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Fighting France

Chapter 4 THE WAR AIMS OF FRANCE

Word Count: 16468    |    Released on: 30/11/2017

ummed up the War aims of France in the three

rty-seven years. Between the five departments forming Flanders-Argonne and the five departments forming Alsace-Lorraine, France is unable to make any distinction. France wants Met

s ago by violence, without the people of the occupied territories being consulted. But how did France acquire Alsace-Lorraine in previous times? Was it not als

he contrary of a fact and of truth. And

ese territories belonged to France during centuries and centuries, because they were taken from France by force forty-seven years ago, because the pe

1918, before the Reichstag, Count von Hertling, the Im

ntil finally in 1779 the French Revolution swallowed up the last remnant. Alsace and Lorraine then became French provinces. When in the war of 1870, we demanded back the

Chancellor; but, if he does, it will be no doubt in the History of Ignorance and False

parts: there is Lorraine, there is Alsace, and there is

lution, the town, after a referendum, decided to become French. A delegation was sent to Paris, to the French Parliament, then called the Conseil des Cinq-Cents, and the delegation expressed publicly, officially, the desire of

heir entry into the town, and the flag of Mulhouse was wrapped up in a tricolor box beari

French according to a treaty. The treaty was signed by the Austrian Emperor, because Alsace belonged to t

sovereignty, all the Alsatian territory. The Austrian Emperor gives it to the King of France in such a way that

centuries ago the Austrian Emperor had already a sort of apprehension that

e one's else possession, tried to recover Alsace. Their own ambassador tried to dissua

s well known that her inhabitants ar

the affirmation that "Alsat

nt Princes of Germany, in which we find the following sentence, which is really worthy of meditation: "We find just that the King of France, as promptly as possible, takes possession of the towns of Toul, M

d clear. What happened several

vinces would be given up to Germany, they assembled, and in an historical document whic

ow a people to be seized like a flock of sheep. Europe cannot remain deaf to the protest of a whole population. Therefore, we declare in the name of our population, in the name of our children and of our d

me protest. They elected fifteen new deputies; some were Protestants, some were Catholics, one of them was the Bishop of Strasbourg

e of force of which our country is a victim.... Citizens having a soul and an

e freedom to sign it. France was not free when she signed such a contract. Therefore our electors want us to say that we c

n of the reader to two sen

h which you may trade," proclaimed the deputies of 1874. Now you will find, nearly word for word, the same thought expressed in the message of Pre

lated in 1871 that France wants Alsace-Lorraine to come back to her. It is b

referendum? How could you include in this referendum the hundreds of thousands of Alsatians who have fled from Germa

es will it be obliged to vote for France? The referendum was rendered by the whole of Alsace and Lorraine

he fact that the teaching of French was prohibited in the public schools, there were 160,000 people in Alsace speaking French. And five years later, in

ng to the official statistics of the French War Department, there were in 1914 in the French Army 20 generals, 145 superior officers, a

f Police in Berlin, made the following extraordinary declaration: "We Germans are obliged in Alsace to behave ourselves as

international question. It is not only France who has sworn to herself to recover Als

918, "in the demand they make for a reconsideration of the great wrong of 1871, when, without any regard to the wish

wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871, in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the worl

the respect due to nationalities, but also an effort toward definite peace. Their words only appeared fit for stirring up the enthusiasm of the crowds, and fortifying their will of

the Allies, proclaimed through its authorized representatives that this war is a war of deliverance. "France," said Mr. Stephen Pichon, Foreign Minister, "will not lay down arms before having shattered Prussian militarism, so as to be able to rebuild on a basis of justice a regenerated Europe." And Mr. Paul Deschanel, the President of the Chamber, continued: "The French are not only defending their soil, their homes, the tombs of their ancestors, their sacred memories, their ideal works of art and faith and all the graceful, just, and bea

of 1871, as Rabbi Stephen Wise has called it-has been returned to France. Then, and only then, will

ar victori

try has won

evils war brin

the hatred the

rance, full of l

ging-corn 'neath h

Work, fathe

e, mother of

Peace, calm, se

arms, but upho

nd out as just-h

ack what was

ion, weary

living while p

ill we hear the

n shall learn t

ce without restitution, she will n

has wrought. There can be no reparation for the Cathedral of Rheims, for the Hotel de Ville at

into her own country, can be returned. They can return the funds illegally stolen from the vaults of municipalities, banks and public soc

s must come back from Germany. The museums at St. Quentin and Lille have seen their collections of value to art and science carried off; these collections must come back. Factories have been robbed of their pumps, of their equipment, of their trucks; other pumps, other equipment, other trucks must be put in their place. Otherwi

rning entered the shop of an antiquarian and picked out a number of ancient bibelots and vases, orderi

ke, "there's nothing for me to pay

ed, since, as he said

and Duke, "this wil

the words "good for so many francs

the thousands of requisitions signed by persons of less importance-governors, generals, colonels, majors, men who t

