Henry VIII.

, Cardi

114, 247, 3

ic of, 88, 117

s of. See Bainbr

Edw

y, Th

of. See

y VI

I. of

ouse

laimants,

ts, 9-

, John,

ich

ITAIN AT THE UNIVER

on cited in the text

f State Papers, but the word "Calendar" does not appear in the title and it includes much besides State papers; such a description also tends to confuse it with t

dar; the volume completing Henry's

shes in importance as the reign proceeds, and also, after

(2 vols., 1858), a second edited by Bain (2 vols., 18

the Carew MSS.; see also the Calendar of Fiants publi

stillon et Marillac, edited by Kaule

sbury's MSS.; other papers of Henry VIII.'s reign are scattered

's Chronicle, Chron. of Calai

Domesday of Inclosures, and

1893; cf. Engl. Hist.

and the English Monaste

e (1548) and Fabyan's Chronicle (edited by Ellis, 1811). Holinshed and Stow are not quite c

i., 789-94. I have also for the purpose of this edition added references to the original sources-a task of some labour when nearly every fact is taken from a differe

es on Medi?val and Mod

al after Julius II's own heart, and he received the red hat for milita

of whom was attainted, as was the Duke of Buckingham; t

Empson and

icero, Pro Flacco, 28; cf. E. Bourre, Des Inequalités de condit

I. in Strype, Eccl. Mem., II., ii., 482;

.g., L. and P.

rensis, 1st ser., iv., 267; 3

present writer in D.N

s, gentleman-usher to Henry VIII., her third Sir Matthew Cradock (d. 1531), and her fourth Christopher Ash

ent writer in Dict. Nat.

., i., No. 249; see

no definite evidence t

Ven. Cal.,

on, Works, ed. Dyce. v

VII., i., 413-415; L. and P.

L. and P., i.

wn statement, L. and

gives Paolo Sarpi a

ayne], Complete Peerag

., Henry VII., Rolls

388-404; Paston Letter

and P., Henry VI

present writer in D.N

uke of Edinburgh. It was designed if Henry VIII. had a secon

enry at the age of eighteen months or two years

Epist., p. 1182; L. an

n 1528 before Henry VIII. had given the mos

, however, described André as being "of m

enry VIII's accession D'Ewes was appointed keeper of the Kin

.; the white and green still survive as the colours of

he latter, which Dyce could not find,

it. Mus. Add. M

it. Mus. Add. M

chols, Epistles of E

n 1500 at the end of E

ols, pp. 423-24; L. an

MS., Vitellius, A.

SS. Comm., 5th Rep.,

L. and P., i.

and P., ii., 4

, ii., 780; L. and P.,

E.g., Add. MS

e was Charles, afterwards Charles I., who was

ortugal and then of France. L. and

Sp. Cal., i

Henry VII., ii., 158;

l., i., 458; L. and

., Henry VII., i., 24

p. Cal., Suppl

er, Die Englische Diploma

ulus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem conferat (Ulpian, Digest, I., iv., 1), was con

de France, ed. 18

Governance of England,

Stuarts; and in discovering it, they misinterpreted several of its clauses such as the judicium parium. Allu

Ven Cal., i

as Buckingham, and the

inand's court by John Stile, the Engli

writer's England under Prot

P., Henry VII., i.,

L. and P., i

hes, ii., 312; Ven. Cal., ii., 1

chols, Epistles of E

Sp. Cal., i

L. and P., i.

f. L. and P.,

Sp. Cal., i

Ibid., ii.,

L. and P.,

L. and P., iv

and P., vol. ii.

Sp. Cal., i

Ibid., ii.,

Ven. Cal.,

d P., i., 811, 208

D.N.B., xx.

Ven. Cal.,

Sp. Cal., i

n which began with Beauforts, Dukes of Somerset

the Calendar of Spanish State Papers. He gre

., ii., 12, 21; L. a

159. The following pedigree

s = Ma

rk, "aunt to all

ror Ferdina

n of Aragon

. 15

------------

= Jua?a

| of

15

--------

Emperor Ferd

556 15

ac

Cal., i., 941, 942

2, 3333; Ven. Cal., ii., 5, 7, 9, 1

Sp. Cal., i

L. and P., i

al., ii., 16; L. and

L. and P., i

, ii., 4688; Ven. C

: Sp. Cal.,

L. and P., i

Ven. Cal., i

., 1980; Sp. Cal., ii., 59

: Ibid., ii.

L. and P., i

: Ibid., i.,

al., ii., 198, 205. The financial accounts for

i., 68, 70, 72; cf. L. an

., ii., 89, 118; L. a

Ibid., ii.,

Sp. Cal., ii

: Ibid., ii.

: Ibid., ii.

: Sp. Cal.,

L. and P., i

in his zeal for Ferdinand, represents the Pope and not Ferdinand as

April, though Ferdinand had already signed a truce with France. A good instance of Ferdinand's duplicity may be found in Sp. Cal., ii., 104, 207; in the former he

Sp. Cal., ii

Ib., ii., 11

4: Ib., ii.

. and P., i., 3

6: Ib., i.,

. and P., i., 3

8: Ib., i.,

War of 1512-13 (Navy Records Society) wher

ymous (Nos. 4253, and 4306), and the other (No. 4284) by John Taylor, afterwards Master of the Rolls, for whom s

Ib., i., 4324,

2: Taylor's

glish accounts referred to,

L. and P., i

Ven. Cal., i

, 4398; Ellis, Original Let

cf. popular ballads in Weber's Flodden Field,

, 909; Sp. Cal., i., 137; L.

Ven. Cal., i

L. and P., i

Ven. Cal., i

L. and P., i

ii., 1287; Giustinian, De

Sp. Cal., ii

5: Ib., ii.

l., ii., 298; cf. L.

iven him by others which was "good for nothing" (Ven. Cal., iii., 45). Its

chiavelli, Opera

ii., 138, 143; L. and

Sp. Cal., ii

: Ibid., ii.

Ibid., ii.,

: Ibid., ii.

Sp. Cal., ii

, 164; Ven. Cal., ii., 3

Sp. Cal., ii

L. and P., i

: Ibid., i.,

295. Charles was fourteen, Mar

L. and P., i

Ven. Cal., i

Sp. Cal., ii

L. and P., i

Ven. Cal., i

: Ibid., ii.

ii., 505; L. and P.,

Ven. Cal., i

., i., 5305; Ven. Cal.

Ven. Cal., i

Ibid., ii.,

l., ii., 192; L. and

so enraged that they would have killed Carroz had it not been for Henry (

P., i., 5718; Ven.

