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The Emancipation of Massachusetts

Chapter 5 - THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM.

Word Count: 6276    |    Released on: 01/12/2017

ing in the communion. Of those who were excluded, perhaps even the majority might have found it impossible to have secured their pastor's approbation, but numbers who

he Spirit. And it is no exaggeration to say that to sensitive natures the initiation was appalling. The applicant had first to convince the minister of his worthiness, then his name was openly propounded, and those who knew of any o

of the parties admittance but that we may goe on to receive him: therefore now, if any of you know anything against him, why he may not be admitted, you may yet speak.... Whereupon, sometimes men do speak to the contrary ... and so stay the party for that time also till this new offence be heard before the elders

administration of justice especially seems to have been defective. "Now the most of the persons at New England are not admitted of their church, and therefore are not freemen, and when they come to be tryed there, be it for life or limb, name

lain Dealing, p. 73. A. D. 1642.] who were, in their turn, ruled by their priests, and as the repression of thought inevitable under such a system had rou

undertook as a matter of course to interfere with the militia, and the following curious letter written to t

July 24t

lease yo

in that he is corrupt in his judgment with reference to the Lord's Supper, declaring against Christ's words of justification, and hereupon hath withdrawn himself from communion with the church in that

PAISON. [Footnote: His

officers to keep their places until the General Court should meet. Notwithstanding this order the commotion continued to increase, and the pastor, Mr. Peter Hubbert, "was very forward to have excommunicated the lieutenant," who was the candidate the magistrates favored. [Footnote:

rge number of signatures, in which he prayed the General Court to take cognizance

diction as a magistrate. A contest ensued between the deputies and assistants, which was finally decided by the influence of the el

thless because not in the king's name, and then went on to add that the government "was not more then a corporation in England, and ... had not power to put men to death ... that for himself he had neither horn nor hoofe of his own, nor anything wherewith to buy his children clo

ad visited Hingham to reconcile some differences in the congregation had found him in grave fault. The government was not sorry, therefore, to make him a public example, as appeared not only by these proceedings, but by the way he was treated in the General Court the next autumn. He was acco

England after a stay of only a month, and when he came again to America in 1635, he had settled at Scituate, the town adjoining Hingham, but in the Plymouth jurisdiction. Having both wealth and social position he possessed great

religious qualification for the suffrage in the old colony, and the complexion of its politics was therefore far more liberal than in Massachusetts; so Vassal was able to command a strong support when he brought forward his proposition. Winslow, writing t

uties were most made beforehand, and the other three assistants, who applauded it as their Diana; and the sum of it was, to allow and maintaine full and free tollerance of religion to all men that would preserve the civill peace and submit unto government; and there was no limitation or exception against Turke, Jew, Papist, Arian, Socinian, Nicholaytan, Familist, or any other, &c. But our governor and divers of us having expressed the sad consequences would follow, especially myselfe and Mr. Prence, yet notwithstanding it was required, according to

and gunnes both belowe and above in them which awed the Indians who at that time had a mind to cutt off the English." [Footnote: Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, Oct. 1884, p. 236.] When Winthrop landed, he found him keeping open house, so kindly and freehanded that even th

is host. Josselyn says with much feeling: "I went a shore upon Noddles Island to Mr. Samuel Maverick, ... the only hospitable man in the whole countrey." He was charitable also, and Winthrop relates how, when the Indians were dying of the smallpox, he, "his wif

ers for more than one night without leave from a magistrate. Under such circumstances he could not but sympathize with Vassal in his effort to win for all men equal rights before the law. Next after him in consequence was Dr. Robert Childe, who had taken a degree at Padua, and who, though not a freeman, had considerable interests in the country,-a man of property and standing. There were five more signers of the petition: Thomas Burton, John Smith, David Yale, Thomas Fowle, and John Dand, but they do not require particular notice. They prayed that "civil liberty and freedome be forthwith granted to all truly English, equall to the rest of their countrymen, as in all plantations is accustomed to be done, and as all free-borne enjoy in our native cou

e of the danger, and they passed the summer in creating the necessary indignation among the voters: they bitterly denounced from their pulpits "the sons of Belial, Judasses, sons of Corah," "with sundry appellations of that nature ... which seemed not to arise from a gospel spirit." Sometimes they devoted "a whole sermon, and that not very short," to describing the impending ruin and exhorting the magistrates "to lay hold upon" the offenders. [Footnote: New Eng. Jonas, Marvin's ed. p. 19

d against the country in general, the governour propounded, that if any elder present had any such hand, &c., he would withdraw himself." Mr. Hub

he petition, "yet in regard he had so much opposed authority and offered such contempt to it, ... he thou

ine the relations of Massachusetts toward Englan

ch full and ample power ... of making all laws and rules of our obedience, and of a full and final determination of all cases in the adm

vileges and safeguards of British subjects

te: Winthrop, ii. 285.] A species of indictment was then prepared in which they were charged with publishing seditious libels against the Church of Christ and the civil government. The gravamen of the offence was the attempt to persuade the people "that the liberties and privileges in our charter belong to all freeborn Englishmen inhabitants here, whereas they are granted only to such as the governour and company shall think fit to receive into that fellowship." [Footnote: I

op called the assistants together, without, however, giving the dissen

isoned Anne Hutchinson in the house of her bitterest enemy, now suggested a scheme for making Childe endure the pangs of disappointment, by allowing him to embark, and then seizing him as the ship was setting sa

es of two petitions were discovered, with a number of queries relating to certain legal aspects

as far as the wit or malice of man could, and that they meddled in civil affaires beyond their calling, and were masters rather than ministers, and ofttimes judges, and

nthrop speaks of the offence as "being in nature capital," and Johnson thoug

Parliament; that, moreover, they had never been published, but were found in a private room by means of

