Characters from 17th Century Histories and Chronicles

east ingredient of passion or tincture of revenge, yet with such natural and lively touches as show his lordship well knew not only the persons' outsides, but their very interiors.'[1] About

ey at once invited comparison with Clarendon's, and first impressions, then as now

pression he wishes to convey. It is as if he did not have the whole character in his mind before he began to write, but collected his thoughts from the stores of his memory in the process of composition. We are often uncertain how to understand a character before we have read it all. In some cases he seems to be content to present us with the material from which, once we have pieced it together ourselves, we can form our own judgement. But what he tells us has been vividly felt by him, and is vividly presented. The great merit of his characters lies in their realism. Of the Earl of Lauderdale he says that 'He made a very ill appearance: He was very big: His hair red, hanging oddly about him: His tongue was too big for his mouth, which made him bedew all that he talked to.' There is no hint of this in Clarendon's character of Lauderdale, nor could Clarendon have spoken with the same directness. Burnet has no circumlocutions, just as in private life he was not known to indulge in them.

g such a man as Lauderdale, where the roughness of the style is in perfect keeping with the subject. His character of Shaftesbury, whom he says he knew for many years in a very particular manner, is a valuable study and a remarkable companion pie

king need never be expected. In method and purpose, it stands by itself. It is indeed not so much a character in the accepted sense of the word as a scientific investigation of a personality. Others try to make us see and understand their men; Halifax anatomizes. Yet he occasionally permits us to discover his own f

eriod the habits and life of Tudor times, shows a side of his varied accomplishments which has not won the general recognition that it deserves. It is a sketch exactly in the style of the eighteenth century essayists. It makes us regret that

d to wit and politics, he was not cut out for that, and least of all for writing of history'. He could at least write characters. They do not bear the impress of a strong personality, but they have the fairmindedness and the calm outlook that spring from a gentle and unassertive nature. His Cromwell and his Laud

and though, in his own word, he fleshes the bare skeleton of time, place, and person with pleasant passages, and interlaces many delightful stories by way of illustrations, and everywhere holds us by the quaint turns of his fertile fancy, yet the scheme of the book did not involve the depicting of character, nor did it allow him to deal with many contemporaries

character, details that awaited a greater artist than Aubrey was to work them into a picture; and if Hobbes and Milton are to be given a place, as somehow or other they must be, in a collection of the kind that this volume offers, there is no option but to be content with

eir affectionate record of fact and circumstance. There is therefore nothing in this volume from his Life of Donne or his Life of Herbert. As a rule the characters that can be extracted from Lives are much inferior to the clearly defined characters that are inserted in Histories. The focus is not the same. When an author after dealing with a man's career sums up his mental and moral qualities in a section by itself, he does not trust to it alone to co

hief Justice Saunders, a remarkable man in real life who still lives in North's pages with all his eccentricities. North writes at length about his brother, yet nowhere do we see and understand him so clearly as we see and understand Saunders.

rendon. He has more than formal excellence. 'Motives', said Johnson, 'are generally unknown. We cannot trust to the characters we fi

Pepys, January 20, 17

1825, vol.

marks on Bishop Burnet

3: History

l, 1769, ed. G.B. H

*

onfined to his writings, references to which will be found continually in the notes. At every stage of the preparation of this volume I have had the advantage of

fo

ber 16

N.

ME

cotland 1567.

66. Die

THUR

ned to the Vulgar garb, yet in the whole man he was not uncomely. He was a King in understanding, and was content to have his Subjects ignorant in many things; As in curing the Kings Evil, which he knew a Device, to ingrandize the Vertue of Kings, when Miracles were in fashion; but he let the World believe it, though he smiled at it, in his own Reason, finding the strength of the Imagination a more powerfull Agent in the Cure, than the Plaisters his Chirurgions prescribed for the Sore. It was a hard Question, whether his Wisedome, and knowledge, exce

, be rather jealous of such, whom his extraordinary favours have advanced, than of those whom his displeasure hath discontented. These want means to execute their Pleasures, but they have means at pleasure to execute their desires. Ambit

Court, and Country, which exprest would be too bitter to leave a sweet perfume behind him. And though bitter ingredients are good to imbalm and preserve dead bodies, yet these were such as might indanger to kill a living name, if Malice be not brought in with an Antidote. And the tongues of those times, more fluent than my Pen, made every little