. This was contrary to all international law and to the Hague Tribunal's regulations. The funds thus illegally extorted will have to be repaid in full. No indemnities-th

receiving restitution and reparation, she cannot

and slaughter, the same infinite hope that words of goodness, liberty and fraternity always awaken, which evoke the thought of the supreme end towards which humanity tends. The statement has done better than merely move men's emotions, it has moved men's thoughts. It has kindled in them a ray of hope which tends to shine more brightly every day in that they know that the civilized world will be truly a civilized world only

no nation ought to have the right to attack, harm, or destroy another nation. There ought to be tribunals to appease the differences of peo

profoundly just and true theories, those which have been most scientifically demonstrated, encoun

America, has not failed to appreciate the difficulties which the League of Nations would encounter were it put into practice. And if, in his messages

ould be trusted to keep faith within a partnership of nations or observe its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they w

stone. No autocracy, then, in the League of Nations, no German militarism nor Austrian imperial

have falsified his text, as do all commentators. They have desired to build complete in all details the League of Nations, which only existed in outline. They have

omas, a man who has given abundant proof of his practical experience and actual

e Washington Tribunal, would have made inquiry into the conditions of the murder. It would have taken certain steps. And if Austria, still dissatisfied, had invaded Serbia for the sake of revenge or to give scope to her ambitious designs, if Germany had joined with her in this, then all the other allied nations, in the performance of their duty, would have entered into a war

her of the necessities of life. The entire world would have been at war with her and her allies. And in order that the league of nations might continue to exist, in order that the rule of justice, scarcely outlined, cou

mon tribunal of the nations, and that there would have been no possible discussion of the v

der the protection of one of the Entente armies, at the moment when they had seen on which side lay right, they would all, at the very beginning, have entere

aving been defined clearly, there would have been no moment

sent situation of the war would have been

. But, alas, who does not see the argument's fallacy? Who does not perceive that this re?n

a war and presupposes all the nations in the league are making war against another nation. Even with the society

rophes could be avoided? To consider once more M. Thomas' example of the war of 1914, let us suppose that there had been at that time a society of nations, that England had had an army, that the United States had had an army, and that the Anglo-American army had not lost a day nor an hour. Is it a certainty that they would have prevented the Germans from being at the gates of Liège on the seventh of August, in Bruss

y herself, in the teeth of all the world, hurl the avowal of this violation when von Bethmann-Hollweg, in the Reichstag, cynically declared: "We have just invaded Belgium.... Yes, we know that it is contrary to international law; but we were compelled by necessity. And necessity knows no law." What international tribunal's verdict coul

lways possible, before an international tribunal of arbitration, to throw the proper ligh

ts would be unanimous in condemning Turkey and exonerating Bulgaria? And tomorrow, if the Ukraine should suddenly hurl itself against the Republic of the Don, or if Finland invaded Great Russia, with your international court would you be really in a way to pronounce a verdict within five days? And if Sweden took Finland's part and Ge

ty-four nations of the civilized world (and Germany was one of the number) assembled and met together to form such a league? Have you never heard of the treaty that was signed then which, according to the wording at the treaty's head, had for its object "fixing t

les-and let us see how

, horses, and military papers, remain their property." Now all the prisoners held by Germany have, without exc

who captured them." Each of these two articles has been violated since the beginning of the war by the Germans. After the Battle of the Marne, when the advancing French troops of Joffre arrived on the Aisne they found French civilians captured by the Germans and compelled by them to work in the trenches. Moreover, an official report emanating from Mr.

are so interesting that th

hibitions provided by special conv

poison or po

aid down his arms, or having no longer mean

that no quarter

es, or material calculated to

flag, or of the military insignia and uniform of the enemy,

, unless such destruction or seizure be impe

arty to take part in the operations of war directed against their own country, e

tever means, of towns, villages, dwellings, o

ings dedicated to religion, art, science, or charitable purposes, historic monuments, hospitals and places w

town or place, even when ta

, had a sort of prescience of the future cruelties of war and that

rman general headquarters were found in the pocket of many German prisoners or on the dead, and those instructions indicated how the water of the wells was to be poisoned: "Such a

anding the Fifty-eighth German Brigade, to his troops: "After today no more prisoners will be taken. All prisoners are to be killed. Wounded, wi

rve) in the very earliest days of the war, was found the following diary: "August 8, 1914. Gouvy (Belgium). There, as the Belgians had fired on the German soldiers, we at on