L. and P., i

Ibid., i., 449

ns that Wolsey "never said what he meant but the reverse of what he intended to

lsey a Cardinal was not made till 12th Aug., 1514 (L. and P., i., 5318), at leas

Ven. Cal., i

L. and P., i

L. and P., i

en. Cal., ii.,

: Ibid., ii.

L. and P., i

: Ibid., ii.

L. and P., i

: Ibid., i.,

ith three different ladies, but had not actually married t

and P., ii., 13

Ven. Cal., i

and P., ii., 70

al., ii., 594; L. an

This letter is placed under January in the Calendar, bu

L. and P., i

L. and P., i

: Ibid., ii.

often undated and sometimes misplaced; e.g., this last is placed under March, although fro

L. and P., i

Ven. Cal., i

Ven. Cal., i

L. and P., i

that Wolsey saved Suffolk fro

Ven. Cal., i

nd P., ii., 4057,

Sp. Cal., ii

L. and P., i

1; Giustinian, Desp., i., 90

Ven. Cal., i

nd P., i., 4483, 4

at she had forfeited her claim to their custody b

L. and P., i

: Ibid., ii.

: Ibid., ii.

: Ibid., ii.

697, 1699, 1721, 1729, 1736, 17

: Ibid., ii.

ii., 2152, 1892, 18

and P., ii., 1231

: Ibid., ii.

: Ibid., ii.

Ibid., ii., 15

: Ibid., ii.

: Ibid., ii.

: Ibid., ii.

L. and P., i

id., ii., 1814,

ii., 750, 798, 801; L.

L. and P., i

41, 1610). Brewer in his introduction to vol.

she thought her husband, the Archduke Philip, might come to life again, and carr

L. and P., i

i., 2303, 2327, 2387; Ven.

d P., ii., 2406, 25

: Ibid., ii.

L. and P., i

Ibid., ii., 29

: Ibid., ii.

: Ibid., ii.

2632, 3008; Monumenta Ha

and P., ii., 3076

and P., ii., 34

., ii., 918; L. and P.

L. and P., i

: Ibid., ii.

Ibid., ii., 41

L. and P., i

: Ibid., ii.

roes I. (Nushirvan

ii., 1085, 1088; cf. Shak

d P., ii., 4468, 44

: Ibid., ii.

: Ibid., ii.

L. and P., i

: Ibid., ii.

i., 1398, 1878, 1902,

aiser Maximilian I. im Jahre 1511

erman princes see L. and P., iii., 36, etc.; it has been said t

i., 1165, 1187; L. and P.,

Sp. Cal., ii

L. and P., i

Ven. Cal., i

: Ibid., ii.

: Ibid., ii.

L. and P., i

: Ibid., ii.

Ven. Cal., i

L. and P., i

Ven. Cal., i

L. and P., i

L. and P., i

L. and P., i

Cal., ii., 80, 8

87; Giustinian, Desp., ii., App.

e King's "Book of Payments" calendared

L. and P., i

: Ibid., ii.

. and P., i., 3

h. R. Soc. Rom.,

L. and P., i

ii., 53-54, 361; L. and

Ibid., ii.,

., ii., 1456, 1928

, iii., 125; Giustinian

"princeps confederationis" of 1518. "The chief author of these proceedings," says Giustinian, "

Ven. Cal., i

L. and P., i

: Ibid., ii.

Ven. Cal., ii., 67

L. and P., i

ons Wolsey took it upon himself to open letters

Ven. Cal., i

en. Cal., iii., p. 43; Shakespeare,

Ven. Cal., i

: Ibid., iii

Ibid., vol. ii

: Ibid., iii

L. and P., i

stinian, Desp., A

stinian, Desp., A

Ven. Cal., iii

L. and P., i

bid., ii., 491,

., 3581, 3584; Ven. Cal

L. and P., i

ii., 951, 953, 978; L.

L. and P., i

Cal., iii., pp. 50

L. and P., i

L. and P., i

: Ibid., iii

Ven. Cal., i

s were likely to misrepresent them". It is rather an instance of the lengths to which Brewer's zeal for Wolsey carried him. He had not seen the despatch from Mendoza recording Pace's committal to the Tower on 25th Oct., 1527, "for speaking to the King in opposition to Wolsey and the divorce" (Sp. Cal., 1527-29, p. 440). It is true that Pace was in the charge of the Bishop of Bangor, but he was not transferred thither until 1528 (Ellis, Orig. Letters, 3rd ser., ii., 151); he was released immediately u

stinian, Desp., A

Ven. Cal., i

L. and P., i

: Ibid., ii.

. and P., ii.,

1931; cf. Shakespeare, Hen

the C

ell his honour

own advant

Charles instructed his ambassador to offer Wolsey in addition to his pension of nine thousand ducats with arrears a further pension

L. and P., i

legate he demanded from the Pope authority to visit and reform the secular clergy as well as the monasteries; this was refus

4068. Lark became prebendary of St. Steph

s have affected to doubt Wolsey's parentage of Wynter, but this son is often referred to in the cor

iii., 1284; iv., p. 2

87; Giustinian, D sp., App. ii.,

: Ibid., ii.

e Star Chamber see Scofield, Star Chamber, 1902,

. 53; cf. Leadam, Domesday of En

ii., 77, 98; cf. ii.,

P., ii., 1105; cf.

stinian, Desp., A

iii., 1160, where Fitzwilliam describes

Ven. Cal., i

Sp. Cal., ii

L. and P., i

Ibid., iii., 1

Ven. Cal., i

L. and P., i

L. and P., i

: Ibid., iii

: Ibid., ii.

ith which Cranmer in later days debated with Henr

Ibid., iii., 1

: Ibid., ii.

L. and P., i

: Ibid., iii

46: Ibid.,

L. and P., iii

: Ibid., iii

Epistles of Erasmus, p. 424;

L. and P., iii

., iii., 1574, 165

1513 an English consul was appoint

d P., iii., 1440; c

: Ibid., iii

: Ibid., ii.

L. and P., i

: Ibid., ii.

id., ii., 4060,

L. and P., i

0. Francis I. thought they were dismissed as being too favourable to him, an

L. and P., iii

id., ii., 4074,

: Ibid., iii

nd P., iii., 1454,

Ibid., iii., 1

: Ibid., iii

and P., iii., 1

Ibid., ii., 11

Ven. Cal., i

Sp. Cal., ii

: Ibid., iii

. and P., xiii.