ANTHONY

ld never be brought to sit for the taking of that, which is the reason o

aknesse made him ever leaning on other mens shoulders, his walke was ever circular ... He was very temperate in his exercises, and in his dyet, and not intemperate in his drinking; however in his old age, and Buckinghams joviall Suppers, when he had any turne to doe with him, made him sometimes overtaken, which he would the very next day remember, and repent with teares; it is true, he dranke very often, which was rather out of a custom then any delight, and his drinks were of that kind for strength, as Frontiniack, Canary, High Country wine, Tent Wine, and Scottish Ale, that had he not had a very strong brain, might have daily been overtaken, although he seldom drank at any one time above four spoonfulls, many times not above one or two; He was very constant in all things, his Favourites excepted, in which he loved change, yet never cast down any (he once raised) from the height of greatnesse, though from their wonted nearnesse, and privacy; unlesse by their own default, by opposing his change, as in Somersets

Sir Robert Mansell was the only valiant man he ever loved, and him he loved so intirely, that for all Buckinghams greatnesse with the King, and his hatred of Sir Robert Mansell, yet could not that alienate the Kings affections from him; insomuch as when by the instigation of Cottington (then Embassadour in Spaine) by Buckinghams procurement, the Spanish Embassadour came with a great complaint against Sir Robert Mansell, then at Argiers, to suppresse the Pirats, That he did support them; having never a friend there, (though many) that durst speake in his defence, the King himselfe defended him in these words: My Lord Embassadour, I cannot beleeve this, for I ma

able, for his raising Favourites was the worst: Rewarding old servants, and releiving his Native Country-men, was infinitely more to be commended in him, then condemned. His sending Embassadours, were no lesse chargeable then dishonourable and unprofitable to him and his whole Kingdome; for he was ever abused in all Negotiations, yet hee had rather spend 100000.li. on Embassies, to keep or procure peace with dishonour, then 10000.li. on an Army that would have forced peace with honour: He loved good Lawes, and had many made in his time, and in his la

on blasphemie; But would in his better temper say, he hoped God would not impute them as sins, and lay them to his charge, s

e of a Favourite, &c. insomuch as a very wise man was wont to say, he beleeved him the wise

p all men, that every one held it a pretty recreation to have them often turned out: There were living in this Kings time, at one instant, two Treasurers, three Secretaries, two Lord Keepers, two Admiralls, three Lo

next offer, saying, he was mistaken and deceived, and therefore no reason he should keep the bargaine; this was often the case with the Farmers of the Customes; He was infinitely inclined to peace, but more out of feare then conscience, and this was the greatest blemish this King had through all his Reign, otherwise might have been ranked with th

him altogether and not

ave never any worse,

ed in peace, dyed in p

ceable condition,

Paci

E OF BU

616, Earl of Buckingham 1617, Marquis 1618,

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er Sunn of S'r George Villyers of Brookesby in the County of Leicester, a family of an auncient extraction, even from the tyme of the conquest, and transported then with the conqueror out of Normandy, wher the family hath still remayned and still continues with lustre: After S'r Georges first marriage, in which he had 2 or 3 Sunnes and some daughters, who shared an ample inheritance from him, by a secounde marriage with a younge lady of the family of the Beaumonts, he had this gentleman, and two other Sunns, and a daughter, who all came afterwards to be raysed to gr

at, to contribute all they coulde, to promote the one, that they might throw out the other; which beinge easily brought to passe, by the proceedinge of the law upon his cryme aforesayd, the other founde very little difficulty in rendringe himselfe gracious to the Kinge, whose nature and disposition was very flowinge in affection towards persons so adorned, insomuch that in few dayes after his first appearance in Courte he was made Cup-bearer to the Kinge, by which he was naturally to be much in his presence, and so admitted to that conversation and discource, with which that Prince alwayes abounded at his meales; and his inclination to his new Cuppbearer disposed him to administer frequent occasions of discourcinge of the Courte of France, and the transactions ther, with which he had bene so lately acquainted, that he could pertinently inlarge upon that subjecte, to the Kings greate delight, and to the reconcilinge the esteeme and valew of all the Standers by likewise to him, which was a thinge the Kinge was well pleased with: He acted very few weekes upon this Stage, when he mounted higher, and beinge knighted, without any other qualification he was at the same t

to the ruine of every on of them, ther appearinge no markes or evidence, that the Kinge did really lessen his affection to him, to the houre of his death; on the contrary, as he created him Duke of Buckingham, in his absence, whilst he was with the Prince in Spayne, so after his returne, he exequted the same authority in conferringe all favours and graces, and revenginge himselfe upon those who had manifested any unkindnesse towards him: And yett notwithstandinge all this, if that Kings nature

