they were, digging trenches

des Cu

of the preceding winter we had succeeded in securing a foothold on top of the hill numbered 196. The Germans remained a little to the east, in a ravine which we co

n the Butt

of the Mamelles, on the other by the Butte du Mesnil. To the eastward some of our units contrived on September 25, 1915, to penetrate into the trenches of the butte (knoll), but failed to maintain their ground, in consequence of a co

brillian

er de Lance wood and the Demi-Lune wood, and afterwards all the works known as the Bastion. In one rush certain units gained the top of Maisons de Champagne, past several batteries, killing the artillerymen as they served their pieces. The same movement took the assailants acro

pports the

ounter-

prepared to gallop against the German batteries north of Maisons de Champagne, when they reached that part of the lines where the Germans still maintained their position. The latter immediately directed the fire of their machine guns against the cavalrymen, several of whose horses were hit. The hussars dismounted and, with drawn sabres, made for the trenches, while favoured b

a defensive work known as the "Ouvrage de la Défaite," which was captured by us, lost, t

s of M

99 on the north and 191 on the south, constituted in the hands of the Germans a fortress which they believed to be impregnable and from the top of which they commanded our positions in several directions. At 9.15 a.m. the two first a

achine

of gre

th whom they remained in constant touch by flag-signalling. As the advance of our grenadiers continued, the Germans surrendered in large numbers. An uninterrupted chain of grenade-bearers, like

ossessing

obstinate resistance that has rarely been equalled. They stood up to be shot down-the machine-gun men at their guns, the grenadiers on their grenade chests. All attempts at a counter-attack remained equ

ral Staff, which, after having denied the fact, represented that the ground which it h

e of th

disorganization; (3) a sudden and almost disorderly engagement of

for su

h, August 15. "The French Higher Command appears to be disposed to make another desperate effort": Von Fleck, September 26.) But the Germans foresaw neither the strength nor the success of the effort. During our artillery preparation twenty-nine battalions only were brought back to Champa

ere captured while lying down; they had an unwarranted confidence in the strength of their first line, and the i

of Fren

cers and non-commissioned officers were able to continue the resistance until the investment, followed by capitulation. But elsewhere the

an reserves

units which they held at their disposal behind the front (10th Corps brought back from Russia), but the local reserves from other sectors (S

an command and the significance of the check suffered th

ges, while a battalion of the 12th was at Tahure and a battalion of the 32nd at the Trou Bricot. It was the same as regards the 56th Division, of which the 88

eased Germ

had to take and without their junction with neighbouring units having been arranged. Through the haste with which they threw their reserves under the fir

rought by

hen we had a six hours' march to take up our positions. On our way we were greeted by the fire of the enemy shells, so that, for instance, out of 280 men of the second company, only 224 arrived safe and sound inside the trenches. The

ut twelve o'clock noon, 600 men, fresh troops, joined t

from many

at on the only part of the front included between Maisons de Champagne and Hill 189 there

the German military authorities. On the first day they were unable to respond effectively even with their artillery, the fire of which along the wh

avors to s

ion on the heig

ularly dangerous. Therefore on the heights of Massiges the German military authorities threw in succession isolated battalions of the 123rd, 124th, and 120th regiments, of the 30th regular regiment and of the 2nd regiment of Ersatz Reserve (16th Corps), which were each

on Ditfur

ot protest too strongly against such an idea, which necessarily results in destroying the spirit of offensiv

f action and our own action is su

ers ex

s), and even in groups of several hundred men. They confessed that they were worn out. They had been, for the most part, without supplies for several days and had suffered more part

t down by a reserve lieutenant of the

ch was nearly filled up. Extreme activity of the French howitzers. Ou

n, too, has had heavy losses. It is fright

r wishes

As it is, the aviators will arrive and we shall have more high explosive bombs and fl

emy's

s regiment was withdrawn from the front after only two days' fighting because its losses were too great. The 118th Regiment relieved in the trenches the 158th Regiment after it had been reduced to fifteen or twenty men per company. Certain units disappeared completely, as for instance

rength in

ee fresh b

s makes ninety-nine battalions, representing, if account be taken of the corresponding artillery and pioneer formations, 115,000 men directly engaged. The losses due to the artillery preparation and

ardment, lost 50 per cent. of their effectives, if not more. We think we shall be understating the case if we set down 140,000 men as the sum of the German losses in Champagne. Account must be taken of the fact that of this number the proportion of slightly wounded men able to recuperate rapidly and ret

sm of th

ct of the battlefield, the long columns of prisoners, the look in the eyes of our soldiers, their animation and their

he commande

Headq

ber 5

s orders the expression of his profound satisfaction at

ty guns, a quantity of material which it has not yet been possible to gauge, are the

