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Democracy in America - Volume 2

Chapter 6 No.6

Word Count: 19714    |    Released on: 01/12/2017

the general influence to be exercised by the principle of equality upon the fate of mankind; but I am stopped by the difficulty of the task, and in presence of so great an o

the midst of a prospect so wide, so novel and so confused, some of the more prominent characteristics may already be discerned and pointed out. The good things and the evils of life are more equally distributed in the world: great wealth tends to disappear, the number of small fortunes to increase; desires and gratifications are multiplied, but extraordinary prosperity and irremediable penury are alike unknown. The sentiment of ambition is universal, but the scope of ambition is seldom vast. Each individual stands apart in solitary weakness; but society at large is active, provident, and powerful: the performances of private persons are insignificant, those of the State immense. There is little energy of character; but manners are mild, and laws humane. If there be few instances of exalted heroism or of virtues of the highest, brightest, and purest temper, men's habits are regular, violence is rare, and cruelty almost unknown. Human existence becomes longer, and property more secure: life is not adorned with brilliant trophies, but it

who gratified my sympathies. But I admit that this gratification arose from my own weakness: it is because I am unable to see at once all that is around me, that I am allowed thus to select and separate the objects of my predilection from among so many others. Such is not the case with that almighty and eternal Being whose gaze necessarily includes the whole of created things, and who surveys distinctly, though at once, mankind and man. We may naturally believe that it is not the singula

nown to the former, are natural to the latter; some ideas suggest themselves spontaneously to the imagination of the one, which are utterly repugnant to the mind of the other. They are like two distinct orders of human beings, each of which has its own merits and defects, its own advantages and its own evils. Care must therefore be taken not to judge the state of society, which is now coming into existence, by notions derived from a state of

rs, but to strive to work out that species of greatness and happiness which is our own. For myself, who now look back from this extreme limit of my task, and discover from afar, but at once, the various objects which have attracted my more attentive investigation upon my way, I am full of apprehensions and of hopes. I perceive mighty dangers which it is possible to ward off-mighty evils which may be avoided or alleviated; and I cling with a firmer hold to the belief, that for democratic nations to be virtuous and prosperous they require but to will it. I am aware that many of my contemporaries maintain that nations are never their own masters here below, and that they necessarily obey some insurmountable and unintelligent pow

TO PARTS

rt

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r Platte. From this imaginary line to the Rocky Mountains, which bound the valley of the Mississippi on the west, lie immense plains, which are almost entirely covered with sand, incapable of cultivation, or scattered over with masses of granite. In summer, these plains are quite destitute of water, and nothing is to be seen on them but herds of buffaloes and wild horses. Some hordes of Indians are also found there, but in

e meridian of Washington, agrees very nearly wi

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s the passion-flower, which, according to Descourtiz, grows with such luxuriance in the Antilles, as to climb trees by means of the tendrils with which it is provided, and form moving bowers of rich and elegant festoons, decora

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the discovery was made that this idiom of a barbarous people was the product of a complicated system of ideas and very learned combinations. These languages were found to be very rich, and great pains had been taken at their formation to render them agreeable to the ear. The grammatical system of the Americans differs from all others in several points, but especially in the following:-Some nations of Europe, amongst others the Germans, have the power of combining at pleasure different expressions, and thus giving a complex sense to certain words. The Indians have given a most surprising extension to this power, so as to arrive at the means of connecting a great number of ideas with a single term. This will be easily understood with the help of an example quoted by Mr. Duponceau, in the "Memoirs of the Philosophical Society of America": A Delaware woman playing with a cat or a young dog, says this writer, is heard to pronounce the word kuligatschis, which is

languages, which is to be found in the first volume of the "Memoirs of the Philosophical

uage," by Geiberger, and the preface of Mr. Duponc

ks, which is at the end of the sixth

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derstand that there was less to reprehend in the stripping of dead bodies than in the devouring of their flesh like wild beasts. Charlevoix, in another place (vol. i. p. 230), thus describes the first torture of which Champlain was an eyewitness, and the return of the Hurons into their own village. Having proceeded about eight leagues, says he, our allies halted; and having singled out one of their captives, they reproached him with all the cruelties which he had practised upon the warriors of their nation who had fallen into his hands, and told him that he might expect to be treated in like manner; adding, that if he had any spirit he would prove it by singing. He immediately chanted forth his death-song, and then his war-song, and all the songs he knew, "but in a very mournful strain," says Champlain, who was not then aware that all savage music has a melancholy character. The tortures which succeeded, accompanied by all the horrors which we shall mention he