Ibid., iii., 2

L. and P., i

e L. and P., xii., ii., 952, where Sir George Throckmorton relates how he accus

Ven. Cal., i

tributed by the imperial ambassador to Francis I.'s promise t

October, 1518, when it was proposed that it should take pla

: Ibid., iii

: Ibid., iii

: Ibid., iii

nd P., iii., 672;

Ibid., iii., 6

: Ibid., iii

al., iii., 50; Sp. C

ded "expense of making the Kateryn Pleasaunce for trans

88; cf. L. and P., iii., 303-14;

L. and P., i

Ven. Cal., i

of Gold"; cloth of gold is a material like velvet, an

ee Michelet, x.

2: Ibid., p

Ven. Cal., i

and P., iii., 836

Ven. Cal., i

: Ibid., iii

: Ibid., iii

L. and P., i

Ibid., iii., 1

iii., 883, 891, 964

nd P., iii., 1303,

ious and ample commission

: Ibid., iii

L. and P., iii

ount of his illness, but said he could not otherwise have gained so much time without causing su

: Ibid., iii

ere Henry VIII.'s envoy tells Leo X. that the real object of

lba, B, vii., 102; see also an account of the c

Ibid., iii., 1

L. and P., iii

ten for war; the former he playfully termed the seven deadly sins, and the l

Sp. Cal., ii

L. and P., i

. and P., iii.,

Desp., App.

nd P., iii., 1252,

eat the fable of the men who hid in caves to keep out of the rain which was to make all whom it wetted fools, hoping thereby to have t

ar would grieve any man's heart" (Fitzwilliam to Wols

L. and P., ii.

: Ibid., iii

iii., 404; cf. iii.

: Michelet,

L. and P., i

, Cardinal Wolsey und die Englisch-Kaise

L. and P., iii

Ven. Cal., i

L. and P., iii

p. Cal., iii.,

Ibid., ii.,

L. and P., i

Ibid., iii., 1

imate connection between the two events. It was in the same month that Luther's books were solemnly burnt in Englan

l., ii., 365; L. and

Sp. Cal., ii

L. and P., iii

L. and P., iii

Ibid., iii., 1

quite clear how these votes were recorded, f

: Ibid., ii.

y at Charles's devotion" (L. and P., iii., 1994); but Adrian's attitude was at first independent (Sp. Cal.

nd P., iii., 2140,

., 2322, 2333; Sp. Cal.,

L. and P., iii

: Ibid., iii

: Ibid., iii

L. and P., iii

0, 2567, 2770, 2772, 2879, 3154. Bourbon had substanti

: Ibid., iii

: Ibid., iii

etters, 2nd series, ii., 4;

ii., 3207, 3271, 3291; Sp.

rs, i., 30-44; L. and P., iii., 2958, 30

L. and P., iii

Ibid., iii., 2

: Ibid., iii

., iii., 3452, 348

Ibid., iii., 2

id., iii., 3559,

ntrod. to L. and P., vol

: Ibid., iii

: Ibid., iii

62: Ibid.,

Sp. Cal., ii

Ibid., ii.,

He thought of retaining his name Julius, but was told that Pope

., 686; L. and P., iv., 75

p. Cal., ii., 6

ch professes to give the "very words" of Francis I.'s much mi

L. and P., iii

nd P., iii., 2956,

, Chronicle, ed. 1

L. and P., iii

: Ibid., iii

49, 1255, 1264, 1296; Stowe MS., 1

d P., iv., 1525, 15

L. and P., i

., iv., 2039, 2148

Sp. Cal., ii

: Ibid., ii.

: Ibid., ii.

d., ii., 699, 30t

Ibid., ii.,

Ven. Cal., i

Sp. Cal., ii

L. and P., i

f. Gregorovius, Gesch. der Stadt Rom., viii., 568 n., and Alberini's Diary, ed. D

in Il Sacco di Roma, ed. C.

o di Roma, ed. Milane

neither from Henry VIII.'s nor from the Pope's point of view was th

is chapter, Busch, Der Ursprung der Ehescheidung K?nig Heinrich

, 5773; Pocock, Records of t

l., vol. ii., Pref.,

. and P., iv.,

: Ibid., iv.

ome days before she had been delivered of a still-born daughter" (Sp. Cal., ii., 43). On 1st November, 1509

L. and P., vol. i., 1491, 1495, 151

Ven. Cal., i

L. and P., i

L. and P., i

: See above

ii., 479. The Pope was

. and P., ii.,

. and P., ii.,

Ven. Cal., i

sian, F, iii., fol. 34, b; cf.

Ven. Cal., i

L. and P., i

Montmorenci, 1st Nov., 1528

vol. i., pp. xxxiii., 113; Hall, Chron., p. 491; Bacon, Henry VII., ed. 1

L. and P., iii

Ven. Cal., i

L. and P., v.,

: Ibid., vi.

N.B., xxix., 421. This became the orthodox Lancastrian theory (cf.

i., 58. This Act was, however, repeale

possibly the objection to female sovereigns was strengthened by the prevalent respect

ardinal had been instilling into Henry's ear suspicions of Buckingham (L. and P., iii., 1; cf. ibid., ii., 3973, 4057). Brewer r

of Richard III. and He

, 1284, 1356. Shakespeare's account in "Henry VIII." i

L. and P., i

Ibid., ii.,

kayne]'s and Doyle's Peera

iii., 109; L. and P., iv

051. In ibid., iv., 3135, Richm

s dispensing power was unlimited, extending even to marriages between brothers and sisters (ibid., v.

L. and P., i

Sp. Cal., ii

L. and P., v

e the words are erroneously given as "To the King's te

L. and P., i

: Ibid., iv.

ohabiting since 1529. On the other hand, if such was the case, it is singular that no child should have been born before 1533; for after that date Anne seems to ha

eyn, 2 vols., 1884, and articles on th

o the History of England, Table xvii.;

father. Nicholas Sanders, whose De Origine ac Progressu Schismatis Anglicani became the basis of Roman Catholic historie

ed by Brewer more than forty years ago, but it still lingers and was repeated with in

L. and P., iii

story that Wyatt told Henry VIII. his relations with Anne were far from inn

Works, ed. G.F. Not

L. and P., i

by Hearne at the end of his edition of Robert of Avesbury, in the Pamphleteer, vol. xxi., and in the Harleian Miscellany, vol. iii. The or

L. and P., i

have written "many books" on the di

Ven. Cal., i

(Parker Soc.), ii., 245; cf.

d P., iv., Introd.,

r in minimising the "Lutheran" proclivities of the Boleyns. In 1531 Chapuys described Anne and her father as being "more Lutheran than Luther hims

Sp. Cal., ii

Ven. Cal., i

one voluntas. Luther quoted this line à propos of Henry; see his pref

and P., vi., 351;

: Ibid., iv.