(imprisonment t

ith, "

and, "

rton, "

, for his offen

piracy, (i

paid,

for his offence

n appealin

is oath of

ii, 113. May 26, 1647.

out $

the warrant was in the king's name. "He was laid hold on, and kept in irons about four or five days, and then he humbled himself...for meddling in mat

speake as they doe: not being able suddenly to discerne the poyson in the sweet wine, nor the fire wrapped up in the straw." [Footnote: Felt's Eccl. Hist. i. 593.] The petitioners, however, never found redress. Edward Winslow had been sent to London as agent, and in 1648 he was able to write that their "hopes and endeavours ... had been blasted by the special providence of the Lord who still wrought for us." And Winthro

several efforts to have his fine remitted, and he did finally secure an abatement of one half. He then went to Engla

ly known about the leaders is that they were not of any one denomination. Maverick was an Episcopalian; Vassal was probably an Independent like Cromwell or Milton; and though the elders accused Childe of being a Jesuit, there is some ground to suppose th

rejudice, the events of these early years present

r Aspinwall, or Coddington; were citizens discontented, they were coerced like Maverick and Childe. The process had been uninterrupted alike in church and state. The congregations, which in theory should have included all the inhabitants of the towns, had shrunk until they contained only a third or a quarter of the people; while the churches themselves, which were supposed to be independent of external inter

ather than the judgment even of a majority of the membership, must be taken as conclusive. To all intents and purposes, then, this was precisely the aristocracy which they affirmed that it was not. For the elders were to order business in the assurance that every truly humble and sincere member would consent thereto. If any did not consent, and after patient debate remained of another judgment, he was 'partial' and 'factious,' and continuing 'obstinate,' he was 'a

itutions by custom, having the force of law; the stage of development had now been reached when it was necessary that those usages should take the shape of formal enactments. The Cambridge platform therefore marks the completion of an organization, and as such is the central point in the history of the Puritan Commonwealth. The work was done in August, 1648: the Westmin

on of the congregations; in October, 1651, it was adopted; and when c

emarkable men whose influence has left the deepest imprint upon the institution

t in practice he had to deal with the strongest of human passions. In 1634, though supported by Cotton, he was defeated by Dudley, and there can be no doubt that this was caused by the defection of the body of the clergy. The evidence seems conclusive, for the next year Vane brought about an interview between the two at which Haynes was present, and there Haynes upbraided him with remissness in administering justice. [Footnote: Winthrop, i. 178.] Winthrop agreed to leave the question to th

for his mind was not original or brilliant, nor was his thought in advance of his age. Herein he differed from his celebrated contemporary, for among the long list of famous men, who are the pride of Massachusetts, there are few who in mere intellectual capacity outrank Cotton. He was not only a profound scholar, an elo

e stout, but with snowy hair and much personal dignity, he seems to have h

d it, "he was a man of ingenuous and pious candor, rejoicing (as opportunity served) to take notice of and testifie unto the gifts of God in his brethren, thereby drawing the hearts of them to him...." [Footnote: Norton's Funeral Sermon, p. 37.] No other clergyman has ever been able to reach the position he held with apparent ease, which amount

cess would have undermined the organization he was laboring to perfect. He thus committed the error of his life in undertaking to preach a religious reformation, without having the resolution to face a martyrdom. But when he saw his mistake, the way in which he retrieved himself showed a consummate knowledg

faith and not on force, can only exist by extirpating all who openly question their pretensions to preeminent sanctity; and neither of these men belonged to the class of natural persecutors,-the one was too gentle, the o

"had good hope to reclaim him." [Footnote: Winthrop, ii. 251.] An instant recantation was demanded; it was of course refused, and, in spite of all remonstrance, the family was banished in the snow. Winthrop's sad words were: "But sure, the rule of hosp

s no place for leaders capable of pity or remorse, and the theocrac

and misbelievers were children of the devil whom it was his sacred duty to destroy. He knew by the Word of God that all save the orthodox were lost, and that heretics not only perished, but were the hirelings of Satan, who tempted the innocent to their doom; he therefore hated and feared them more than robbers or murderers. Words seemed to fail him when he tried to express his horror: "The face of death, the King of Terrours, the living man by instinct turneth his face from. An unusual shape, a satanical phantas

e black skull-cap, the gray moustache and pointed beard shading the determined mouth, but throwing into relief the

n the people were hanging breathless on the fate of Christison, when insurrection seemed bursting out beneath his feet, and his judges shrunk aghast before the peril, we yet hear the sa

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