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t; inasmuch as it produces a necessary suspension of labor, leads men to reflect upon the duties of life, and the errors to which human nature is liable, and provides for the public and private worship of God, the creator and governor of the universe, and for the performance of such acts of charity as are the ornament and comfort of Christian societies:-Whereas irreligious or light-minded persons, forgetting the duties which the Sabbath imposes, and the benefits which these duties confer on society, are known to profane its sanctity, by following their pleasures or their affairs; this way of acting being con

at no vessel shall leave a harbour of the colony; that no persons shall keep outside the meeting-house du

rangers or lodgers, under penalty of five shillings

n, shall omit to worship God in public during three

n a place of public worship, shall b

ave authority to visit public-houses on the Sunday. The innkeeper who sha

entenced to pay a fine not exceeding five pounds sterling. If the reason given by the traveller be not deemed by the tything-man sufficient, he

he laws of the State of New York, revised in 1827 and 1828. (See Revised Statutes, Part I. chapter 20, p. 675.) In these it is declared that no one is allowed on the Sabbath to sport, to fish, to play at games, or to frequent houses where liquor is sold. No one can trave

ay a fine equal to at least five times the value of the sum lost or won; which shall be paid to the inspector of the poor of the township. He that loses twenty-five dollars or more may bring an action

even on Saturday evening. You traverse its streets at the hour at which you expect men in the middle of life to be engaged in business, and young people in pleasure; and you meet with solitude and silence. Not only have all ceased to work, but they appear to have ceased to exist. Neither the movements of industry are heard, nor the accents of joy, nor even the confused murmur which arises from the midst of a great city. Chains are hung across the streets in the neighborhood of the churches; the half-closed shutters of the houses scarcely admit a ray of sun into t

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and of the Union in general. I have therefore confined myself to the quotation of a few detached fragments. I do not know whether I am deceived, but it appears to me that, by pursuing the path which I have merely pointed out, it would be easy to present such pictures of the American republics as would not be unwor

ral copy of all the charters granted by the Crown of England to the emigrants, as well as the principal acts of the colonial governments, during the commencement of their existence. Amongst other authentic documents, we here find a great many relating to the affairs of New England and Virginia during this period. The second volume is almost entirely devoted to th

is adorned with curious maps and engravings of the time when it appeared; the narrative extends from the year 1584 to 1626. Smith's work is highly and deservedly esteemed. The author was one of the most celebrated adventurers of a period of remarkable adventure; his book breathes that ardor for discovery, that spirit of enterprise, which characterized the men of his time, when the manners of chivalry were united to zeal for commerce, and made subserv

the Virginians in the author's lifetime. Beverley was a native of Virginia, which occasions him to say at the beginning of his book, that he entreats his readers not to exercise their critical severity upon it, since, having been born in the Indies, he does not aspire to purity of language. Notwithstanding this colonial modesty, the author shows throughout his book the impatience with which he endures the supremacy of the mother-

general confused and superficial; but it contains a very striking description of the mortality caused among the savages of that time both by the smallpox and the immoderate use of brandy; with a curious picture of the corruption of manners prevalent amongst them, which was increased by the presence of Europeans. The second part of Lawson's book is taken up with a description of the physical condition of Carolina, and its productions. In the third part, the author gives an interesting account of the manners, customs, and gover

setts Historical Society," printed for the first time at Boston in 1792, and reprinted in 1806. The collection of which I speak, and which is continued to the present day, contains a great number of very valuable documents relating to the

ed "New England's Memorial"; sufficiently, perhaps, to prove that it deserves the attention of those who woul

