Introduction to Non-Violence

ttempt to realize a positive policy. The preceding section dealt with its counterpart, "non-resistance," which has a neutral connotation, and implies that the non-resister is not invo

group responsible for a situation which those who organize the non-violent action believe to be undesirable. However, even in such action the negative quality may appear. Satyagraha, for instance, insof

itude and policy of the group or person responsible for some undesirable situation; but they refuse to use coercion-even non-violent coercion. Rather they endeavor to convince

rd their fellowmen as their highest value. They insist that they would act in the same way regardless of the consequences of their action, either to the person towards whom they practice goodwill or to themselves. They act on the basis of principle rather than on the basis

very man," to bring about genuine repentance on the part of those who have been responsible for evil. If direct persuasion is not effective, they hope that their exhibition of love towards him whom others under the same circumstances would regard as a

he Face of

es presents us with innumerable examples of men who have acted in this way. Socrates is of their number, as well as the early Christians who insisted upon practicing their religion despite the edicts of the Roman empire. Jesus himself is the outstanding example of one who was willing to die rather than to surrender principle. It cannot be said of these martyrs that they acted in or

pacifist sects of our own day. Robert Barclay, the Quaker apologist of the late seventeenth ce

se and perform their worship towards God, as being their true right so to do; and neither to do more than that, becau

d was imprisoned on eight occasions; yet he was not diverted from his task of preaching truth. It has been estimated that 15,000 Quakers "suffered" under the various religious acts o

ensue it; to follow after righteousness and the knowledge of God; seeki

not made resistance against authority; but whenever we could not obey for con

y concerning Quakers on their way to prison: "They go like lambs without any resista

ir desperation over the failure of the gentler means of quenching Quaker ardor, condemned and executed three men and a woman. Even Charles II was revolted by such extreme measures, and ordered the colony to desist. After a long struggle the Quakers, along

his insistence upon following the highest values which his conscience recognizes will bring an end to war, because there are not enough others who share his convictions. He takes his individual stand without regard for outward consequences to himse

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nation and Vindication of the Principles and Doctrines of the People Called Quak

iefs and Practices and to Illustrate them by the Lives and Activ

ace and War: an Account of Their Peace Principles an

n Fry, Quaker

The Quakers in the American Coloni

n or Pe

what he believes is right knows in his own heart that coercion is not an effective means of

ual and super-natural: 'Tis argument, and evident demonstration of reason, together with the power of God reaching the heart, that can change a man's mind from one opinion to another, and not knocks and blows, and such like

ts are inadequate methods for conversion: this forb

be no force in religion," and carried it out so faithfully that they would not baptize children, on the ground that this act would coerce them into membership in the church before they could decide to join of their own free will

d for every member of the human family, rather than being a separate value in itself. In social situations this regard may express itself in various ways. It may have a desira

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pology, Prop. XI

Quaker Wa

rch of the Brethren, 1939), 56; the statement of the Goshen Conference of 1918 and other statements of the position of the church in L. W. Shultz (ed.), Minutes of the Annual Conference of the Church of the Brethr

to Groups

anship in conflicts between other groups, in order to administe

sion so that there could be no suspicion of their implication in the coming struggle. During the fighting in 1798 the Friends interceded with both sides in the interests of humanity, entertained the destitute from both parties and treated the wounds of any man who needed care. Both t

use the reward of such endeavor to act in obedience to their Divine Master's will is not always to be looked for in the present life. While, therefore, the fact of their outward preservation would be no sufficient argument to themselves that they

n need without distinction of party, race or creed. The stories of the work of the American Friends Service Committee and the Service Civil founded by Pierre Ceresole are too well known

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Ireland During the Rebellion of the year 1798, with some Preliminary and Concluding Observations (2n

es: An Account of the American Friends Service Committee 1917-1937 (New York: Macmillan, 1937); Willis H. Hall, Quaker International Work in Europe Since 1914 (Chambery, Savoie, France: Imprimeries Reunies, 1938). On Service Civil, see Lilian Stevens

wer of

e shows how, in relief of the poor, education, temperance, public health, the care of the insane, prison reform, and the abolition of slavery, the Quakers set about to solve the problem within their own society, but never in an exclusive way, so that others as well as members might receive t