*

syrous to obliege them, that he did not enough consider the valew of the obligation, or the meritt of the person he chose to obliege, from which much of his misfortune resulted. He was of a courage not to be daunted, which was manifested in all his actions, and his contests with particular persons of the greatest reputation, and especially in his whole demeanour at the Isle of Rees, both at the landinge and upon the retriete, in both which no man was more fearelesse, or more ready to expose himselfe to the brightest daungers. His kindnesse and affection to his frends was so vehement, that it was so many marriages, for better and worse, and so many leagues offensive and defensive, as if he thought himselfe oblieged to love all his frends, and to make warr upon all they were angry with, l

truction, from his settinge out, till he was as greate as he could be, so that he wanted dependants, before he thought he could wante coadjutors; nor was he very fortunate in the election of those dependants, very few of his servants havinge bene ever qualifyed enough to assiste or advize him, and were intente only upon growinge rich under [him], not upon ther masters growinge good as well as greate, insomuch as he was throughout his fortune, a much wiser man, then any servant or frende he had: Lett the faulte or misfortune be what and whence it will, it may very reasonably be believed that if he had bene blessed with one faythfull frende, who had bene qualifyed with wisdome and integrity, that greate person would have committed as few faults, and done as transcendant worthy actions, as any man who shyned in such a sphere in that age, in Europe, for he was of an excellent nature, and of a capacity very capable of advice and councell; he was in his nature just and candid, liberall, generous, and bountifull, nor was it ever knowne that the temptation of money swayed him to do an unjust, o

OMAS C

al 1621. Lord Keeper 1625. Created Bar

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integrity: In the first yeere after the death of Kinge James, he was advanced to be Keeper of the Greate Scale of Englande, the naturall advancement from, the office of Atturny Generall, upon the remoovall of the Bishopp of Lincolne, who though a man of greate witt, and good scholastique learninge, was generally thought so very un?quall to the place that his remoove was the only recompence and satisfaction that could be made for his promotion, and yett it was enough knowne, that the disgrace proceeded only from the pri[v]ate displeasure of the Duke of Buckingham[1]: The L'd Coventry injoyed this place with a universall reputation (and sure justice was never better administred)

aynely concerned the justice of the kingdome, and in that as much as he could, he procured references to the Judges. Though in his nature he had not only a firme gravity, but a severity, and even some morosity (which his children and domestiques had evidence enough of) [yet][2] it was so happily tempred, that his courtesy and affability towards all men was so transcended, so much without affectation, that it marvellously reconciled [him] to all men of all degrees, and he was looked upon as an excellent courtyer, without receadinge from the native simplicity of his owne manner. He had in the playne way of speakinge and delivery (without much ornament of eloqution) a strange power of makinge himselfe believed (the only justifiable designe of eloquence) so that though he used very frankely to deny, and would never suffer any man to departe from him, with an opinion that he was inclined to gratify when in truth he was not, (holdinge that dissimulation to be the worst of lyinge) yett the manner of it was so gentle and oblieginge, and his condescension such, to informe the persons, who[m] he could not satisfy, that few departed from him, with ill will

1: 'Buckin

e 2: 'bu

CHARD

Lord Treasurer 1628. Baron Westo

77. Die

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have remooved him, and made another Treasurer: and it is very true that greate office to had bene very slippery, and not fast to those who had trusted themselves in it, insomuch as there were at that tyme five noble persons alive, who had all succeded on another immediately in that unsteady charge, without any other person interveninge, the Earle of Suffolke, the L'd Viscount Mandevill, afterwar

before he receaved the least fruite from it, but the countenance of greate men, and those in authority, the most naturall, and most certayne stayres to ascende by: He was then sent Ambassadour to the Arch-Dukes Alberte and Isabella into Flanders, and to the Diett in Germany, to treate aboute the restitution of the Palatinat, in which negotiation he behaved himselfe with greate prudence, and with the concurrent testimony of a wise man, from all those with whome he treated, Princes and Ambassadours: and upon his returne was made a Privy Councellour, and Chauncelour of the Exchequer, in the place of the L'd Brooke, who was ether perswaded, or putt out of the place, which beinge an office of honour and trust, is likewise an excellent stage for men of parts to tread, and expose themselfes upon, and wher they have occasion of all natures to lay out and spredd all ther facultyes and qualif

