The Bolsheviki and World Peace

feat of Czarism? And would not the beneficent results of the defeat of Czari

ntry, the ruin of France--all this is justified by the need to fight Czarism. Haase gives as the reason for voting the war credits the necessity of "

Czarism. And when the Social Democrats of Vienna and Budapest fall in line under the Hapsburg banner in its "holy war" against

ss has no other aims, for the moment, than the annihilation of the Russian auto

Even the German Major-General von Morgen, assuredly a true and tried "friend of libe

e a disgrace if we did not perceive the actual relations of the interests in spi

War--the most closely related form of government. Czarism is indispensable to the Germany of the Hohenzollerns, for two reasons. In the first place, it weakens Russia economically, culturally and militaristically, and so prevents its development

ess ways. Interests, tradition, sympathies draw the German reactionary element to the side Czarism. "Russia's sorrow is Germany's sorrow." At the same time the Hohenzollerns,

speech upon the declaration of war, referring neither to France nor to England, but to Russia, or rather

pprochement with France and England by a victory over those countries, and, on the oth

William and his chancellor with this plan, or else mus

he German reactionaries are of exactly the opposite ch

nd whether "strategy" sanctioned defensive tactics on the Western front. But one thing is certain, that not to see that the policy of

pressed by Russia to resist the tyrant and would give them the means wherewith to wage a powerful fight for freedom. [Quite right!] However, Germany is not a democracy, and therefore it would be a utopian dream [Exactly!] to expect any such policy with all its consequences from Germany as she is. (Vorw?rts, August 28.) Very well then! But right h

any over Russia might result in the great weakening, if not the complete overthrow of Czarism. Long live Hindenburg, the great unconscious instrument of the Russian Revolution, we might cry along with the Chemnitz Volksstimme. Long live the Prussian Crow

d on this side of the question. Is it not possible that the de

d his Samurai were not in the least interested in freeing Russia, yet the Russo

ults may be expected fro

these historical possibilities we must take t

akened it. For had the Revolution developed as a result of the organic growth of inner forces, it would have come later, but would have been far stronger and more systematic. Therefore, revolution has no real interest in war. This

rial development once for all pulled the country ou

torm and stress. But in contrast to the years 1902-1905, this movement developed in a far more conscious, systematic manner, and, what is more, was based on a far broader social foundation. It needed time to

turned on the Revolution. Such a prospect can hardly fail to paralyze Russia's revolutionary forces; for it is impossible to deny the fact that the party of the German proletariat stands behind the Hohenzollern bayonets. But this is only one side of the question. The defeat

ound the conquered nations, and an enforced commercial treaty with Russia, all this i

ld be strengthened for years to come. The German working class would feed itself, materially and spiritually, on the cru

n, even if temporarily successful, would be an

ch neither the War itself nor the governments directing it can solve in any way to the interest of future historical development. The Social Democrats could not, and can

his. The Vorw?rts in its issue of July 28, discussin

ward Czarism be then? Herein lies the great difficulty of the situation. Has not the moment come to strike a death bl

comes to the foll

ontier? It may readily bring the collapse of Czarism, but will not the German armies fight a revolutionar

storical session of the Reichstag, the Vorw?rts w

oring to prove to the Social Democracy that the impending war is really an old Social Democratic demand. War against Russia, war upon the blood-stained and faith

the task of all the Russian people, especially the Russian proletariat, and it is just the last weeks that have shown how vigorously this very working class in Russia is attacking the task that history has laid upon it.... And all the nationalistic attempts of the 'True Russians' to turn the hatred of the masses away from Czarism and arouse a reactionary hatred against foreign countries, particularly Germany, have failed so far. The Russian proletariat knows too well that its enemy is not beyond the border but within its own land. Nothing was more distasteful to these nationalistic agitators, the True Russians and Pan-Slavists

after Germany had alread

German working class of the political extortion that the bourgeois press would practise on their revolutionary conscience. "Do not believe these friends of the knout," the Vorw?rts said to the German proletariat. "They are hungry for your souls, and hide their imperialistic designs behind liberal-sounding phrases. Th

orw?rts preached to the working

weeks later the sa

great Russian people themselves, dissolution of the unnatural alliance between two cultural nations and Czar

German Social Democrac

eks to cause the Vorw?rts to re

e armed invaders when they themselves wore no helmets and waving feathers.3 In those three weeks the German armies carried death and destruction into French territory, and the troops of their ally, Austria-Hungary,

ctly natural phenomenon. Why so much excitement? Any other European government, in Germany's place, would have acted in the same way. It was just at this time that the German Social Democracy not only reconciled itself to the War as a work of real or supposed national defens

e English land forces, so that Germany's hands might be free to deal with Russia. Wasn't it perfectly clear that what was at first represented as a temporary measure of strategic necessity in order to soothe the German Social Democracy, would become an end in itself through the force of events? The more stubborn the resistance made by France, whose duty it has actually become to defend its territory and its independence against the German attack, the more certainly will the German armies be held on the

haustion and degradation of the Western nations--will mean a

d the danger will become an actuality unless the European proletariat interferes and enters