Ten Days That Shook the World

the

here comes a time when every act of the authorities exasperates

e; Kerensky's public denial that the Government had

the pressure of the Re

f "provisional" bourge

rances that it never

t didn't wish to surr

ssacks, some were locked out by the mine-owners, and the rest declared a general strike. Minister of Commerce and Industry Konovalov appointed his assistant, Orlov, with plenary powers,

nment Commissar the Municipal Duma called in troops from Minsk, and bombarded the Soviet headquarters with artillery. The Bolsheviki yielded, but as they left the building Cossacks a

d be assumed by the All-Russian Congress; and concluded by greeting the Bolsheviki in prison, bidding them rejoice, for the hour of their liberation was at hand. At

n the sphere of its productive activity. This is best expressed by Workers' Control over industrial production, which n

n was demanding the re

ays and Commu

presented at the Allied Conference, and formally protested against th

his reorganisation of the army, only came

s Obshtchee Dielo came

Save the f

ce, Minister of War General Verkhovsky, one of the principal persons responsible for

treason

ovisional Government had not even

d Terestchenko, "that

mission were astounded

Alexey

It is worse. It is di

sov must immediately answer us co

ens,

is bein

e h

lies must be pressed to offer peace, becaus

hovsky was given "indefinite leave of absence for ill-health

to make a demonstration of strength. Suddenly it was announced that on the same day the Cossacks would hold a Krestny Khod-Procession of the Cross-in honour of the Ikon of 1612, through whos

rs, the privileged classes-generals, bankers, landlords, former officials, former servants of the Tsar.... We are hated by all grafters, rich men, p

her he will or will not take part in this procession. We do not interfere in this matter, nor do we obstruct anybody.... However, we warn you, Co

n was hastily

the working-class qu

ing, "All Power to the

urging the people to

epers, Social

dy repression-on the other Lenin's great voice roa

(Exchange Gazette) called the Bolshevik propaganda an attack on "the most element

6: Appeal of the

eligious procession planned for November 4th (our calendar). "Brothers-Cossacks!"

ion," declared Dielo Naroda. Said the Menshevik Dien, "The Government ought to defend itself and defend us." Plekhanov's paper, Yedinstvo (Unity) (See App. III

tration broke down. The columns of the morning papers were filled with accounts

treets at night, doing battle with marauders an

er Colonel Polkovnikov

issued a pr

nsible appeals to armed demonstrations and massacres are still being spr

f the citizens, and hinders the systematic work

responsibility and my duty b

territory of its garrison, to afford every assistance to the Municipality, to

ct Commander and the representatives of the city militia, and t

g to armed demonstrations and massacres, and their deliver

stration or riot at its start,

sars in preventing unwarranted search

ns in the district under charge to the

s to afford their help to the commanders in fulf

. 5) He accused Novaya Rus and Robotchi Put of both doing the same kind of subversive work. "But owing to the absolute freedom of the press," he added, "the Government is not in a position to

ve the audacity to say that the other enigmatic part is that of th

l Government had suppressed Bolshevik papers b

a hundred, and the morning after that a hundred and seventy-five, of whom one hundred and three

inside the front door there was a long line of people waiting to be let in, four at a time, to be questioned as to their identity a

ussian Pass to Reed,

tute, issued by the

he right of entry at a

evolutiona

hed t

Soviet of

dant's

ovembe

.

y Ins

A

he American Socialist press, until December 1, the right

is wife just ahead of me. They were halted by a soldier. T

finally. "You know m

pass," answered the

. Names don't mea

esident of the P

re as important a fellow as that you

ng about not wanting to disturb the Commandant for every devil that came along. He beckoned finally to t

ve heard the name somewhere," he said at length. "I

Karakhan, member of

d to me what the new Go

ar's Government did. The initiative of the new society shall come from below.... The form of the Government will be modelled on the Constitution of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party. The new Tsay-ee-kah, responsibl