im in the publique displeasure, and in the malice of his enimyes, without succeedinge him in his creditt at courte, or in the affection of any considerable dependants; and yett, though he was not superiour to all other men, in the affection, or rather resignation of the Kinge, so that he might dispence favours and disfavours accordinge to his owne election, he had a full share in his masters esteeme, who looked upon him as a wise and able servant and worthy of the trust he reposed in him, and receaved no other advice in the large businesse of his revennue, nor was any man so much his superiour, as to be able to lessen him in the Kings affection, by his power; so that he was in a post in which he might have founde much ease and delight, if he could have contayned himselfe within the verge of his owne Provence, which was large enough, and of such an extente, that he might at the same tyme have drawne a greate dependance upon him of very considerable men, and appeared a very usefull and profitable Minister to the Kinge, whose revennue had bene very loosely managed duringe the late yeeres, and might by industry and order have bene easily improoved, and no man better understoode what methode was necessary towards that good husbandry then he. But I know not by what frowardnesse in his starres, he tooke more paynes in examininge and enquiringe into other mens offices, then in the discharge of his owne, and not so much joy in what he had, as trouble and agony for what he had not. The truth is, he had so vehement a desyre to be the sole favorite, that he had no relish of the power he had, and in that contention he had many ryvalls, who had creditt enough to do him ill offices, though not enou

to pay his debts, at least towards it, to disburse forty thousande pounde in ready mony out of his Exchequer; besydes his Majesty gave him a whole forrest, Chute forrest in Hampshyre, and much other lande belonginge to the Crowne, which was the more taken notice of, and murmured against, because beinge the chiefe Minister of the revennue, he was particularly oblieged as much as in him lay to pr?vent and even oppose such disinherison; and because under that obligation, he had avowedly and sowrely crossed

hen was naturall to him; yett he was impertinently sollicitous to know what her Majesty sayd of him in private, and what resentments shee had towards him; and when by some confidents (who had ther ends upon him from those offices) he was informed of some bitter exspressions fallen from her Majesty, he was so exceedingly afflicted and tormented with the sense of it, that sometimes by passionate complaints and representations to the Kinge, sometimes by more dutifull addresses and expostulations with

ountyes nor his owne large accessions, rayse a fortune to his Heyre, but after six or eight yeeres spent in outward opulency, and inward murmur and trouble, that it was no greater, after vast summes of mony and greate wealth gotten and rather consumed then injoyed, without any sense or delight in so greate prosperity, with the agony

after 'Middle temple', as well as after 'constituted'. The whole sentence is

rted in late hand in M

n later hand in MS.; 'noti

RL OF

fourteenth Ea

86. Die

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te officers without any kinde of condescention, and rather suffred himselfe to be ill treated by ther power and authority (for he was alwayes in disgrace, and once or twice prysoner in the tower) then to descende in makinge any application to them; and upon these occasyons, he spent a greate intervall of his tyme, in severall journyes into forrainge partes, and with his wife and family had lyved some yeeres in Italy, the humour and manners of which nation he seemed most to like and approve, and affected to imitate. He had a good fortune by descent, and a much greater from his wife, who was the sole daughter upon the matter (for nether of the two Sisters left any issue) of the greate house of Shrewsbury, but his

charity, or compassion, so that, though he gott all he could, and by all the wayes he could, and spent much more then he gott or had, he was never knowne to give any thinge, nor in all his imployments (for he had imployments of greate profitt as well as honour, beinge sent Ambassadour extraordinary into Germany, for the treaty of that Generall peace, for which he had greate appointments, and in which he did nothinge of the least importance, and which is more wounderfull, he was afterwards made Generall of the Army raysed for Scotlande, and receaved full pay as such, and in his owne office of Earle Marshall, more money was drawne from the people by his authority and pr?tence of jurisdiction, then had ever bene extorted by all the offic