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neers in Social Work, trans. by Thomas

r Socia

f holding slaves within the Society itself. When they had succeeded in eliminating it from their own ranks, they could, with a clear conscience, suggest that their neighbors follow their example. When the time came, Quakers were willing to ta

ilege, as the American Quakers did in giving up their slaves, not only serves as a

the oppressed means that he can never rest until the oppressors have been convert

ons. It rejects the thesis of Reinhold Niebuhr that social groups can never live according to the same moral codes as individuals, and also the belief of such groups as the Mennonites that, since the "world" is necessarily evil, the precepts of high religio

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the Friends' Historical Society, March 1933 (London: Friends Committee on Slavery and Protection

nder in Heard, et al.

Action and

ent advocates." They were willing to advocate their reforms in the public forum and the political arena. Since, as Rufus Jones has pointed out, such action might yield to the temptation to compromise with men of lesser ideals, there has always been an element in the Society of Friends which insisted that the ideal must be served in its entirety, even to the extent of giving up public office and influence rather than to compro

itude of the Friends on the issue of slavery,

waiting for enlightenment on the underlying principle, which when seen is so absolutely clear and convincing that no outer difficulties or suffering can affect it: its full implications gradually appear, and its ultimate triumph can never be doubt

n methods aggressive enough to arouse the indolent and those beyon

te of the ideal says that for the time being he will accept less than his ultimate goal, provided the change is in the di

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on-Violent Co

The Quakers in the Ame

saac Sharpless, A Quaker Experiment in Governmen

Quaker Wa

Ibid

rd Alte

s described, to the establishment of a new basis of understanding which may not include any of the princ

process of discovering a new basis of understanding through

sation that the whole process of the world's redemption rests upon the relationship which the Christian is able to create between himself and his oppressor. This course has nothing in common with resistance; it is the opposite of surrender, for its whole purpose and motive is the triumphing over evil by acceptance of all that it brings.... The resistance of evil, whet

otions and take votes which produce clearcut divisions within the group, but insist that no action shall be taken until all divergent points of view have been expressed, and a statement drawn up which embodies "the sense of the meeting" and is acceptable to all. As

tween workers and employer, or between man and wife. But it is not content to stop there. It would defy all fears and bring into the tense process of arriving at this joint dec

ch she supported this same conclusion on the basis of scientific knowledge about t

truth emerges from difference. In the ballot-box there is no confronting of difference, hence no possibility of integrating, hence no creating;

which are unremittingly committed to struggle against each other, whether by violent or non-violent means, until one or the other has been annihilated or for

es the advocates of abolition insisted that since slavery was sin there could be no recognition of the rights of the owners. Elihu Burritt and his League of Universal Brotherhood were as much opposed to slavery as the most ardent abolitionists, yet of the League Burritt declared:

ed the door against all overtures or efforts for the peaceful extinction of slavery. Its extinction by compensated emancipation would have recognized the moral complicity of

made its contribution to creating the feeling which brought on the conflict. In the light of the present intensity of racial feeling in the United States

rson or group desiring to create better understanding or to eliminate conflict between elements of the community calls together, without any publicity, representatives of various interests for a discussion of points of view, with the understanding that there will be no attempt to reach conclusions or arrive at any official decision

l values to which appeal may be made, their labors are not apt to be crowned with success. As in all the cases which we have been considering, however, concerned individuals and groups may act in this field b

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Dilemma (Banbury, England: Frien

d Alternative" in Heard, et

ker Method of Reaching Decisions"

"Introduction" to Laugh

ive Experience (New York:

n Allen, Fight

ted in Ib

hnique In Social Education, Leaflet (New York: Fede

ertram Pickard, Pacifist Diplomacy in Conflict Situations: Illustrated by th