. In the middle of the room he sat on a rough chair at a bare table. Few questions from me were necessary; he

ust is evident. This domination by the bourgeoisie is only possible by means of civil war. The Kornilov method is the only way by which the bourgeoisie can control. But it is force which the bourgeoisie lacks.... The Army is with us. The conciliators and pacifists, Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviki, have lost all authority-because

experience, in their ideas and objects. Based directly upon the army in the trenches, the wor

blic. The Cadet party represents the counter-revolution militant. On the other side, the Soviets represent the cause of the people. Between the two camps there are no groups of serious importance.... It is the lutte finale

of the new Governm

re is in Europe. If we create here a Government of the Soviets, that will be a powerful factor for immediate peace in Europe; for this Government will address itself directly and immediately to all peoples, over the heads of their Governments, pr

my no longer suffices. Economic evolution demands the abolition of national frontiers. If Europe is to remain split into national groups, then Imperialism will recommence its work. Only a Fede

n the streets one morning and begin to shoot down people with white col

planned to send the Petro

in the Revolution. It was they who had turned the tide in the great days of March, create

it was the Petrograd garrison which answered, "If you are not capable of defending the capital, conclude

sacks, Death Battalions. The Army Committees, the "moderate" Socialists and the Tsay-ee-kah supported the Government. A wide-spread agitation was carried on at the Front and in Petrograd, em

e other reasons why they refused to go. The Petrograd Soviet feared the Government's intentions, and from the Front came hundreds of delegates, chosen by the common soldiers, crying,

mmediately proclaimed a boycott of the bourgeois newspapers, and condemned the Tsay-ee-kah for opposing the Congress of Soviets. On the 29th, in open session of the Petrograd Soviet, Trotzky proposed that the Soviet formally sanction the Military Revolutionary Committee

ern Front, with the curt declaration that he had ordered the Petrograd garrison to the

istrict. Refused. The Petrograd Soviet demanded that no orders be issued without the approval of the Soldiers' Section. Refused. The

e Provisional Government. The Petrograd Soviet is our Government. We will obey only the orders of the Petrograd Soviet, through the Military

largely of officers, formed a Committee to cooperate with th

eeting at Smolny

of the Military Revolu

mises it complete supp

the front and the rear

olu

er declares that wi

s the maintenance of

tempt at provocatio

geoisie will be met wit

s it gave orders not to publish any appeals or proclamations without the Committee's authorisation. Armed Commissars visited the Kronversk arsenal and sei

ovember 5th Kerensky himself sent Malevsky to offer the Petrograd Soviet representation on the Staff. The Military Re

the appearance of a placard signed, "Military Revolutionary Committe

tion of Petro

ak the Constituent Assembly. At the same time the pogromists may attempt to call upon the people of Petrograd for trouble and bloodshed. The Petrograd Sov

ndred agitators and take them to the Soviet Commissars at the nearest barracks. At the first attempt of the Dark Forces to

plete quiet and self-possession. The cause

ere there are Commis

nary Comm

behind closed doors. Notified by Zalkind, I waited in the corridor out

ived.... On the other hand, November 8th will be too late. By that time the Congress will be organised, and it is difficult for a large organised body of people t

e armies of the Tsar, then revolutionist and exile, a certain Avseenko, called Antonov, ma

he streets, for the first time since the July days. Polkovnikov issued order after order, threatening to repress all insubordination with the "utmost energy." Kishkin, Minister of Public Instruction, the worst-hated member of the Cabinet, was appointed Spe

does not possess the necessary apparatus to use force.... In the most favourable circumstanc

ussian Republic. Bitter debate on Terestchenko's foreign policy. Echoes of the Burtzev-Verkhovski affair. All t

an editorial from the London Times which said, "The remedy for Bolshevism

the Right,

wered Karelin, hotly. "But you

y cries of "Resignation! Resignation!" He insisted that the delegates of the Government and of the Tsay-ee-kah to Paris should have a common point of view-his own. A few words about the res

outside could penetrate this high, cold hall, and that the Provisional Government was wrecked-on the same rock of War and Peace that had wrecked the Miliukov Ministry.... The doorman grumbled as he put on my coat, "I don't know what is becoming of

