The Impeachment of the House of Brunswick
cceeded to regal honors, was saluted with a volley of oaths, and "Dat is one big lie." No pretence even was made of sorrow. Greorge Augustus had hated George Lewis during life, and at the first
is will having been deposited with the Duke of Brunswick, a large sum of money was paid to that Prince nominally as a subsidy by the English Government for the maintenance of troops, but really as a
are in any fear of my relapsing, that my dear first-born is the greatest ass, and the greatest liar, and the greatest canaille and the greatest beast in the whole world; and that I most heartily wish he were out of it." This is a tolerably strong description of the father of George HI. from the lips of his o
mulation.... Cunning and perfidy were the means she made use of in business." The Prince of Anspach is alleged by the Whimperer to have raised some difficulties as to the marriage, on account of George I. being disposed to deny the legitimacy of his son, and it is further pretended that George I
declares that "wherever the interest of Germany and the honor of the Empire were concerned, her
intriguing for office under George I., with Townshend, Devonshire, and othe
urchasable, the only question being one of price, managed to purchase peace with Caroline when Queen. When the ministry suspended, "Walpole not fairly out, Compton not fairly in," Sir Robert assured the Queen that he would secure her an annuity of £100,000 in the event
ng little sultan George II.," as Thackeray calls him, solicited favors from his wife for his mistress, the Countess of Walmoden; but to use the words of the cultured Edinburgh Review, the Queen's "actual intercession to secure for the King the favors of the Duchess of Modena precludes the idea that these sentiments were as revolting to the royal Philaminte as they would nowaday
ed to sneer at Sir Robert Walpole, asking how the poor man-"avec ce gros corps, ces jambes enflees et ce villain ventre"-could possibly believe that any woman could love him for himself. And that Sir Robert retaliated, when Caroline afterwards c
unlawful. Some years afterwards, this Act was extended to other trades, and the whole tendency of the Septennial Parliament leg
spleasure on the part of Royalty. The Duchess of Queensborough, who patronized Gay, being forbidden to attend court, wrote thus: "The Duchess of Queensborough is surprised and well pleased that the King has given
debts. This vote seems to have been obtained under false pretences, to b
e of money in foreign subsidies and bribes;" and in his place in the House of Commons William Pitt, "the great Com
eling. A monster (Excise), in the form of a many-headed dragon, is drawing the minister (Sir Robert Walpole) in his coach, and
is drag
thousa
usand mouths
and shar
de gapi
as big as a
ith wines a
ese, and
r out fo
read, and ba
e, pig, a
ust down
laborer mun
ously opposed this measure, which was defeated. In the King's private notes to Lord Townshend, Mr. Sand
ies, they ought never to keep up a greater number of regular forces than are absolutely necessary for the security of the Government." Sir John Barnard declared that the army ought not to be used on political questions. He said: "In a free country, if a tumult happens from a just cause of complaint, the people ought to be satisfied; their grievances ought to be redressed; they ought not surely to be immediately knocked on the head because they may happen to complain in an irregular way." Mr. Pult
peers were solicited to vote for this list without the liberty of making any alteration, and endeavors were used to engage peers to vote for this list by promise of pensions and offices, civil and military, to themselves and their relations, and by actual promise and offers of sums of money. Several had received money, and releases of debts owing to the crown were granted to t
o Queen Caroline, received from Lord Pom-fret jewelry of £1,400
ets of the unrepresented people. Lord Carteret, in 1733, speaking of a Bill before the House for granting the King half a million out of the Sinking Fund, said: "This Fund, my Lords, has been cl
ded, on September 10, 1737, in the former being ordered by the King to quit St. James's palace, where he was residing. On the 22d of the preceding February, Pulteney had moved for an allowance of £100,000 a year to Prince Frederick. George II. refused to consent, on the ground that the responsibility to provide for the Prince of Wales rested w
, and inhumanity. The King is at one moment dissolved in a mawkish tenderness, at another sunk into brutal apathy. He is at one moment all tears for the loss of one who united the softness and amiability of one sex to the courage and firmness of the other; at another all fury because the object of his regrets cannot swallow, or cannot change her posture, or cannot animate the glassy fixedness of her eyes; at one moment he begins an elaborate panegyric on her virtues, then breaks off into an enumeration of his own, by whic
we find frequent mention of the Countess of Yarmouth as a power to be gained, a person to stand well with. "I read," says Thackeray, "that Lady Yarmouth (my most religious and gracious King's favorite) sold a bishopric to a clergyman for £5,000. (He betted her £5,000 that he would not be made a bishop, and he lost, and paid her.) Was he the o
liam Frederick, son of Frederick, a
others, was not English, but Hanoverian; and regarded the possession of a petty castle and lordship called Steinhorst. This castle had been bought from Holstein by George H. as Elector of Hanover, but the Danes claiming the sovereignty, a skirmish ensued.... The well-timed treaty of subsidy calmed their resentment, a
minally on the question of the right of search, but when peace was declared at Aix-la-Chapelle, th
ally in Hanover. From 1729 to 1731, again in 1735 and 1736, and eight ti