o the lives and labors of the evangelical ministers who, during the same period, had the care of souls. In the fourth the author relates the institution and progress of the University of Cambridge (Massachusetts). In the fifth he describes the principles and the discipline of the Church of New England. The sixth is taken up in retracing certain facts, which, in the opinion of Mather, prove the merciful interposition of Providence in behalf of the inhabitants of New England. Lastly, in the seventh, the author gives an account of the heresies and the troubles to which

erests, a constant series of disasters has confounded them, until there was a plantation erected upon the nobler designs of Christianity: and that plantation though it has had more adversaries than perhaps any one upon earth, yet, having obtained help from God, it continues to this day." Mather occasionall

t

her, liked it

this work was publish

ch never saw the faces of each other, with a most unanimous inclination to leave all the pleasant accommodations of their native country, and go over a terrible ocean, into a more terrible desert, for the pure enjoyment of all his ordinances. It is now reasonable that, before we pass any further, the reasons of his unde

ions for the Planta

e Gospel unto those parts of the world, and raise a bulwark against the kingdo

be feared that the like judgments are coming upon us; and who knows but God hath provide

es, is here more vile and base than the earth he treads upon; children, neighbours, and friends, especially the

, and he that fails in it must live in scorn and contempt: hence it comes to pass, that all arts and trades are carried in that deceitful ma

f education) most children, even the best, wittiest, and of the fairest hopes, are perverted, corrupted

and improved by them: why, then, should we stand starving here for places of habitation, and in the m

rmed particular Church in its infancy, and unite our forces with such a company of faithful people, as by timely

rch, and with it run the hazard of an hard and mean condition, it will be an example of great use, both for the removing of scandal and to giv

an and abominable practice. He proscribes with the same rigor all ornaments for the hair used by the female sex, as well as their custom of having the arms and neck uncovered. In another part of his work

e several States comprised within its limits, I ought first to notice "The History of the Colony of Massachusetts," by Hutchinson, Lieutenant-Governor of the Massachusetts Province, 2 vols. 8vo. The history of Hutchinson, which I have several times quoted in the chapter to which this note relates, commences in the year 1628, and ends in 1750. Throughout the work there is a striking air of truth and the greatest simplicity of style: it is full of minute details. The best history to consult concerning Connecticut is that of Benjamin Trumbull

owing curious quotation is given from a sermon delivered in 1663:-"It concerneth New England always to remember that they are a plantation religious, not a plantation of trade. The profession of the purity of doctrine, worship, and discipline, is written upon her forehead. Let merchants, and such as are increasing cent. per cent., remember this, that worldly gain was

story we have of the former is entitled "A History of New York," by William Smith, printed at London in 1757. Smith gives us importan

Penn, in 1681, till after the year 1742," by Robert Proud, 2 vols. 8vo, printed at Philadelphia in 1797. This work is deserving of the especial attention of the reader; it contains a mass of curious documents concerning Penn, the doct

rt

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erson's "Memoir

s, entailed their property upon their descendants. The transmission of these estates from generation to generation, to men who bore the same name, had the effect of raising up a distinct class of families, who, possessing by law the p

onseil's work upon the life of Jefferson, entitled "

(See Revised Statutes, vol. iii. Appendix, p. 48.) It has since then been adopted in the Revised Statutes of the same State. At the present day this law holds good throughout the whole of the United States, with the exception of the State of Vermont, where the male heir inherits a double portion. (Kent's "Commentaries," vol. iv. p. 370.) Mr. Kent, in the same work, vol. iv. p. 1-22, gives a historical account of American legislation on the subject of entail: by this we learn that, previous to the Revolution, the colonies followed the English law of entail. Estate

has entire liberty, power, and authority, to dispose of his property by will, to leave it entire, or divided in favor of any persons he chooses as his heirs, provided he do not leave it to a political body or any corporation." The French law obliges the testator to divide his property equally, or nearly so, among his heirs. Most of the American republics still admit of entails, under certain rest

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s Of Voters In The United St

In all of them it is necessary to have resided for a certain time in the dist

sary to have an income of Pound 3 or a capital of Pound 60. In Rho

gives an income of $17. A year of service in

tor must have a proper

yland, the elector must p

he must posses

qualification for voting is that of paying the taxes; and in most of the States, to serve in the militia is

isiana, Indiana, Kentucky, and Vermont, the conditions of

voting for the Senate and the electing the House of Representatives. The electors of the former, in this case, s

