The Bolsheviki and World Peace

omprehend the nature of Czarism. We agree with Dr. Südekum that a German can more easily understand the nature of Czarism as he exp

in the school of industry and his own class organizations. It has its foundation also in its Junker officer caste, with its master class traditions, its oppression of those who are below and its subordination to those who are above. The German army, like the German state, is a feudal-monarchical organization with inexhaustible capitalistic resources. The bourgeois scribblers may chatter all they want about the supremacy of the Germ

is French Republic is now paying the penalty for having made her army a counterpoise to her democratic state organization. She created, in Jaurès' words, "a bastard régime in which antiquated for

hem! Give it to them!" The German Social Democracy may inveigh ever so sharply against the systematic personal ill-treatment of the German soldier which has caused proportionately double the number of suicides in the German barracks of that in any other country. But for all that, the fact that the German bourgeoisie has absolutely n

ny's military strength in the ancient model of th

stors in the Teutoburgerwald! We have the technical marvels of modern machine guns. We have the wonderful organization of immense masses of troops. And yet, our military system is at bottom the same. The martial spirit is raised to its highest power, developed to its utmost in a body which once was

military uniform in the world, and republican by constraint that he is, his heart is filled with a lover's jealousy. And

perialism. And this connection with the nation has taken such deep root that the prophecies of Major Driant, written several years ago, have actually c

ocial Democrats are in the ranks, their fingers on the trigger, and they too think only of the welfare of the Fatherland. The ten-billion

Social Democratic (!) papers, with open rowdy insolence--an indemn

ocial Democrats--would mean not only the defeat of France's standing army; it would mean p

lists in mass-murder, are just as indispensable a condition of German vict

y, strengthened by the war. And German professors, the same who proclaimed Hindenburg a doctor o

jection to a parliamentary régime, and all the other beautiful things that

that the German profe

eturn to three-years' military service, but who, when the War began, nevertheless donned their red trousers and set out to free Germany. But we are seized with a feeling of unspeakable indign

approaching Paris, Engels wrote in a letter to Marx, afte

the south. It is then still possible that such a government may hold out until arms and ammunition are bought and a new army organized with which the enem

o crawled on their bellies before his Excellency, the military Commander, who introduced the Russian knout into East Galicia. It is cowardly arrogance--this talk of the purely "strategic" character of the War on the Western fro

ing waged for the cause of national independenc

political-world events of this century stand under the emblem of the Imperialistic Idea. The imperialistic idea that is dest

e of our armies against France and Russia in the very first stage of the War took place precisely where it was most important to keep valuable German minera

speak in devout whispers, really begins its

War is a war of defense. But Herr Ge

ld economy and world dominion,--that the world has already been divided. Has not the earth been d

vacate their Belgian quarters. But Herr Arthur Dix, who knows very well what he wants, and who has the right and the power to

that the coast line from Ostende to the Somme shall not again fall into the hands of any state which may become a poli

kirk, sacred "strategy" is now carrying out th

between those countries. But here, too, Herr Arthur Dix shows Germany's cards. According to him, "there is bu

rly indicated," Professor Franz von Liszt announces. "'Protection against England

a third. "We must break the tyranny which England exercises over the s

Czarism, but primarily against

no success of ours has given us such joy as the defeat o

ain, straightforward Herr Rudolf Theuden wants to give Galicia to Russia with North Persia thrown in. Then R

bring us?" asks Theud

elle, and, in case of stubborn resistance, that part as well which borders on the Maas. If we make the Maas and the Moselle

Ocean; that the hope of a Russian indemnity is only a Utopian dream, anyway; that Russia would be more useful as friend than as foe; that

th where they do not exist. This is simply a case of an ulcer of slavish sentiments bursting open and foul pus crawling over the pages of the workingmen's press. It is clear that the oppressed class which proceeds too s