e partiality for Hanover, to which he makes all other views and considerations subservient, has manifested itself so much that no man can continue in the active part of the administration with honor." The Duke goes on to describe the King's policy as "both dishonorable and fatal;" and Henry Pelham, on the 8th of October, write
eristic. 'Oh, yes, yes, to be sure! Annapolis must be defended; troops must be sent to Annapolis. Pray, where is Annapolis?' 'Cape Breton an island! Wonderful! show it me in the map. So it is, sure enough. My dear sir, you always bring us good news. I must go and tell the King that Cape Breton is an island.' And this man was, during near thirty years, Secretary of State, and during near ten years First Lord of the Treasury! His large fortune, his strong hereditary connection, his great Parliamentary interest, will not alone explain this extraordinary fact. His success is a signal instance of what may be effected by a man who devotes his whole heart and soul without reserve to one object. He was eaten up by ambition. His love of influence and authority resemble
sor of a place or office to pay a certain sum out of the profits of it to some person or persons recommended by the minister. Vaughan, who does not appear to have ventured any direct denial, managed to avoid giving a categorical reply, and to get excused from answering on the ground that he might criminate himself. Agitation was commenced for the revival of Triennial Parliaments, for the renewal of the clause of the Act of Settle
nt Whigs under the guidance of Carteret and Pulteney; partly before the rising power of the young England party led by William Pitt; and somewhat from the jealousy, if not treachery, of
h the
, perhaps you
o abuse you a
hom you will, a
my money at W
g whom he shall keep of the old mini
e's false, as he
old Robin t
those who emplo
n place, but I le
is heart is as
in this than there'
oward, he'll sha
a rascal, I'll
n affairs, howe'
e care you shall
at hat, strut, bou
d cuff'd here, you sh
id nothing they
gh, but I'll ma
provide, and gre
e make, or whate
ike these the mo
spirits, and glad
e cried, 'My dear
ll-give me troo
eing in Hanover, sent over the treaty to England, with a warrant directing the Lords Justices to "ratify and confirm it," which, however, they refused to do. On hearing that the Lord Chancellor refused to sanction the arrangement,
hen he thought his Hanoverian dominions in danger, and actually treated with France without the knowledge or consent of his ministry. A rhyming squib, in which th
a story as stra
concerned will
Captain, well k
d save him) a mer
takes in a gold
to terra dam
, borrows, scrape
or owners most
e set out for th
d told them a m
is, who, though
perish for wa
sister he th
is owners a n
that critical jun
las! all the fa
he money possible, made a peace with the enemies of the
his sister adri
oes were her fath
he world, 'such a s
l Bluff, 'I have s
the Germans, and
ld England pis
g Sweden, or S
Robert, one k
hous'd owners be
ate Bob to exer
dictis, or nu
growling, I'll a
re cautioned to look into the accounts of thei
however, must
s poor owners to
they come to ad
ance will prov
the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, to £76,000,000; while the seven years' war, which came later, broug
a wide sale, and which represented the King as a fat Hanoveri
troop minister," had agreed to give the King of Sardinia. £40,000 was also voted for a payment made by the King
ar to keep Prince Charles in Alsace, and the moment Austria got the money, Prince Charles was withdrawn, and Henry Pelham, writing to the Duke of Newcastle, says, "The same will be the case with every sum of money we advance. The allies will take it, and then act as suits their convenience and security." In the four years from 1744 to 1747, both included, we paid £4,342,683 for foreign troops and subsidies, not including
ceeded had the Pretender's son possessed any sort of ability as a leader-there is little room to s
ragoons, from lost
nd Danes, and t
d rangers led
at the bum of th
o fit to lead f
angier, my old g
o quick, but whos
rched on, while he
of Session, and a warm supporter of the Brunswicks, remonstrating with the Duke as to the latter's disregard of the laws of the country, his Royal Highness of Cumberland replied with an oath: "The laws of my country, my lord; I'll make a brigade give laws." Scotland has many reason
d by Parliament for the pa
ent for his favorite son, the Duke of Cumberland, that pious prince, much esteemed in Scotland as "the butcher." The most open hostility subsisted between the Duke of
of Kingston, figured as "La Belle Sauvage" in a close-fitting dress of flesh-colored silk, requested permission to place his hand on Miss Chudle
e playing cards with his mistress, Lady Yarmouth, and who had not spoken to his son for years,
lies
live, and
been hi
much r
een his
tter tha
been hi
uld have
the whole
ter for t
e 'tis o
live, and
o more to
evious one. The war during the years following 1739 was for the humiliation of the King of Prussia; the policy in the last war was to prevent his humiliation. Mr. Bax
terms which ensured the repose of himself and his Hanoverian forces during the remainder of the war. At home his Royal Highness was much attacked, some venturing to describe his personal conduct as cowardly, and his generals
money seems to be his capital failing." And that "his political courage seems somewhat problematical." Philli-more says: "In public life he was altogether indifferent to the welfare of England, except as it affected his E
on our soil till he was more than thirty years old. His speech belayed his foreign origin and breeding. His love for his native land, though the most amiable part of his character, was not likely to endear him to his British subjects. He was never so happy as when he could exchange St. James's for Heranhausen. Year after year our fleets were employed to convoy him to the Continent, and the interests of his kingdom were as nothing to him when compared with the intere