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hich, it is less practised than elsewhere, because everybody endeavors to repress it. In America there is no police for the prevention of fires, and such acci

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ia for centralization and government regulations dates from the time when jurists began to take a share in the government, in the time of Philippele-Bel; ev

Droit Public de la France en matiere d'imp

ded another, until the deliberations of the inhabitants of a village are declared null when they have not been authorized by the Intendant. Of course, if the community has an expensive undertaking to carry through, it must remain under the control of the sub-delegate of the Intendant, and, consequently, follow the plan he proposes, employ his favorite workmen, pay them according to his pleasure; and if an action at law is deemed necessary, the Intendant's permission must be obtained. The cause must be pleaded before this first tribunal, previous to its being carried into

uries past the central power of France has done everything it could to extend central administration; it has acknowledged no other limits than its own strength. The central power to which the Revolution gave birth made more rapid advances than any of its predecessor

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ance that the rights of the new magistrates should be as inalienable as those of their predecessors had been. The laws of 1830, like those of 1814, point out no way of changing the constitution: and it is evident that the ordinary means of legislation are insufficient for this purpose. As the King, the Peers, and the Deputies, all derive their authority from the constitution, these three powers united cannot alter a law by virtue of which alone they govern. Out of the pale of the constitution they are nothing: where, when, could they take their stand to effect a change in its provisions? The alternative is clear: either their efforts are powerless against the charter, which continues to exist in spite of them, in which case they only reign in the name of the cha

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pectes, est vetustissima; si dignitatem, est honoratissima; si jurisdictionem, est capacissima.' It hath sovereign and uncontrollable authority in the making, confirming, enlarging, restraining, abrogating, repealing, reviving, and expounding of laws, concerning matters of all possible denominations; ecclesiastical or temporal; civil, military, maritime, or criminal; this being the place where that absolute despotic power which must, in all governments, reside somewhere, is intrusted by the constitution of these kingdoms. All mischiefs and grievances, operations and remedies, that transcend the ordinary course of the laws, are within the reach of this extraord

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this matter, give to the House of Delegates the exclusive right of impeachment; excepting only the constitution of North Carolina, which grants the same privilege to

(Art. 3, paragraphs 23 and 24); of New York (Art. 5); of Delaware (Art. 5), high treason, bribery, and other high crimes or offences. In the Constitution of Massachusetts (Chap. I, Section 2); that of North Carolina (Art. 23); of Virginia (p. 252), misconduct and maladministration. In the constitution of New Hampshire (p. 105), corruption, intrigue, and maladministration. I

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y, than to reconcile it to sacrifices of men and personal efforts. Moreover, defeat by sea rarely compromises the existence or independence of the people which endures it. As for continental wars, it is evident that the nations of Europe cannot be formidable in this way to the American Union. It would be very difficult to transport and maintain in America more than 25,000 soldiers; an army which may be considered to represent a na

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with a paper entitled "The New England Courier," expresses its opinion that "the tendency of the said journal is to turn religion into derision and bring it into contempt; that it mentions the sacred writers in a profane and irreligious manner; that it puts malicious interpretations upon the conduct of the ministers of the Gospel; and that the Government of his Majesty is insulted, and the peace and tranquillity of the province disturbed by the said journal. The Committee is consequently of opinion that the printer and publisher, James Franklin, should be forbidden to print and

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t in a spirit quite contrary to that of the laws of France; for in the State of New York there are fewer persons eligible as jurymen than there are electors. It may be said in general that the right of forming part of a jury, like the right of electing representatives, is open to all the citizens: the exercise of this right, however, is not put indiscriminately into any hands. Every year a body of municipal or county magistrates-called "selectmen" in New England, "supervisors" in New York, "trustees" in Ohio, and "sheriffs of the parish" in Louisiana-choose for each county a certain number of citizens who have the right of serving as jurymen, and who are supposed to be capable of exercising their functions. These magistrates, being themselves elective, excite no distrust; their powers, like those of most republican magistrates, are very extensive and very arbitrary, and they frequently make use of them to remove unworthy or incompetent jurymen. The names of the jurymen thus chosen are transmitted to the County Court; and the jury who hav