ck-coat, very influential in the councils of the Cadet party. I asked him what

they will soon be sent flying. From our point of view it will not be bad, for

m this body, in conjunction with the Provisional Government, to work out a constitutional project.... We will have a legislative assembly of two chambers, such as you have in t

the first cross-street I noticed that the City Militiamen were mounted, and armed with revolvers in bright new holsters; a little group of people stood silently staring at them. At the corner of the Nevsky I bought a pamphlet by Lenin, "Will the Bolsheviki be Able to Hold the Power?" payin

f appeals (See App. III, Sect. 6) and proclamations pasted in every flat place; from the Tsay-ee-kah, the Peasants' Soviets, the "moderate"

roups were clustered; arguing soldiers and students. Night came swiftly down, the wide-spaced street-lights fl

ories.... We went to a moving picture show near the Kazan Cathedral-a bloody Italian film of passion and intrigue. Down front were some soldiers and sai

y Committee sat in continuous session, under the chairmanship of a tow-headed, eightee

n were suspicious, so they stopped the train at Gatchina and sent a delegation to us. 'What's the matter?' they asked. 'What have you got to say? We have just passed a resolution, "Al

ation with the factories and barracks was establish

rs, ready to carry word to the farthest quarters of the city. One of them, a gypsy-faced man in th

lar filthy, drunk with loss of sleep; Krylenko, the squat, wide-faced soldier, always smiling, with his violent gestures and tumbl

igning orders on the Government Arsenal for arms-one hundred and fifty

e a revolver. "The game is on," he said, and his face was pale. "Whether

y and night. As I came into the gre

last the moment has arrived when the power must fall into the hands of the Soviets. This transfer of government will be accomplished by the Al

ment. But we are trying to avoid a conflict, even now, to-day. We hope that the All-Russian Congress will take... into its hands that power and authority which rests upon the organised freedom of the people. If, h

Revolutionaries had agreed to send representati

s and the near-by street-corners. Bill Shatov[12] came bounding up the steps. "Well," he cried, "We're off! Kerensky sent the yunkers to close down our papers, Soldat and Rabotchi Put. But

in the America

the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Everywhere, on all the walls, hysterical ap

of the Military District.... All officers who act without orders from their superiors will be court-marti

Rus, Zhivoye Slovo, Rabotchi Put and Soldat, and decreed the arrest of the leaders

armoured automobiles ranked before the door, and motors full of officers were coming and going.... The censor was very much excited, like a small boy at a circus. Kerensky, he said, had just gone to the Council of the Re

inal has invited the proletariat and the Petrograd garrison to repeat the experience of the 16th-18th of July, and insists upon the immediate necessity for an armed rising.... Moreover, other Bolshevik leaders

and such political party, as with the exploitation of the political ignorance and criminal instincts of a part of the population, a sort of organisation whose object it is to provoke in Russia, cost what it may, an inconsc

extreme left wing of the Social Democrats in Russia is very favourabl

ble hostility of all classes of society-and yet the German comrades try to act; while we, having dozens of newspapers, freedom of meeting, the majority of the Sov

then co

olitical party obtain now in Russia, administered by a Provisional Government at the head of which is, in the eyes

iron fists of Wilhelm and his friends.... Little matter to the Provisional Government the motives of these people, little matter if they act consciously or unconsci

ar from the Left.) "Listen to me!" he cried in a powerful voice. "At the moment when the state is in danger, because of conscious or unconscious treas

a paper was han

Soldiers' Deputies is menaced. We order immediately the regiments to mobilise on a war footing and to await new orders. All delay or non-execution of this o

the existing order of things, to break the Constituent and to

all the Army organisations, all that free Russia glorifies, the good sense, the hono

nt, which defends at this moment our new liberty-that the new Russian state, destined to a brillia

isional Government.... declares: in this moment those elements of the Russian nation, those groups and parties who have dared to lift their ha

firm power, and perhaps at the last moment good sense, conscience and

pale-faced and wet with perspiration, and strode out with his suite of officers, speaker after speaker from t

mands which have received no satisfaction up to now.... The questions of peace, land and the democratization of the army ought to be stated in such

ment with all our energy, to the last drop of our blood-if only the Provisional Government, on all these

rtov, f

en it is question of the movement of important sections of the proletariat and the