; but he admits himself that he recommended corporal punishment in two cases and "it is clear that he

21st March (iv., 2974); (3) a brief note of no importance to Dr. Brienne, dated 2nd April (ibid., 3012); (4) the formal commission of Francis I., dated 13th April (ibid., 3059); (5) the treaty of 30th April (3080); and (6) three brief notes from Turenne to

L. and P., i

ed this as the earliest reference to Henry's divorce; it was really, as Dr. Ehses shows, in reference to the diss

L. and P., i

, to ascertain their opinion of the dispensation. Some pronounced it invalid. So far he had proceeded as secretly as possible that he might do nothing rashly" (L. and P., iv., 5156; cf. iv., 3641). Shakespeare, following Cavendish (p. 221), makes Henry reveal his doubts first to his confessor, Bishop Longland of Lincoln: "First I began in private with you, my Lord of Lincoln" ("Henry VIII.," Act II., sc. iv.); and there is contemporary authority for this belief. In 1532 Longland was said to have suggested a divorc

5291. This examination took pl

: Ibid., iv.

nd P., iv., 5859;

L. and P., i

: Ibid., iv.

L. and P., i

Ibid., iv., 32

: Ibid., iv.

Sp. Cal., ii

iii., 193, 276, 300; L.

: Ibid., iv.

951, Du Bellay to Montmorenci, "those who desire to catch hi

L. and P., i

: Ibid., iv.

and P., iv., 4112

, iii., 432, 790; Ven.

of the Holy See and the Pope he had done his utmost to persuade the King to apply for a legate... althoug

f the authority of the See Apostolic in this kingdom because all his grandeur is c

i College, Oxford, MS., 318, f. 3, printed in the Ac

L. and P., i

Sp. Cal., ii

d P., iv., 6627, 67

L. and P., i

: Ibid., iv.

enry's "message". The letter is undated, but it refers to the "shameless sentence

viously printed by Laemmer or Theiner, but only from imperfect copies often incorrectly deciphered. Ehses has printed the originals with the utmost care, and thrown much new light on the subject

L. and P., i

: Ibid., iv.

s, R?mische Dokumente, No. 20, where Cardinal Pucci giv

and P., iv., 5038

Sp. Cal., ii

's ambassadors quote this precedent to the Pope

ch, 1527, just before Henry commenced proceedings against Catherine. Henry called it a "shameless sente

L. and P., i

Ibid., iv., 38

Queen could be induced to enter some religion, because, although this course would be portentous and unu

L. and P., i

the Pope being an absolute monarch, his decrees were the laws of the Church; the difficulties of Clement VII. an

L. and P., i

: Ibid., iv.

l. Hist. Rev., xi

sche Dok., No. 23; Engl.

. and P., iv.,

id., iv., 3934,

: Ibid., iv.

L. and P., i

: Ibid., iv.

: Ibid., iv.

: Ibid., iv.

Ibid., iv.,

Sp. Cal., ii

L. and P., i

: Ibid., iv.

: Ibid., iv.

L. and P., i

validity see Busch, England under the Tudors, Eng. trs., i., 376-8; Friedmann,

ment to Campeggio in the confessi

., 5377, 5438; Sp. Cal.

See this point discussed in Taunto

Sp. Cal., ii

L. and P., i

154, 5177, 5211 (ii.); Sp.

authorising him "to reject whatever evidence is tendered in behalf of this brief as an evident forgery". Clement was no believer in the maxim

. and P., iv.,

., iv., 5685, 5694

d P., iv., Introd.,

., iv., Introd., p

Ibid., iv., 57

: Ibid., iv.

: Ibid., iv.

Charles V. asserted that it was usual to carry on matters so important as the divorce during vacation (ibid., iv., 6452), and t

and P., iv., 5703

, iv., 4564; Sp. Ca

L. and P., i

L. and P., i

iv., 4012, 4040, 40

: Ibid., iv.

: Ibid., iv.

: Ibid., iv.

., iv., 5679, 5701

: Ibid., iv.

Ibid., iv.,

L. and P., i

: Ibid., iv.

Sp. Cal., ii

L. and P., i

Sp. Cal., ii

6: Ibid., i

: Ibid., iv.

, iv., 5705, 5767; cf.

., iv., 5779; Sp. Cal.

xcommunication of Zapolya, the rival of the Habsburgs in Hungary-a step which He

. and P., iv.,

ted, Busch, Der Sturz des Cardinals Wolsey

. and P., i., 3

i., 4283, "all here have regard only

: Ibid., ii.

. and P., ii.,

: Ibid., ii.

"which dealing may make me not take him as Pope, no, not for all the excommunications that he can make; for I stand under appellation to the next

one Humphrey Bonner preached a sermon ridic

prohibiting any one from being admitted, for the next five years, into minor orders unless he were simultaneously promoted to be sub-deacon; as many persons, to a

is incident on the ground that he lived in Elizabeth's reign; that is true, but according

L. and P., i

: Ibid., ii.

: Ibid., ii.

petition to the same effect from the inhabit

: Ibid., ii.

nne is critically examined in detail. Its importance consists, however, not in the question whether Hunne was or was no

: L. and P.,

: Ibid., ii.

: Ibid., ii.

: Ibid., iii

L. and P., i

: Ibid., ii.

: Ibid., iv.

., iv., 5210, 5255

: Ibid., iv.

77: Ibid.,

L. and P., i

that all episcopal, capitular and monastic property which was not absolutely required should be handed over to the King, and conferred up

ion of England, in Holinshed, ed

n. Cal., iv., 18

n February, 1514 (ibid., i., 4831), without any serious conse

ndish, Life of Wol

Introd. to L. and P.

ries in Privy Purse Expenses,

d P., iv., 4477, 44

where Henry has an interview (March, 1528) with a

: Ibid., iv.

r, Ibid., iv., Intr

from Germany in connection with "the gold mines that the King was

: Ibid., iv.

L. and P., iii

: Ibid., iv.

: Ibid., iv.

: Ibid., iv.

, 6295, where Henry orders Dacre to treat Wolsey

: Ibid., iv.

., iv., 6018, 6199

trigued against him, but he does not repeat the information (ibid., iv., 6720), though Bryan's remark (ibid., iv., 6733) tha

to sound Chapuys is obvious from the latter's remark, "were the physician to

An he had not offended no more unto God than he had done to the C

D.N.B., xxxvii

ymer, F?dera, x

established; they are not inimical to the clergy". Yet the law element was certainly stronger in the Parliaments of Charles I. than in that of 1529; were they not hostile to "things established" and "inimical to the clergy"? Contemporaries had a different opinion of the purpose of the Parliament of 1529. "It is intended," wrote Du Bellay on the 23rd of August, three months before Parliament met, "to hold a Parliament here this wint

P., iv., 4909, 4911;

: Ibid., vi.