Germany. A German newspaper, the Berlin Tageblatt, of November 26, 1914, implicitly avowed it when, in a technical article on the military treasury ("Der Zahlmeis

eaceful intentions, treacherously surprised our troops. It is with my full consent that the general in command had the whole place burned, and about a hundred people were shot." Moreover, here is an extract from a proclamation of Major-Commander Dieckmann, posted up at Grivegnée on September 8, 1914: "Every one who does not obey at once the word of command, 'Hands up,' is guilty of the penalty of death." And finally here is an extract from a proclamation of Marshal

n, to the arts and sciences, even when state property, shall be treated as private property. All seizure of, destruction, or willful damage done to

ient to answer: there is Rheims and its Cathedral, Louvain and

not only in the eyes of the nations at war with her, but also in the regard of the forty-four countries signatory of the Hague Convention. However, we have never heard that a

the same kind as the Hague society? Is the future society of nations to accept among its members the same Empire of Germany which

tain questions to gain certain replies. There is no gain in examining c

the speaking of a single discourse nor the writing of one article that will build it. In M. Clemenceau's words, right can not be firmly established as long as t

igned. Recall the Hague Conventions, signed by this same Germany. The men are fools who will not recall these things, who will not profit by them as examples. German might w

his upon sand, but upon a

quintals in order to manufacture her sixteen thousand grades of woolen fabrics. There is copper, of which Germany imported 250,000 tons in 1913 (200,000 tons came from America), in order to sell the merchandise she finds

e war machine. This war machine cost the German Empire nearly four hundred millions of dollars according to the budget of 1914. Suppose the Allies said to Germany, "As long as you have a military and naval budget of four hundred millions of dollars, we regret that we shall be unable to sell you wool and copper. We regret that we shall be unable to buy anything from you. But, if you reduce this budget by half, we are willing to give you one million metric quintals of wool an

osted at the edge of a woods will not endanger a province's communications for very long. The formidable thing is the great country that is arranged and planned along the lines of war, where e

down to the facts of the case will do so. Pasteur did not overcome hydrophobia by writing treatises and dissertations. He met poison with poison, he injected the healing serum into the veins of the maddened dog. Now Germany is the mad d

ht they might not survive. Now they stand on their feet, so weak, so pale, and so feeble that their life might still be despaired of. If we do not obtain definite guarantees against the monster who has

END

ll record, prove better than any other means how the Germans understand war and peace. They d

END

S FORCED W

ty to preserve the blessing of Peace for the German people and the world." More recently, driving through the battlefield of Cambrai, the

how, in the last days of July, 1914, the Kaiser tried "to preserve the blessings o

e, in Paris, on March 1

by the most cowardly complicity in the ambush into which they drew Europe. I will establish it in the revelation of a document which the Germ

mperial Chancellor at the outbreak of the war) and the date July 31, 1914. On that day Von Schoen (German Ambassador to France) was charged by a telegr

elegram of the German Chancellor containing

ntee of its neutrality, require the handing over of the fortresses of Toul and Verdun; that we will occupy them and will restore

iged her to take up arms for her defense! That is the price she intended to make us pay for our baseness if we had the infa

lished, because the code could not be deciphered: the French Foreign

dged the accuracy of M. Pichon's quotation and contented himself

END

S TREAT AN

ed from the French "Y

Copen

ellow Bo

ch Minister at

Minister for F

n, August

les Cambon, asks me to communicate to

taff of the Embassy and the Russian Chargé d'Affaires at Darmstadt with his family. The treatment which we have receiv

ench aviators, who according to his statement "had come from Belgium." I answered that I had not the slightest information as to the facts to which he attached so much importance and the improbability of which seemed to me obvious; on my part I asked him if he had read the note which I had addressed to him with regard to the invasion of our territory by detachments of the German army. As the

is and the flight of an aeroplane over foreign territory carried out by private pers

ighbor by detachments of regular troops commanded by off

nd he added that it was difficult for events of this kind not to take place when two armies filled wit

d whom we could see through the window of my study, which was half open, uttered shou

ive yours." The Secretary of State assured me that I need not have any anxiety with regard to my departure, and that all the proprieties would be observed with regard to me as well as

to make a personal call on the Chancellor, as that would

carry out this intention as the interview would s

the wish which I expressed to him that I should be permitted to travel by Holland or Belgium. He suggested to me that I shoul

d, in consideration of the necessity I was under of making arrangements with the Spanish Ambassador, who was und

for Foreign Affairs to tell me to request the staff of my Embassy to cease taking meals in the restaurants. This order was so strict that on t

f Switzerland under the pretext that it would take three days and three nights to take me to Constance. He announced that I should be sent