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nd the question of right in the same reply; thus-a house is claimed by Peter as having been purchased by him: this is the fact to be decided. The defendant puts in a plea of incompetency on the part of the vendor: this is the legal question to be resolved. But the jury do not enjoy the same character of

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trials to which the women of America, who consent to follow their husbands into the wilds, are o

places are alike; I shall describe the one at which we have hal

and upon closer examination we found that a deep circle had been cut round the bark, which, by stopping the circulation of the sap, soon kills the tree. We were informed that this is commonly the first thing a pioneer does; as he cannot in the first year cut down all the trees which cover his new parcel of land, he sows Indian corn under their branches, and puts the trees to death in order to prevent them from injuring his crop. Beyond this field, at present imperfectly traced out, we suddenly came upon the cabin of its owner, situated in the centre of a plot of ground more carefully cultivated than the rest, but where man was still waging unequal warfare with the forest; there the

ey were frightened at the sight of man; whilst two large dogs, almost wild, with ears erect and outstretched nose, came growling out of their hut, to cover the retreat of their young masters. The pioneer himself made his appea

deer's skin, and plumes of eagles' feathers; on the right hand of the chimney a map of the United States, raised and shaken by the wind through the crannies in the wall; near the map, upon a shelf formed of a roughly hewn plank, a few volumes of books-a Bible, the six first books of Milton, and two of Shakespeare

ith him: his physical constitution suffices to show that his earlier years were spent in the midst of civilized society, and that he belongs to that restless, calculating, and adventurous race o

eying an irksome necessity of his condition: he treats it as a duty imposed upon him by his situation, not as a pleasure. By the side of the hearth sits a woman with a baby on her lap: she nods to us without disturbing herself. Like the pioneer, this woman is in the prime of life; her appearance would seem superior to her condition, and her apparel even betrays a lingering taste for dress; but her delicate limbs appear shrunken, her features are drawn in, her eye is mild and melancholy; her whole physiognomy bears marks of a degree of religious resignation, a deep quiet of all passions, and some sort of natural and tranquil firmness, ready to meet all the ills of life, without fearing and without bravin

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effects of immorality and irreligion easily manifest themselves outwardly, because men have but little influence upon each other, and no class exists which

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ride of a nation, the gratification of certain ruling passions by the law, a concourse of circumstances, defects which escape notice, and more than all the rest, the influence of a majority which shuts the mouth of all cavillers, may long perpetuate the delusions of a people as well as those of a man. Look at England throughout the eighteenth century. No nation was ever more prodigal of self-applau

ter of the French of that age. There might be some sort of servitude in France at that time, but assuredly there was no servile spirit among the people. The writers of that age felt a species of genuine enthusiasm in extolling the power of their king; and there was no peasant so obscure in

pon its inclinations, since those inclinations change from age to age; but upon more elevated principles and a more general expe

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without efforts, by the slow but commodious advancement of a peace establishment, than to purchase more rapid promotion at the cost of all the toils and privations of the field. With these feelings, they would take up arms without enthusiasm, and use them without energy; they would allow themselves to be led to meet the foe, instead of marching to attack him. It must not be supposed that this pacific state of the army would render it adverse to revolutions; for revolutions, and especially military revolutions, which are generally very rapid, are attended indeed with great dangers, but not with protracted toil; they gratify ambition at less cost than war; life only is at stake, and the men of democracies care less for their lives than for their

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is a human notion;-to introduce infinite variety of action, but so combined that all these acts lead by a multitude of different courses to the accomplishment of one great design, is a conception of the Deity. The human idea of u

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mocratic community will labor without 2 ceasing to extend the powers of government, because they all hope at some time or other to wield those powers. It is a waste of time to attempt to prove to them that extreme centralization may be injurious to the State, s

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ch from the outline I have drawn in the chapter to which this note belongs, and that it would retain none of the fierce characteristics of a military oligarchy. I am persuaded that, in such a case, a sort of fusion would take place between the habits of official men and those of the military service. T