L. and P., i

, p. 210; L. and P., iv

Sp. Cal., ii

ntrod., p. dcxlv.), "was still determined by the King or his powerful mini

ckshire for the bye-election on Sir E. Ferrers' death in 1534; and x., 1063, where there is described a hotly contest

1547-50, pp. 516, 518, 519; England und

of the Reformation, Camde

., 337), and in 1586 Sir Henry Bagnal asked the Earl of Rutland if he had a seat to spare in Parliament a

xiv., 645; cf. Hallam,

trations and general remarks on Henry's relations with Parliame

ether any burgesses be there or not" (L. and P., x.,

520). There were some royal nominees in the House of Commons. In 1523 the members for Cumberland were nominated by the Crown (ibid., iii., 2931); at Calais the lord-deputy and council elected one of the two burgesses and the mayor and burgesses the other (ibid., x., 736). Cal

Ibid., iv.,

Return of Members of Pa

arty voted a subsidy of 2s. in the pound; but this was only half the sum demand

vidence of the attitude of Parliament towards social grievances, see John Hales's letter to Somerset in

January, 1514, for its second on 5th February, 1515, and for its third on 12th November, 1515 (ibid., i., 5616, 5725, ii., 1130). It was this last of which Wolsey urged "the more speedy dissolution"; then for fourteen years there was

L. and P., i

inshed, Chronicle

llam, Const. His

orsley's household, and on 27th February, 1531, Henry VIII. orders Lady Worsley not to trouble Bradshaw any more, "as the House of Commons has decided that he is not culpable" (ibid., iv., 6293; v., 117; cf. the case of John Wolf and hi

xe, ed. Townsend

9: Ibid., v

of Bath with a similar immunity attacked the defence of Henry's divorce p

s of the Reformation (C

are so to speak the election petitions of the defeated party; the chief complaint is that non-residents were chosen who knew li

e royal household, L. and P., xv., pp. 563-5) and John Brydges, M.P. for Canterbury in 1529-36, instead of the two who had been unanimously chosen by eighty electors on 11th May (L. and P., x., 852). The Mayor thereupon assembled ninety-seven citizens who "freely with one voice and without any contradiction elected the aforesaid" (ibid., x.,

es of Parliament; and the accusation of servility is based on the assumption that Parliament must either be in chronic opposition to the Crow

roperty of deceased lords, but as yet has got nothing" (L. and P., v., 805). Various other instances are mentioned in the foll

r's rebellion or disobedience in the bill, "as rebellion is already treason and disobedience is no cause of forfeiture of inheritance," and they thought "that the King of Scots should in no wise be named" (there is in the Record Office a draft of the Treasons Bill of 1534 materially differing from the Act as passed. Therefore

im. "On Thursday last," writes one on 8th March, 1534, "the whole Parliamen

arliament were due to the fact that nothing less than a r

L. and P., v

9: Ibid., v

Cf. ibid., iv.

well's draft bill for the submission of

usal to allow a visitation of the Cistercian monasteries, of which

nglish Law, i., 90 (Bracton regards the Pope as the Englishman's "Ordinary"); a

h had been consecrated as far back as 1518, and that he was the Standish who had played so conspicuous a part in the early Chur

had to anticipate any show of independence or opposition." True, to some extent; but the fact does not prove, as Brewer alleges, t

Canterbury, he replied that he would not meddle in these affairs, saying frequently, Ira principis mors est" (Chapu

ess between Henry VIII. and Henry II. extended beyond their policy to their personal characteristics, and the great Angevin was muc

L. and P., v.,

v., 831; cf. v., 89

L. and P., v

bid., v., 522;

who was Chancellor in 1410-12, and Richard, Earl of Sali

L. and P., i

: Ibid., v.,

cases concerning legitimacy belonged to ecclesiastical judges"; to which Henry replied that "he did not care for all the canons which might be alleged,

L. and P., i

: Ibid., iv.

: Ibid., iv.

promising an authorised version of the Scriptures in English "if t

L. and P., v.,

Ibid., v., 1

Ibid., v., 1

: Ibid., iv.

L. and P., v

: Ibid., vi.

Politik Heinrichs VIII., nach den Trennung vom Rom

L. and P., iv.

Hall, Chronicl

L. and P., i

g money. It was very irregular, but the burden was thus placed on the shoulders of those individuals who benefited most by Henry's ecclesiastical and general policy and were rapidly accumulating wealth. Taxation on the whole was remarkably light during Tudor times; the tenths, fifteenths and subsidies had become fixed sums which did not

L. and P., i

Hall, Chronicl

Stubbs, Lectures,

L. and P., v

L. and P., i

: See above

L. and P., i

: Ibid., iv.

P., iv., 6199, 6596

: Ibid., iv.

1: Ibid., v

: Ibid., iv.

bid., iv., 6615

that Wolsey and the King "appeared to desire very much that I should go over to France to get the opinions of the learned men there about the div

P., iv., 6332, 6448,

. and P., vii.,

7: Ibid., v

: Ibid., iv.

am told the King did not wish the Cardinal's case to be tried by Parliament, as

Ibid., iv., 64

Pope attempts war, the King shall have a moiety of th

ut this independence is imaginary; "it was agreed," writes Chapuys, "between the nuncio and me that he should go to the said ecclesiastics in their congregation and recommend them to support the immunity of

L. and P., v

4: Ibid., v

L. and P., v

6: Ibid., v

v., Introd., p. dcxlvii.) that "there is scarcely an instance on record, in this or any succeeding Parliament throughout the re

L. and P., v

L. and P., v

y for the 1531 session (L. and P., v., 394), and another for the "augmentatio

L. and P., v

2: Ibid., v

: Ibid., v.,

part of the session, after the other business had been finishe

as the most sensitive part in the papal armour; there was no law in the Corpus Juris C

L. and P., v

7: Ibid., v

8: Ibid., v

9: Ibid., v

1532, instead of 1531. The French envoy, Giles de la Pommeraye, did not arrive in England till late in 1

1: Ibid., v

documents complaining of the clergy drawn up at this time, it must have b

L. and P., v

7, pp. 320-24; Hall, pp. 784, 785;

the divorce, but as More gratefully acknowledged, the King only employed those whose

e de Fran?ois I. avec Henri VIII., à

L. and P., v

L. and P., v

written si le ventre croist, tout se

L. and P., v

: Ibid., v.,

e to 14th November, 1532, by Hall and Holinshed was doubtless due to

e present writer's C

L. and P., v

6. The interview took place at

6: Ibid., v

7: Ibid., v

Ibid., vi.,

hism to separate from Rome, and that "God willing, we shall never separate from the universal body of Christian men," and admi

: Ibid., vi.