August

le B

I shall travel by Vienna. I run the risk of finding myself detained in that town, if not by the action of the Austrian Government, a

Government will send me to Switzerland, and that the Swiss Government will not close its frontier either to me o

ss I have the security which I ask for, and unless I am assured

s Cam

, Herr von Langwerth gave me in writing an assurance that the Austri

other Frenchmen, was arrested in his own house while in bed. M. Miladowski, fo

Denmark. On this new requirement I asked if I should be confined in a fortress supposing I did not comply. Herr von Langwerth simply answered that he would return to receive my answer in half an hour. I did not wish to give

on Jagow a letter of whic

August

S

accordance with the usages of international courtesy, would facilitate my return

Germany. As I had no knowledge of the intentions of Austria towards me, since on Austrian soil I am nothing but an ordinary private individual, I wrote to Baron von Langwerth that I requested the Imperial Government to give me a promise that the Imperial and Royal Austrian authorities

ark. In view of the present situation, there is no security that I shall find a ship to take me to Englan

having no means of obtaining that the rules of international courtesy should be observed toward

s Cam

ade direct but by way of Schleswig. At 10 o'clock in the evening, I left the Em

oreign Affairs was only represent

y a police officer. In the neighborhood of the Kiel Canal the soldiers entered our carriages. The windows were shut and the curtains of the carriages drawn down; each of us had to remain isolated in his compartment and was forbidden to get up or to touch his lugga

, Major von Rheinbaben came to take leave of me. I h

Evening, Au

S

Excellency against the repeated change of route which was impos

ch all our luggage as if we might have hidden some instrument of destruction. Thanks to t

. During this time, in the corridors of the carriages at the door of each compartment and facing

nce to the Ambassador of the Republic and the staff of his Emb

treated as a dangerous prisoner. Also I must record that during our journey which from Berlin to Denmark has taken twenty

s Cam

expressed my astonishment that I had not been made to pay at Berlin and that at any rate I had not been forewarned of this. I offered to pay by a cheque on one of the largest Berlin banks. This facility was refused me. With

d of honor as an officer and a gentleman that we should be taken to the Danish frontier.

tation, where the Danish Government had had

t route to Holland. I am struck by this difference of treatment, and as Denmark and Norway are, at this moment, infested with

as given unceasing proof during the course of this crisis. I shall be glad that account should be taken of the services which on this occasion

s Ca

NDIX

ANS ARE

trates: Mr. Georges Payelle, President of the Cour des Comptes, Mr. Georges Maringer, Councilor of State, and Mr. Edmond Paillot, Councilor of th

ngs have been printed and

third of October, 1915, at Paris, will give an idea of the h

f age, inhabitant of Jarny in the Department of

he truth and noth

f age. The Aufiero family was also there. Soon petrol was poured over the house; it got into the cellar through the air-hole, and we were surrounded by flames. I saved myself, carrying my two little boys in my arms, while my daughter and little Beatrice Aufiero ran along holding on to my skirt. As we were crossing the Rougeval brook, which runs near my house, the Bavarians fired on us. My little Jean, whom I was carrying, was struck by three bullets, one in the right thigh, one in the ankle, and one in the chest. The thigh was

ce, the Perignon family, which liv

my baby, who was covered with blood, in the brook; but

ter a fashion, said to his wife, "Come see your husband get shot." The poor man, on his knees, asked for mercy, and as

be shot, but I threw myself at his feet, begging him to be merciful. He consented. At this moment an officer, wearing a great gr

t I must get rid of it. Since I could find no one to make a coffin, I found in the canteen two rabbit hutches. I fastened one of t