. All have been able to take part in the common task

roud to command the finest t

Joff

ional Review,

horror and execration as the murder of Edith Cavell, an English nurse, on the charge of aiding

AGEDY

VE

D WH

ter of inquir

for Miss Cav

nth I wrote a second letter, repeating the questions and the requests made in the first. On the twelfth of September I had a reply from the Baron stating that Miss Cavell had been arrested on the fifth of August, that she was confined in the prison of St. Gilles, that she had admitted having hidden English and French soldiers in her home, as well as Belgians, of an age to bear arms, all anxious to get to the front, that she had admitted al

man men

e that power

ed withou

equences; they act according to another principle, if it is a principle, the conviction that there is only one right, one privilege, and that it belongs exclusively to Germany, the right, namely, to do whatever they have the physical force to do. These so-called courts, of whose arbitrary and irresponsible and brutal nature I have tried to convey some notion, were mere inquisitorial bodies, guided by no principle save

l to provide for her defense, and on his advice, inasmuch as Ma?tre Braun was already of cou

ty of Edi

s character

to her profession, and ere long had entered a nursing-home in the Rue de la Clinique, where she organized for Doctor Depage a training-school for nurses. She was a woman of refinement and education; she knew French as she knew her own language; she was deeply religious, with a conscience almost puritan, and was very s

ck engages

t for personal reasons he would be obliged to withdraw from the case, and ask

tial in the S

Cavell was arraigned with the Princess de Croy, the Countess de Belleville, and thirty-two others. The accused were seated in a circle facing the court, in such a way tha

g conspired to violate the German Military Penal Code, p

rial

vell's

ing Englis

hom she nursed and to whom she gave money; she did not deny that she knew they were going to try to cross the border into Holland. She even took a patriotic pride in the fact. She was very calm. She was interrogated in German, a language she did not understand, but the questions and responses were translated into French. Her mind was very alert, and she was entirely self-possessed, and frequently

"more than twent

gli

lish; French and

a serious difference. She was subjected to a nagging interrogatory. One of the judges said

avell, "the English

they are not?" as

makes a fata

me of them have written to m

lped soldiers to reach Holland, a neutral country, would have been a less serious offense, but to aid them to

death sente

at the prosecuting officer had asked the court to pronounce a sentence of death in the cases of the Princess de Croy, the Countess de Belleville,

osecutor; they all ask for the extreme penalt

nion of Ger

eval, "and in German co

t send Ma?tre de Leval the word he had requested, and on that Sunday, de Leval saw another lawyer who had been on the case and could tell him what had taken place at the trial. The l

to see Mi

n place, he and the Reverend Mr. Gahan, the rector of the English church, be allowed to see Miss Cavell. Conrad said he would make inquiries and inform de Leval by telephone, and by one of the messengers of the Legation who that morning happene

judgment to

inform th

he might go to see Miss Cavell. Conrad promised this, but added that even then the Reverend Mr. Gahan could not see her, because there were German Protestant pastors at the prison, and that if Miss Cavell needed spiritual advice or consolation she could call on them. Con

news from Ma?tre Kirschen, Ma?tre de Leval went to hi

s repeated

he house of the lawyer to whom reference has alread

ld no judgment would be pronounced before the following day. Before leaving the Legation to go home, Ma?tre de Leval told to Gibson all that had happened, and

ie was closed

in called Conrad on the telephone, again was told that the judgment had not been pronounced, and that the Political Departme

s Leval of the

onfirmed and that the sentence of death had been pronounced on Miss Cavell at half-past four o'clock that afternoon, and that she was to be shot at two o'clock the next morning. It seemed preposterous, especially the immedi

ead in the

rcy had bee

going to shoot her that night at two o'clock. Ma?tre de Leval told her that it was difficult to believe such news, since twice he had been told that the judgment had not been rendered and that it would not be rendered before the following day, but on her reiteration that she had this news from a source that was absolutely certain, de Leval left at once with her and her friends and came to the Legation. And there he stood, pale and shaken. Even then I

ck's perso

ear B

t I appeal to your generosity of heart to support it, and

the Spanish

on von der Lancken. Gibson was dining somewhere; we did not know where Villalobar was. The Politische Abteilung, in the Ministry of Industry, where Baron von der Lancken lived,

but could not believe. Then the Reverend Mr. H. Stirling T. Gahan, the British chaplain at Brussels and pastor of the

rector s

; some one is

execution

ort them, to reassure them. Outside a cold rain was falling. Up in my chamber I waited; a stay of execution would be granted, of course; they always were; there was not, in our time, an

l calm and

n form, and received him calmly. She had never expected such an end to the trial, but she was brave and was not afraid to die. The judgment had been read to her

owed was not sufficient, even under German law, to justify the judgment passed upon her. The German chaplain had been kind, and she was willing for him to be with her at the last, if Mr.