L. and P., v

: Ibid., vi.

3: Ibid., v

ight and the French ambassador on his left, this trinity illust

d., vi., 276, 311

ber, 1530; that the system of appeals had been subject to gross abuse is obvious from t

L. and P., v

: Ibid., vi.

Ibid., XII., i

ranmer, Works,

g to Chapuys, for "even if the marriage were null, the Princess was legitimate owing to the lawful ignorance of her parents. The Ar

the present writer, 1903, pp. 10-28, and

. and P., vi.,

L. and P., v

L. and P., v

entually dated 30th August, 1535 (ix., 207); and a bull depriving Henry of his kingdom was sanctioned, printed and prepared for publication (x., Introd., p. xv., Nos. 82, 107), but first Francis and then Charles put difficulties in the way. In December, 1538, Paul III., n

adopted in Papal bulls differs materially fro

text in Burnet, ed. Po

. and P., vi.,

y polite; on one occasion, writes Chapuys, "when the King was going to mount his horse, the Princess went on to a terrace at the top of the house to see him. The King, either being told of it or by chance, turned round, and seeing her on her knees with her hands joined, bowed

: Ibid., vii

: Ibid., vi.

and P., vi., 508;

: Ibid., v.,

5: Ibid., v

yal Hist. Soc., N.S., xviii.; L. and P.,

d P., v., 609, 807;

d., vi., 446, 541

: Ibid., vi.

L. and P., vii

s wife wanted to dissuade Henry in 1531 from p

2: Ibid., v

: Ibid., vii

: Daniel xi.

L. and P., v

6: Ibid., v

7: Ibid., v

: Ibid., v.,

9: Ibid., v

L. and P., v

: Ibid., vi.

: Ibid., vi.

id., vi., 1510,

L. and P., v

: Ibid., vi.

ted the Pope's statement that the Emperor had ever offered to assist

passage is spoilt in L. and P. by the comma being

. In 1513 Margaret of Savoy was pressing Henry to have the succession settled

cable was to "embarrass Henry in his own kingdom, and to execute wh

r the divorce of Catherine, and said there would be a thousand ways of keeping on good terms with him (Ehses, R?mische Dokumente, p. 69; L. and P., iv., 4881). Dr. Gair

's claim to the throne, but Charles's advice was particularly callous in vi

passim; cf. C.F. Wurm, Die politischen Beziehungen Heinrichs VI

L. and P., v

: Ibid., vii

L. and P., v

Ibid., vi.,

L. and P., v

: Ibid., vii

only "your Majesty were ever so little angry" with Henry VIII. (L. and P., vii., 114). A few da

: Ibid., vi.

was a suggestion that he would get Parliament to entail the succession

d., vi., 721, 979

L. and P., v

ely admitted to Francis that the dispensation of Juli

id., vi., 1425,

aid it might spoil his practices with them (ibid., vi., 614, 707); the Lübeckers had already suggested to Henry VIII. that he sh

. and P., vi.,

nation? The names are probably those of influential magnates in the neighbourhood who would naturally have the chief voice in the election; and thus they would correspond with the vacancies, e.g., Hastings, opposite which is placed "Not for the Warden of the Cinque Ports," and Southwark, for which there is a similar note for the Duke of Suffolk. It is obvious that the King could not fill up all the vacancies by nomination; for opposite Worcester town, where both members, Dee and Brenning, had died, is noted, "the King to name one". It is curious to find "the King'

entry and Lichfield, and not Chichester, as suggested by the editor; the See of Coventry and Lichfield was often call

: Ibid., vi.

: Ibid., vii

bid., vii., 48,

L. and P., v

Ibid., vii.,

, vii., 171; cf. XI

t appointed till 1551: see the prese

rbury the seal of Chancery, and pass bulls, dispensations and other provisions under it" (L. and P., vii., 14;

, 399; the provision about two witnesse

ituting written law for unwritten right which began with the laws of Ethelbert of Kent. There had of c

L. and P., v

: Ibid., vii

L. and P., v

: Ibid., vii

: Ibid., vii

: Ibid., vii

: Ibid., vii

egarded for a law; for that, he said, was to be a very King," and he quoted the quod principi placuit of Roman civil law. Gardiner replied to the King that "to mak

. and P., vii.,

: Ibid., vii

: Ibid., vii

: Ibid., vii

had been particularly active in opposition to

: Ibid., vii

ht statutory authority for every conceivable thing is very extraordinary. There seems no r

, and the present writer's Cranmer, pp. 83, 84, 95, 232, 233). Cranmer acknowledged in the King also a potestatem ordinis, just as Cromwell would have made him

and P., XIV., i

at Huguenotism was "due to the abolition of the election

e source of which had been cut off. Stokesley objected to Cranmer's use of that style in order to escape a visitation of

y Huillard-Bréholles in his Vie et Correspond

writer in D.N.B., s.v. Marshall, William). Marshall distributed twenty-four copies among the monks of Charterhouse to show them how the Christian commonwealth had

Defensor Pacis

y should abate the common law or Acts of Parliament; but within the ecclesiastical sphere there were no limits on the King's authority. The Popes had not been fettered, habent omnia jura in suo scrinio; and their jurisdiction in England had been transferred whole and entire to the King. Henry was in fact an absolute monarch in the Church, a constitutional monarch in the State; he could reform the Church by injunction when he could not reform

d P., viii., 52; Ry

cribed, and not till 1536 was it made high treason to refuse to take the oath of supremacy; even then the oath was to be administered only to civil and ecclesiastical officers. T

L. and P., vii

nald Pole "to whom, according to many, the kingdom would belong" (Chapuys to Charles, 27th September, 1533). Again, says Chapuys, "the holy Bishop of Rochester would like you to take active measures immediately, as I wrote in my

how did he differ from a Protestant? The statement in the text is merely a paraphrase of More's own, where he says that men are "not bound on pain of God's displeasure to change their conscience for any pa

γ?ρ τ? μοι Ζευ?