END

CUPY THE TERRI

e German commander, was posted on all the walls of Lille, the great town in the nor

r fourteen years of age, their mothers, and the old men,

t of their homes, in case of bad weather they shall be permitted to stay in the lobbies. The doors of the houses must be left open. All complaints will

e will be refused regardless of everything. Separate packages must be made up by each person, and a visibly written, firmly secu

o with a woolen blanket and some good shoes and some linen. Each person must have on his person hi

n-Komm

is an account of it from the communication addressed by M. D--, formerly the rec

gh our houses. It was dreadful. An officer passed by, pointing out the men and women whom he chose, leaving them a

s the one we are going to take." Mlle. L., the young one who has just got over typhoid and bronchitis, saw the non-commissioned officer who took away her nurse coming up to her. "What a sad task they are making us do." "More than sad, sir, it could be called barbarous." "That is a hard word, are you not afraid that I will sell you?" As a matter of fact the wretch denounced her. They allowed her seven minutes and took her away bare-headed, just as she was, to the Colonel who commanded this noble battle and who also ordered her to go, against the advice of a physician. Only on account of her tireless energy and the sense of decen

unate people. They all went away shouting "Vive la France. Vive la Liberté!" and singing the Marseillaise. They cheered up those who remained; their poor mothers who were weeping, and the child

ng from the Germans for over thirty months. This document is a German notice which was found a

20th Jul

o'clock in the morning until eight o'clock at night, French time. For rest they shall have a half-hour in the morning,

orkmen under the inspection of German corporals. After the harvest the lazy will be impri

lnon to work. After the harvest the

ot work shall be punishe

the right to punish men who do not wo

e of Verdelles have b

ed) G

and Co

END

TREAT ALSA

state that Alsace-Lorraine is a province of the German Empire b

ws how this German provin

the Civilia

rrier between Alsace-Lorraine, which is called a territory of the Empire, and t

nnoying censorship by making use of the German mail system. A music teacher, Mlle. Lina Sch-- was sentenced to pay a fine of one hundred marks in March, 1917, for an infraction of this sort. The war council at Saarbruck, which pronounced this sentence, had

y a number of childish measures against Alsatian uniforms

ergy to wear the soutane, as it was the custom in the Latin countri

1915, which emphasized an order suppressing the uniforms worn by the Alsatian firemen because

that the fire alarm was sounded by means of the old clarions of the type in use in France. The Kreisdirection finds itself obliged to insist tha

y still wear uniforms recalling those of the French collegians, ought to lay as

the people of Alsace-Lorraine have been subjected, things which unite them

as recently as January, 1917. The inhabitants of Mülhausen between the ages of seventeen and sixty y

was first incarcerated at Cologne and then sent to the Russian front, where he was killed. It was also applied to M. Bourson, former correspondent of Le Ma

uthorities have had to put a check on anonymous denunciations, almost all of which were false,

The government has, as a matter of fact, forbidden the press to publish accounts of the war councils'

ve served in actual hours more than five thousand yea

d, saluted French prisoners in a Strassbu

y, censured the inhuman manner in which certain German officers treated their

sang an anti-German song as she was

at Mulhouse, spoke against the viola

at Levencourt, for the same

ave been punished for peccadill

old, a pupil in the commercial school, and Georgette S--, twenty-three years old, a shop girl, dwellers at Mouilly. Having gon

hty marks, and Georgette S-- to pay one of forty marks, because "acting this

, were arrested for "having answered, by waving t

the Emperor and painted French flags on the wall with the inscription "Vive la France," was condemned to a month in prison. The War

aving treated as lies the figures regarding French and Russian prisoners sent out in the German communiqués, for having protested against the bombardment of Rheims Cathedral, for having

t they got six mon

dlin, in the faith Sister

this Sister before the War Council. It appears that she has been the victim of mons

withdrew) and that she hid the cartridges of the French wounded in the attic, were contested by Sister Valentine. After the testimony of the witnesses, nine for the prosecution and fourteen for the defendant, the government commissioner asked that she be punished with a sentence of fifteen years at hard labor and ten years of deprivation of ci

the Frenc

the Alsatians speak German. It is strange, then, that the German reign of terror has manifested itself in

me a special offense, that of "provocation."