said, "I must have no hatred a

n Bible and

ore the end. During those weeks she had read and reflected; her companions and her solace were her Bible, her prayer-book and the "Imitation of Christ." The notes she made in these books reveal her thoughts in that time, and will touch the uttermost depths of any nature nourished in that beautiful faith which is at once so tender and so austere. The prayer-book with those lacon

dressed to the nurses of her school; and there was a message for a girl who was trying to break herself of the morphine habit-Miss Cav

itioner

ark face, and de Leval, paler than

s Villalobar, Gi

ally the concierge appeared-no one was there, he said. They insisted. The concierge at last found a German functionary who came down, stood staring stupidly; every one was gone; son Excellence was at the theater. At what theater? He did not know. They urged him to go and find out. He disappeared inside, went up and down stairs two or three times, finally came out and sa

ait for d

re of white lacquer-that bright, almost laughing little salon, all done in the gayest, lightest tones, where so many little dramas were played. All three of them were deeply moved and very anxious-the

?" he said. "Has somet

ere there, and Lancken,

ossi

believes the

d not know that it had anything to do with the case of Miss Cavell, and in

se, to come and disturb me at such an hour

ved the information. Besides, what difference does it make? If the information is true, our presen

n grew i

en, this news can not be true. Orders are never executed with such precipitation, especially when a woman is concerned. Come and see me

im that a very simple way of finding o

id he. "I had not

d came back embarrassed, so they said,

news c

y telephone that Miss Cavell has been con

it to him, and he read it in an undertone-with a little sardonic smile, de

ea for

to have a plea for me

l, and gave him the docume

ancken's

vell no

beginning of the war, and now she was accused of but one thing: having helped English soldiers make their way toward Holland. She may have been imprudent, she may have acted against the laws of the occupying power, but she was not a spy, she was not even accused of being a spy, she had not been convicted of spying, and she did not merit the death of a spy. They sat there pleading, Gibson and de Leval, bringing forth all the arguments that would occur to men of sense and sensibility. Gibson called Lancken's attention to their failure to i

ry authori

ort, that an appeal from his decision lay only to the Emperor, that the Governor-General himself had no authority to intervene in such cases, and that under the provisions

woman; you can't sho

used, was ev

"it is past eleven o'c

es to von

e Leval repeated to Harrach and von Falkenhausen all the arguments that might move them. Von Falkenhausen was young, he had been to Cambridge in England, and he was touched, t

ms to us much more important than t

en's

turned and, standi

on decided upon, and that he will not change his decision. Under his prerogative he even refuses

or mercy h

here was a moment of silence in the yellow salon. Then Villalobar sprang

wish to sp

less," beg

s Villalob

gged the tall von der Lancken into a little room near by, and then voices were h

you are going to do; you

ncken very red. And, as de Leval said, without another word, dumb

engers w

ile and I heard the street door open. The women wh

morning; the sunlight shone through an autumn haze. But ove

isoners

lippe Baucq, an architect of Brussels; Louise Thuiliez, a school-teacher at Lille; Louis Sev

e sen

bert Libiez, a lawyer of Wasmes; and Georges Derveau, a pharmacist of Patu

as sentenced to ten years' p

or to terms of imprisonment of from two to f

fied at Miss Cav

f it pervaded the house. I found my wife weeping at evening; no need to ask what was the matter; the wife of the chaplain had been there, with some deta

ot given t

lf to see me in the afternoon. He was very solemn, and said that he wished to express his regret in the circumstances, but that he had done all he could. The body, he said, had already been interre

and Vil

e Thuiliez, both French, and hence protégées of his, condemned to die within eight days; but I told him not to be concerned; that the effect of Miss Cavell's martyrdom did not end with her death; it would procure other liberations, thi

fter the war, if we live in that new world, we shall

death wins mer

Germans, who seemed always to do a deed and to consider its effect afterward, knew that they had another Louvain, another Lusitania, for which to answer before the bar of civilization. The lives of the three others remaining, of the five condemned to death, were ultimately spared, as I had told Villalobar they would be. The King of S

elineator, N

ses and terrible suffering had been endured in these attempts, it was decided in December, 1915, by the British war authorities that further sacrifice