κο? τ?ν κ?τ

Antigone,

L. and P., v

bid., x., 28, 5

Moore in Athen?um, 1885

: L. and P.,

readers that Anne Boleyn wore yellow for

L. and P., x

ut recent research does not confirm this view (see Joshua William

L. and P., x

solution is contained in Gasquet's Henry VIII. and the Monasteries, 2 vols., 4th ed. 1893; some add

st exclusively applied to the monastic system, and the most ludicrous mistakes are often ma

L. and P., i

: Ibid., ii.

see also iii., 77, 533, 567, 56

n 1532 that the Cistercian monasteries were greatly

ridge Modern Histo

use monasteries were dissolved in many countries of Europe, Catholic as well as Protestant. So, too, the charges are not naturally incredible, because the kind of vice al

ance of England, ed. Plummer, cap.

hich surrendered to Henry in 1532, was deepl

also suggested that both Houses of Parliament should sit together as one assembly "for it is not rytches or autoryte that bringeth w

bute among the gentlemen of the kingdom the greater part of the ecclesi

9: Ibid., x

Henry told Chapuys he thought he should have a son

1: Ibid., x

ords to him" (ibid., v., 216). In Sept., 1534, Henry was reported to be in love with another lady (ibid., vii., 1193, 1257). Probably this was Jane Seymour, as the lady's kindness to the Princess Mary-a marked characteristic of Queen Jane-is noted by Chapuys. This intrigue, we are told, was furthered by many lords wit

oo much intercourse with Chapuys and of maintaining the Prin

mperor's subjects, he sent for the executioner of St. Omer, as there were none in England good enough" (ibid., x., 965). It is pe

Granvelle L. and P., x., 909). The Antinomian theory of marital relations, which Chapuys ascribes to Anne, was an A

writes as an eye-witness says she cried "mercy to God and the

7: Ibid., x

t it was hastened on by rumours of disquiet in the North. A few days later the nobles and gentry who were

fable that they were married on the day or the day after Anne's e

Mag., vols xv., xvi., documents p

L. and P., x

Briefe, v., 22; L. a

e, Eccl. Memorials,

L. and P., x

practice in 1701 as well as in 1536. But the limitations on Henry's power of bequeathing the crown have generally been forgotten; he never had power to leave the crown away from Edward VI., that is, away from the only heir whose legitimacy was undisputed. The later acts went further, and entailed the succession upon Mary and Elizabeth unless Henry wished otherwise-which he did

: L. and P.,

7: Ibid., x

L. and P., x

9: Ibid., x

malkaldische Bund, and P. Singer, Beziehung des Sch

L. and P., x

bid., x., 678,

ii., 230, 310); these sums must be multiplied by ten to bring them to their present value. Most of t

. and P., xi.,

5: Ibid., x

xaggerated the part played by the propertyless class in the rebellion. They were undoubtedly present in large numbers; but my remark is intended to guard against the theory that

and P., vii., 120

Ibid., xi., 76

d P., xi., 786, 118

to Norfolk, 15th Oct.

L. and P., x

: Ibid., xi.

d Papers. Surrey, of course, was one of the two nobles, and probably Shrewsbury was the other, though Oxford, whose peerage was older than theirs, seems also to have been a member of th

L. and P., xi.

: Ibid., xi.

P., XII., i., 20, 2

XII., i., 46, 64, 102

"the evidence sent up to him in the spirit of a

i., 227, 228, 401, 402, 416,

667. Norfolk thought Henry's plan was to govern t

tland, and thence to Germany; it was purchased for the British Museum in 1889 and now comprises A

and P., XII., i.,

eference misprinted in D.N.B., xlv

, iv., 6003, 6252, 6

5: Ibid., v.

P., x., 420, 426; xi

d December, 1536 (Ibi

XII., i., 760, 939,

., XII., i., 997, 1061,

cholas Sanders, rests upon the further error repeated by most historians that Queen Jane died on the 14

de Selve, Corresp.

mperor Constantine-giving it thus an antiquity as great and an origin as authoritative as that claimed for the Pope by the false Donation of Constantine (L. and P., v., 45; vii., 232). This is the meaning of Henry's assertion that the Pope's authority in England was "usurped," not that it was usurped at the expense of the English national Church, but at the expense of his preroga

" (L. and P., vi., 386), and there had been numerous complaints in Parliament about their condition (i

er than by Parliament; in 1534 he had a scheme for including in the King's Ordinary Council (not of course the Privy Council) "the most assured and substantial gentlemen

L. and P., vi

never be redressed" (D.N.B., xxxii., 375; the letter is dated 18th July, 1538, by the D.N.B. and Maitland, but there is no letter of that date from Roland Lee in L. and P.; pr

tudies, 1901, and the Calendar of Carew MSS. an

L. and P., xvi.

28; cf. Leadam, Court of Reque

Return of Members of P

The County Palatine of Durham, in

t Calais had been granted Parliamentary representation by an Act of the previous

d xiii. of the L. and P. are

ce from 1537 onwards see Kaulek, Corresp. de

and P., XIII., i

tal Courts to have a "concourse of beauty" for the Emperor's benefit when he wished to choose a wife (Histoire

d P., XIII., ii., 77

XII., ii., 1125; XII

Ibid., XIII.,

Ibid., XII.,

., XII., ii., Pref. p.

f Christina belonging to the Duke of Norfolk, and now on loan at the

so little space rid of the Queens that she dare not trust his Council, though she durst trust his Majesty; for her council suspecteth that her great-aunt was poisoned, that the second

P., XIII., ii., 232,

the documents printed in Wilkins's Concilia, iii., 835, giving an account of an alleged trial of the body of St. Thomas are forgeries (L. and P., XIII.,

XIII., ii., 1108-9, 1114

bid., XIII., ii.

id., vii., 1368;

d., XIII., ii., 83

1534 (L. and P., vii., 957), when Charles V. was urged to make use of him and

ii., passim. He attempted to co

id., v., 416; vi.

bid., XIII., ii.