sous-prefect of Boulay gave the following

d by persons who know enough German to make themselves understood or wh

ning two women to fourteen days in prison because, in a manner that gave "provocati

n who "not only let a French label remain on his packages, but had put a

, used the French language in spite of repeated warnings, had

at women who had conversed to one another in French in public had been conde

age that gave grounds for "provocation," was condemned

d the following sentences: "Fines of twenty and ten marks to the venders A. Nemarg and

nd Catherine Jacques of Knutange "for having

spoken, was sentenced to three months' imprison

rried even into the girls' boarding schools, which have a

ted March tenth, 1915, forbade Fr

essing the old parish of Saint Nicholas at Strassburg, was removed. His suc

te d'Alsace-Lorraine. But nothing shows better the necessity of having organs of public opinion in French than the establishment at Metz of the Gazette d'Alsace-Lorraine by the go

the Soldiers fr

proclaimed at the war's beginning, have, as a matter

atthalter denounced the anti-patriotism of a part of the populatio

lties, had rejoined the colors of their true country. All the newspapers of Alsace-Lorraine s

r, on the fourteenth of March, 1917, General von Nassner, commandant for

prieve proposes to desert and who can still prevent the execution of this crime, mus

at Kolmar had condemned by default one hundred and ninety men from the arrondissements of Guebwiller and Ribeauvi

917, announced sentences of fines of three thousand marks or thre

r published the names of seventeen soldiers, some of them deserters

was another list of deserters, ninete

ken from the lists of the debates of the German war councils. These pages are made up of

in the German Army like Germans, the government

dangerous posts, as this secret order, from the Prussian Minister of

ent to the battle front. In the future, all the men from Alsace-Lorraine will be sent to the "General Kommando," who

llvert, Gen

ke, M

g Neue Zeitung announced the abolition of the special postal control t

t last. Among these measures we consider the interdiction still in force for a man to return to his native town. And [the same newspaper adds] from

17, are the details gathered from the Alsatian prisoners themsel

ers to present themselves at the F. R. D. of their division, wher

er said

coundrels, rascals. Get into the shelter quick where you can put up nine addi

they could not work, a lieutenant, who was summoned by the adjutant, ran up with his

Vizé Sergeant to "train the Alsatians

m Alsace-Lorraine are not treated like ordinary citizens by the German

stration

wners who are French, if one is to judge by the sequestrations and confiscati

lists of sequestrations that are almo

f Alsace-Lorraine who live abroad. Orders were given them to re?nter the German Empire, orders they had no possible chance of obeying,

rench and Alsatian properties were extremely numerous. Among thes

properties of Prince de Tonnay-Charente, situated at Hambourg and consisting of a splendid chateau, furnished in Louis

er, including "forty-two hectares of fine arable land, fine dwelling houses, barns and stables, a very fine park, summer houses, a coa

of Robertsau, the property of Mme. Loys-Chandieu, née Pourtalès, with two hundre

nced the liquidation of twenty properties in the Moye

sly been covetous of th

s and unceasing polemics appea

y the inhabitants of the country and their immediate neighbors had any opportunity of profiting by these occasions. The

ateau, like that at Osthofen, with a garden and a park, bidders for this luxury would scarcely be found among the peasants. The specula

n France and Germany. Do you not see the danger of feigned sales, to third persons, who will buy in the goods at small cost and will hand them

he Strassburger Post for the eig

everal states of the empire, to give buyers time to take advantage of possible bargains, but also a cata

demand for it continued to come in, which p

coming from old Germany as well as from Alsace-Lorraine, and sales propo

ies, called "black bands," have overtly bought up or had bought up the properties by their agents, in the hope that their plans would be r

eritable trust against which is arrayed "a syndicate of Alsatia

llied to Germanism by more and more intimate bonds" has been, as a matter of fact, to treat it like a foreign land, kept by f

END

UNDERSTAND

this letter suffices. It was addressed to the Berliner Lokalanzeiger by Herr Walter R

than ever before must commence immediately. The establishments which produce raw materials must not only continue their work,

re. We must organize the industrial mobilization as perfectly as the military mobilization. Every man of technical training or partial technical training, whether or not he is enrolled in the list

bilized and to know officially that the third day after the declaration of wa

nature thereof ought to be determined in advance. Every establishment also ought to furnish an exact and complete l

give them sufficient advantages, specified in detail, so that it would be directly advantageous to thei

without any fear and finally, when the next w

riber'

ay was August 3; and the context from the beginning of the chapter was that the declaration of war was delivered late afternoo

to unforgettable. (It recall

irtieth, per context (when Sunda

to weeks. (For seve

om another book. (in a beseiged city can hasten the place's fall; i

ng double quotes. (I

ilization (priests who went off at

kilos do not equal Total

nged to tarragon (16,

to catastrophes (irremediable c

ann-Hollweg, hyphena

thmann Hollweg. K

CLE 23 has no

actual letter (I consider it my duty to protest a

ed to correctionelle ("_chambr

le to match Table of Contents and make

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