OLI AB

IR CHARLE

o proceed as soon as possible to the Near East and take o

ro's orders

rival was in

ilitary situation on t

military grounds the Peninsula should be e

f troops that wo

rry the P

p the stra

ke Consta

cts in positi

quirements in personnel and material were exposed to registered and observed artillery fire. Our intrenchments were dominated almost throughout by the Turks. The possible artillery positions were

enjoyed full powers of observation, abundant artillery positions, and they had been given the time to supplemen

petent officers, mak

ase, the dearth of competent officers owing to earlier losses, and "make-shifts" due to the attachment of Yeomanry and Mounted Brigades to the Ter

es of unus

rd frost and a heavy blizzard. In the areas of the Eighth Corps and the Anzac Corps the effects were not felt to a very marked degree owing to the protection offered by the surrounding hills. The Ninth Corps was less favo

ed from exposure and exhaustion, and in spite of untiring efforts that were made to mitigate the suffering I regret to

it is probable that the Turks su

pertaining

more than 300 yards from the enemy's trenches, and its embarkation on open beaches, every part of which was within effec

were following both on sea and on land. A feint which did not fully fulfill its purpose would have been worse than useless, and there was the obvio

weather

her conditions. Even a mild wind from the south or southwest was found to raise such a ground swell as to greatly impede communication with the beaches, while anything in

pplies continues

s, and the morning of December 18, 1915, found the positions both at Anzac and Suvla reduced to the number

held, however lightly, until the very last moment and that the with

of the 19th-20th. The night was perfectly calm with a slight haze over the m

wals from Anz

wal of the rear parties commenced from the front trenches at Suvla and the left of Anzac. Those on the right of An

kiss guns were left, but they were destroyed before the troops finally embarked. In addition, fifty-six mules, a cer

pplies d

s embarked, and all that remained was a s

eral Officer Commanding Dardanelles Army to complete the operation as rapidly as possible. He was reminded that every effort conditional on not exposing the personnel to undue risk

n Gallipoli

n Turkish

ce over our positions, and the islands of Mudros and Imbros, and that hostile patrolling of our trenches was more frequent and daring. The most apparent factor was that the number of heavy guns on the European and Asiatic shores had been considerably augmented, and that these guns were more liberally supplied with German ammunition, the result of which was that our beaches were con

ood's compreh

omplete and far-seeing arrangements that he was able to proceed without delay to the issue of

nfantry

, was slower than had been hoped, owing to delays caused by accident and the weather. One of our largest horse ships was sunk by a French battleship, whereby the withdrawal was considerably retarded, and at the same time strong winds sprang up which interfered materially with wo

trenches a

1915 the Fifty-second Division completed the excellent work which they had been carrying out for so long by capturing a considerable portion of the Turkish trenches, and by successfully holdin

he Asiatic guns shelled those occupied by the Royal Naval Division. The bombardment, which was reported to be the hea

vorable conditions, and, in the opinion of the meteorological officer, no important change was to be expected for at least twen

rable

submarin

hulks became impracticable. In spite of these difficulties the second trips, which commenced at 11:30 P. M., were carried out well up to time, and the embarkation of guns continued uninterruptedly. Early in the evening reports had been received from the right flank that a hostile submarine was believed to be moving down the strait, and about midnight H. M. S. Prince Georg

embarkatio

hat one of the lighters was aground and could not be refloated. The N. T. O. at once took all possible steps to have another lighter sent in to Gully Beach, and this was, as a matter

ow Turks the alli

of ammunition and explosives were also successfully blown up at 4 A. M. These conflagrations were apparently the first intimation received by the Turks that we had withdrawn.

killed organiza

six old heavy French guns, all of which were previously blown up, were left on the Peninsula. In addition to the above, 508 animals, most of which were de

officers

iz., good luck and skilled disciplined organization, and they were both forthcoming to a marked degree at the hour needed. Our luck was in the

ould not have been surpassed, and we had a further stroke of good fortune in being associated with Vice Admiral Sir J. de Robeck, K. C. B., Vice Admiral Wemyss, and a body

enemy cities by bombs from Zeppelins and aeroplanes. While the objects for which these atrocities were perpetrated were not attai