., XIV., i., 478, 533,

., i., 540, 564, 573, 615

P., XIV., i., Introd

., XIV., i., 714, 7

bid., XIV., i., 1011

27, 37, 92, 98, 104, 114, 144,

and P., XIV., i.,

L. and P., XIV.

, xi., 1110; cf. ibid.,

ilkins, Concilia

, iii., 145-59; Burnet, Reformation, ed. Pocock

er, Works, ii., 469; cf. Jenkyns, Cranmer, ii.,

iter's Cranmer, pp. 110-13; Dixon

ions in Burnet, iv., 341-46; Wil

and P., XIII., i

Forgeries repudiates the idea that these "innocent

., i., 347, 564, 580; ii., 186

dstone to Bullinger in Burnet (e

History, p. 195; L. and P., XI

i., 352, 353, 367, 645, 648-50, 1

mer, Works, ii., 397; Burnet, i., 408; Stry

5: Burnet, i

L. and P., iv

ism and Roman Catholicism, which bears some resemblance to the ecclesiastical policy pursued by Henry VIII., and by the Elector Joachim II. of Brandenburg; and the marriage of Anne with Henry did not imply so great a change in ec

leve; Merriman, Cromwell, chap. xiii.; and articles on the members

and P., XIV., ii

ortunate assurances. As a matter of fact Anne was at least as good looking as Jane Seymour, and Henry's taste in the matter of feminine beauty was not of a very high order. Bishop Stubbs

L. and P., XIV.

Ibid., XIV.,

IV., ii., 664, 674, 677, 72

Hall, Chronicle

tant contemporary authority, but Burnet is not, as a rule, imagi

to Henry VIII., in Mer

rod., p. xxviii. Sir John Wallop admired the "charitable dext

made the two discuss its merits, and upon that discussion formed his own opinion (Cranmer to Wolfgang Capito, Works, ii., 341; the King, says Cranmer, "is a most acute and vigilant observer"). Henry was also, according to modern standards, extraordin

records how the King rowed up and down the Thames in his barge for an hour

de a capital offence as early as the days of Ch

ee that the burden was placed on those able and willing to bear it. The best illustration of the methods adopted and of the amount of liberty of election exercised by the constituents may be found in Southampton's letter to Cromwell (ibid., XIV., i., 520). At Guildford he told the burgesses they must return two members, which would be a great charge to the town, "but that if they followed my advice it would cost little or nothing, for I

ty the returns for this Parliament have been lost, so there is no means

He also spoke with Lord St. John about knights of the shire for Hampshire, and St. John "promised to do his best". Finally he

ve been all of one mind" (L. and P., XIV., i., 1040; Burne

serted (Works, ii., 168) that the Act would never have passed unless the King ha

158) says the House had been fifteen days ov

nary, which are conferred or sanctioned by statute, are never really unlimited, for they are confined by the words of the Act itself, and what is more by the interpretation put upon the statute by th

: L. and P.,

9: Ibid., xv

and P., xv., 306

Ibid., xv., 4

Ibid., XIV.,

3: Ibid., xv

, iv., 415-23; L. and

riman, Cromwell, i

n which this decision was based, see the p

"as joyous as ever, and wears new dresses every day"

: L. and P.,

9: Ibid., xv

0: Ibid., xv

id., xvi., Introd

2: Ibid., xv

3: Ibid., xv

613 [12]. Winchester, says Marillac, "was one of the principal authors of th

L. and P., xv

xv., 901, Marillac describes her as "a lady of great beauty," a

Venetian Cal.

Wriothesley (Chron., i., 121) also says 8th August, but Hall (Chron., p. 840) is nearer the truth when he says: "The eight day of August was the Lady Katharine Howard... shewed ope

that Henry called Gardiner "his own bi

. Married priests of course would co

othesley, Chron.,

"within a year or a little more" Henry "was fain to temper his said laws, and moderate them in divers points; so that the Statute of Six Articles continued in force little above the space of one year" (Works, ii., 168). The idea that from 1539 to 1547 there was a continuous and rigorous persecution is a legend deri

1518 (L. and P.,

470, 474, 482, 488, 506, 523, 534, 611, 640, 641; cf. the

, 142; xvi., 121, 311, 558, 589

L. and P., xv

t, Life and Reign, ed

: Ibid., xvi.

: Ibid., xvi.

rds' Journals, pp

L. and P., xv

1122: I

and P., xvi., 98

: Ibid., xvii

s Scottish Calendar, vol. i., 1858, and the much more satisfactory Calendar edited by Bain,

ardianship of James and government of the kingdom during his minority (Sp. Cal., ii., 680). For the assertion of supremacy in 1543 see the present writer's England under Somerset, p. 173; L. and P., xvii., 1033. In 1527 Mendoza declared that all wise people

and P., xvii., 7

d., xvii., 996-98,

xxiii.-vi.; and the present writer in D.N.B., s.v.

. and P., xvii.,

riothesley, Chro

35 Hen. VIII.

and P., vol. xvi

4: D.N.B., i

xe, ed. Townsend,

rs, and for the war in France Spanish Cal., vol. vii., an

see the present writer in Cambridge

rt, ed. 1672, p. 589

Bellay, Memoirs,

Papers, ed. 1830-51

ed. 1830-51, i., 877, 879; Od

., 448-52; Harleian MS., 284;

e, Corresp. Politique, 1886

d P., xvi., 819; Bur

and P., xvi., 978,

id., xvi., 1262;

present writer's Cran

: Ibid., pp.

. and P., XVIII.

50: Canon D

present writer's Cran

, in Acts and Monuments, v., 563, 564; it receives some corroboratio

itik der Schmalkaldener vor Ausbruch de

-66; Foxe, ed. Townsend, v., 534-36;

rked out from the Acts of the Privy

indications that at the end of his reign he was preparing to accept the necessity of further changes. The fall of the Howards was due to the fear that they would cause trouble in the coming minority of Edward VI. Few detai

L. and P., XIV.

, i., 104; Bapst, Deux Gentilshommes poè

f. Herbert, pp. 625-33. G.F. Nott in his life of Surrey prefixed to his ed

account of his trial i

. i., 177, says 19th January; oth

Lords' Journals

L. and P., iv

end, v., 692; Fuller, Church H

Titus, F. iii.; Strype, Ecc

y of it was made for each executor, and it has been often

riothesley, Chro

nd P., iv., Introd.

cf. Pote, Hist. of Win

Petre in Tytler's Edward

n Mason, quoted in Fro

was Tudor and not Stuart in all his ideas, and his assertion of the Tudor de facto theory of

sdowne MS., 238; England under P

cf. xvii., 124). Cromwell and Somerset had more cause to complain of their fate than other statesmen of the time, yet Cromwell on the scaffold says: "I am by the law condemned to die, and thank my Lord God that hath appointed me this death for mine offence.... I have offended my prince, for the which I ask hi

law no malic

vows an

ng's; and till

blessings on

th, "man committed to prison for disagreeing to any doctrine unless the same doctrin

f Salisbury and Cromwell are

ieve the Crown of the hostility aroused by curbing the power of the nobles (Il Principe c. 19). A closer parallel to the policy of Henry VIII. may be found in that which Tacitus attributes to Ti

hundred thousand were butchered in the Peasants' War in Germany in 1525-6, and thirty thousand Anabaptists are said to have suffered in Holland and Frieslan

and P., iv., Intro