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: it is because this apathy exists, that the executive government, having mustered a few troops, is able to commit acts of oppression one day, and the next day a party, which has mustered some thirty men in its ranks, can also commit acts of oppression. Neither one nor the other can found anything to last; and the causes which en

f The United S

Tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of Liber

icl

ive Powers herein grant

which shall consist of a Sena

Representatives shall

the Electors in each States shall have the Qualifications requisit

enty-five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United States, and who sh

ersons. The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Representati

any State, the Executive Authority thereof shal

e their Speaker and other Officers; and

e of the United Stat

by the Legislature thereof, for six Year

ation of the second Year, of the second Class at the expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the expiration of the sixth Year, so that one-third may be chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies happe

y Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall n

hey be equally divided. The Senate shall choose their other Officers, and also a President pro tempore, in

ide: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two-thirds of the Members present. Judgment in cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualification t

Places and Manner of

e Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make o

, and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in Dece

shall be the Judge of

usiness; but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the

gs, punish its Members for disorderly Behaviour, an

g such Parts as may in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of eithe

Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to a

and Representatives shal

on, Felony, and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and

rity of the United States, which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time

Raising Revenue shall o

te may propose or concur with

t. If after such Reconsideration two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by Yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons

nt) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by h

s shall have Power to

ommon Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duti

n the credit of t

Nations, and among the several S

t of Bankruptcies throughout the United States; To coin Money, regulate the Va

counterfeiting the Securities and

Post Offices

curing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exc

To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on

rque and Reprisal, and make Rules c

ppropriation of Money to that Use sha

and maint

ernment and Regulation of

a to execute the Laws of the Union, sup

y be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of

tates, and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, Dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings;-And

n or Importation of suc

Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or du

not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebel

pitation, or other direct Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportio

be laid on Articles e

the Ports of one State over those of another: nor shall Vessels bound to,

ations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account of the Receipts a

of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any pres

shall enter into an

y Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex

cessary for executing its inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports shal

War in time of Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Pow

icl

ve Power shall be vest

g the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice-Pr

hole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Re

ertificates, and the Votes shall then be counted. The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the President, if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an equal number of Votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by Ballot one of them for President; and if no Person have a Majority, then from the five highest on the List the said House shall in like Manner choose the President. But in choosing the

eded by Article XII, Am

tors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes;

stitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that Office who sh

l devolve on the Vice-president, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation or Inability, both of the President and Vice-Presi

ther be increased nor diminished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he

olemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, a

nt shall be Commander

the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their res

Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the Supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and w

may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting Com

m time to time give to

Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper; h

t, Vice-President and a

Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason,

icl

Power of the United St

es, both of the Supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, and shall, at stated T

l Power shall extend t

;-to all cases of Admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction; to Controversies to which the United States shall be a Party;-to Controversies between two or more States;-between a State and Citizens of another State;

upreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have app

e held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed withi

inst the United States

and Comfort. No person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testim

ason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blo

icl

and Credit shall be gi

nd the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such

ens of each State sh

r other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand of the executive Author

, shall, in consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or La

ay be admitted by the C

nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, wit

the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution

States shall guarantee

gainst Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Execu

icl

be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress; Provided that

icl

doption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the Uni

r which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges i

icial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation to support this Cons

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shall be sufficient for the Establishment of this C

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an Erasure in the fifteenth Line of the first Page, The Words 'is tried' being interlined between the thirty-second and thirty-th

f the paragraph beginning with the words, 'Done in Convention,' and therefore precedes the signatures. The int

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f America, proposed by Congress and ratified by the Legislatures of the s

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e exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of t

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security of a free State, the right of the peo

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ny house without the consent of the Owner, nor in t

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hes and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oa

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Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any Cri

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shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be co

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ght of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re

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nor excessive fines imposed, nor cru

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tain rights, shall not be construed to deny

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Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are

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suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United State

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n be counted;-The person having the greatest number of votes for President, shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice sha

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ment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall e

e power to enforce this artic

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erein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any Stat

nd Vice-President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United Stat

reviously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution o

ng insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrecti

wer to enforce, by appropriate legisl

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all not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any Sta

have power to enforce this art

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