H-SHIP I

TON M

hman at W

itish efficiency. A kindly man who felt himself an integral part of the giant railroad system that employed him, old Tom had few interests beyond his work, his white-haired wife, his reeking pipe and the little four-room tenement in Wal

ps near Epp

ng tragedy

reabout in which one may mingle one's copious sweat with the grime of machinery and have fourteen shillings a week into the bargain-if one is properly skilled and muscular and bovinely plodding. Walthamstow is not the place where one would deliberately choose to live if bread could be earned elsewhere with equal certainty. But for all its dirt and dullness it has a spot on the map and a meaning

nary ho

of th

whimpering infants in their arms, talked of shop or household cares and the frailties of their neighbors. Some, more alive to the big events of a clashing world, repeated the meagre news of the ha'penny press and dwelt with prideful fervor on the latest bit of heroism reported from the front. Now and again an outburst of raucous humor echoed above the babble of cockney tongues. The maudlin clamor of "a pore lone lidy 'oos 'subing 'ad desarted 'er" failed

t lam

, and there are few street-lamps alight after ten o'clock in any London suburb in these times of martial law. Walthamstow slept in heated but profound oblivion of its mean existence. Beyon

m of the

serve as pi

n forced to

rd with murder in its talons and hatred in its heart. From its steel nest in Germanized Belgium this whirring monster had soared eight thousand feet and crossed the Channel with little fear of discovery. It had penetrated the English Coast somewhere down Sheerness way and over Southend and then, dropping lower, had sought and found through the haze the tiny train whose locomotive had just fluted its brief salutation to Walthamstow. To the close-cropped men on the Zeppelin, the string of cars far down under their feet, with its side-flare from lighted windows, its engine's headlamp and its sparks, had proved a provid

man signal

stops at W

eery blue and white lights along "the line" and swung on with a mighty jerk the ruby signal of danger. The engineer in the on-rushing train jammed down his brakes and broug

rman r

en British guns and flying scouts was increased tenfold. The heat of the night was as nothing to the hot surge of disappointment that must have swept the brains of the Zeppelin crew. Their commander, too, must have lost his judgment utterly, forgotten his

ents of a def

as the Thames with its uprearing and frequent bridges. The crowding tenements of Walthamstow could have had no semblance to any of these, at any height. It would seem a cheap and worthless revenge, then, to wreck an u

bomb ex

thin, gray streak-the tail of a bomb with all hell in its wake. From somewhere near the town's centre the earth split and roared apart. The world reeled and a brain-shattering crash compounded of all the elements of pain and hurled from the shoulders of a thousand thunderclaps smote the senses. It was a blast of sickening and malignant fury. It did not so much stun as it stopped one-stopped th

of the

en gas

by the German foe. "Gott strafe England" had come to pass. But they could not understand why the enemy had singled them out for such drastic distinction. The more alert and cool-headed of the men battled with their fellows and shouted instructions to get the women folks and the kiddies back indoors and down into their cellars. The night-gowned and pajamaed throng could not be persuaded that safety lay not in sight of the Zeppelin but away from it. The hypnotism of horror lured them on to where twelve houses lay spread about in smoking chaos, a plateau of blazing and noisome havoc. Somewhere a gas-main burst with a roar and drove the crowd back with its choking fumes as no human hands could have done. Women frankly hysterical or swooning were roughly thrust aside. Children

bomb as the

of the e

nts of these bombs hurled on Walthamstow contained stuff that released a discharge which swept all things from it horizontally, in a quarter-mile, lightning sweep, like a scythe of flame. A solid block of shabby villas was laid out as flat as your palm by the explosion of this second bomb. Scarcely a brick was left standing upright. What houses escaped demolition around the edge of the con

as the Zepp

f the ex

the experts of the Board of Explosions at the British War Office. Another bomb detonated on the steel rails of the Walthamstow tram-line and sent them curling skyward from their rivetted foundations like serpentine wisps of paper. Great cobblestones were heaved through shop windows and partitions and out into the flower-beds of rear gardens; some of the cobbles were flung through solid attic blinds and others were catapulted through br

aeroplan

skyward path to London along which, apparently, they felt reasonably safe from gun-reach. But they had barely headed homeward before a flock of army aeroplanes, rising from all points of the compass, were in hot pursuit. One of the Britishers was shot down by the men aboard the Zeppelin. Neither speed nor daring counts for much in an encounter between flying-machines and swift dirig

witchman

ay line and worked a hideous wonder. It blew into never-to-be-gathered fragments all that was mortal of old Tom Cumbers, the sig

Forum, Aug

out the following months. Taken as a whole, it was the most dramatic effort in all its phases which took place between the German and Fr

riber'

tuation erro

es-Poelcappelle" appear in the te

e and maneuvre wer

ppear in this text. Rip

otted lines under the corrections. Scroll the mou