Left was voted. It amounted practic

able to pogroms and counterrevolution, the mobilization of counter-revolutionary forces, such as the Black Hundreds, which will inevitably bring about the impossi

the war and the general disorder. It is necessary before everything to promulgate at once a decree transmitting the land to the peasants' Land C

ress these movements, and for this purpose to create at Petrograd a Committee of Public Safety, composed of representativ

v to the Winter Palace to explain. If it expressed a lack of confidence in the Provisional Government, he begged Avksentiev to form a new Cabinet. Dan, Gotz and Av

tary Revolutionary Committee. Up in front of the Kazan Cathedral the same thing was happening, machines being directed back up the Nevsky. Five or six sailors with rifles came along, laughing excitedly, and fell into conversation with two of the soldiers. On the sailors' hat bands were Avrora and Zaria Svob

l its front page one huge proclama

of high treason is being contemplated against the Petrograd Soviet.... The campaign of the counter-revolutionists is being directed against the All-Russian Congress of Soviets on the eve of its opening, against the Constituent Assembly, against the pe

volutionary Com

Commissars, and all revolutionary organisations, shall meet in continuous session

eave his division without

delegates from each military un

legates to the All-Russian Congress are invited i

on has raised it

l the conquests and hopes o

Revolution by far exce

s in strong hands. The co

Firmness, steadfastness,

e the Re

Revolutiona

egates falling down asleep on the floor and rising again to take part in the de

ce steadily booming, the speaker hidden by the crowd: "The compromisers say that we are isolated. Pay no

heviki and Socialist Revolutionaries! They say that they condemn our action, but that if the G

he old Tsay-ee-kah had finally decided to welcome the delegates to that new Congress which would mean its own ruin-and perha

chair and Dan rose to speak, in a tense s

, the forces of the democracy are trying to organise to resist him, and yet we await bloodshed in the streets of

e the end of the Revolution..." (Cries, "That's a lie!)" "The counter-revolutionists are waiting with the Bolsheviki to be

say-ee-kah elected by you. All Power to the Soviets-that means death! Robbers and thieves are waiting for the moment to loot and burn.... When you have such slogans put before you,

are not afraid of bayonets.... The Tsay-ee-kah will defend the Rev

ld be heard screaming, as he pounded the desk, "

ago, when you captured the power an

man's bell: "Silence, o

t!" (Cheers a

e peace, but not permanent peace-not a democratic peace.... To-day, at the Council of the Republic, in order to avoid bloodshed, we passed an ord

ng applause that burst into cheers and a rising house, thunderous. His thin, p

d the chairman, dramatically. "When we spoke of giving the land to the peasants, you were against it. We told the peasants, 'If they

n the army was dictated by his ideals. I think Kerensky was pe

e when Dan will say that the flower of the Revolution participated in the rising of July 16th and 18th.... In Dan's resolution to-day at the

he Mensheviki. The Mensheviki and the Socialist Revolutionaries conquered t

tion. Insurrection is the right of all revolutionists! Wh

l-tongued Lieber, greeted

volution like this.... the seizure of power by the masses means the tragic end of the Revolution.... Trotzky, as a

o the transmission of power to the democracy, but they disapprove of the

issar to seize the office of Izviestia and censor the paper. The wildest uproar followed. Martov tried to speak, but could not b

ond to provocations to demonstrate, recognising the necessity of immediately creating a Committee of Public Safety, and askin

ess, had no right to assume the functions of the Congress. The Tsay-ee-kah was practicall

is resolution!" Whereupon all the Bolsheviki l

et Zorin in the outer hall, a

ister of Justice and the Minister of Religions. They're down cellar now. One regiment is on the march to cap

he Red Guard-a huddled group of boys in workmen's clothes

o open the bridges over the Neva, to prevent the factory workers and soldiers of the Viborg quarter from

right with lights, hummed