L OF PE

rt, third Ear

80. Die

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reate minde, and occasions to use it nobly; he lyved many yeeres aboute the courte, before in it, and never by it, beinge rather regarded and esteemed by Kinge James then loved and favored, and after the fowle fall of the Earle of Somersett, he was made L'd Chamberlyne of the Kings house more for the Courtes sake, then his owne, and the Courte appeared with the more lustre, because he had the goverment of that Province. As he spente and lived upon his owne fortune, so he stoode upon his owne feete, without any other supporte then of his proper virtue and meritt, and lyved towards the favorites with that decency, as would not suffer them to censure or reproch his Masters judgement and election, but as with men of his owne ranke. He was exceedingly beloved in the Courte, because he never desyred to gett that for himselfe, which others labored for, but was still ready to promote the pr?tences of worthy men, and he was equally celebrated in the country, for havinge recea

[1] but therin he likewise retayned such a pouer and jurisdiction over his very appetite, that he was not so much transported with beauty and outwarde allurements, as with those advantages of the minde, as manifested an extraordinary witt, and spirit, and knowledge, and administred greate pleasure in the conversation; to these he sacrificed himselfe, his pretious tyme, and much of his fortune, and some who were neerest his trust and frendshipp, were not without apprehension that his naturall vivacity, and vigour of minde, begann to lessen and dec

occur twice in the MS., before '

ANCIS

llor 1618. Baron Verulam 1618

61. Die

EN J

Dominis V

uage, (where hee could spare, or passe by a jest) was nobly censorious. No man ever spake more neatly, more presly, more weightily, or suffer'd lesse emptinesse, lesse idlenesse, in what hee utter'd. No member of his speech, but consisted of the owne graces: His hea

THUR

to his Reception of them, and his expending of them: For that which he raked in, and scrued for one way, he scattered and threw abroad another; for his Servants, being young, prodigall and expensive Youths, which he kept about him, his Treasure was their common Store, which they took without stint, having free accesse to his most retired Privacies; and his indulgence to them, and familiarity with them, opened a gap to infamous Reports, which left an unsavoury Tincture on him; for where such Leeches are, there must be putrid bloud to fill their craving Appetites. His gettings were like a Prince, with a strong hand; his expences like a Prodigall, with a weak head; and

Eloquence, (that tuned so many sweet Harrangues) was like a forsaken Harp, hung upon the Willows, whilst the

*

us store-house of Knowledge, being (as it were) Natures Midwife, stripping her Callou-brood, and clothing them in new Attire. His Wit was quick to the last; for Gondemar meeting him the Lent before his Censure, and hearing of his Miscarriages, thought to pay him with his Spanish Sarcasms and Scoffs, saying, My Lord, I wish you a good Easter; And you my L

0

OMAS

n essay at h

rience cost him, expending on the Trials of Nature, all and more than he got by the Trials at the Barre, Posterity being the better for his, though he the worse for his own, dear experiments. He and his Servants had all in common, the Men never wanting what their Master had, and thus what came flowing in unto him, was sent flying away from him, who, in giving of rewards knew no bounds, but the bottome of his own purse. Wherefore when King

1

LIAM R

a Moderate Relaxation of His Minde, with his Studies; As Walking; Or Taking the Aire abroad in his Coach; or some other befitting Recreation: And yet he would loose no Ti

te-Books, when they have risen from his Table. In which Conversations, and otherwise, he was no Dashing Man; As some Men are; But ever, a Countenancer, and Fosterer, of another Mans Parts. Neither was he one, that would appropriate the Speech, wholy to Himself; or delight to out-vie others; But leave

l weighing of his Sentence, by the Skales of Truth, and Reason; Or else, to the Reverence, and Estimation, wherein he was, commonly, had, that no Man would contest with hi

and Faculty, to dresse them in better Vestments, and Apparell, then they had before: So that, the Authour should finde his own Speech much amend

bam Scribere,

(Though it was his Duty, to charge them home:) But yet, as one, that looked upon the Example, with the Eye of Severity; But upon the Person, with the Eye of Pitty, and Compassion. And in Civill Businesse, as he was Counseller of Estate, he had the best way of Advising;

to the House of Commons, when He was a Member thereof. Being the Kings Atturney, & chosen to a place, in Par

Servants; And rewarded their long Attendance, with good Places, freely, when they fell into his Power. Which was the Cause, that so many young Gentlemen, of Bloud, and Quality, sought to list t

2

JO

73. Die

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fancy, and will lyve accordingly, and surely as he did exceedingly exalte the English language, in eloquence, propriety, and masculyne exspressions, so he was the best judge of, and fittest to prescribe rules to poetry and poetts, of any man who had lyved with or before him, or since, if M'r Cowly had not made a flight beyounde all men, with that modesty yett to own much of his to

3

MES H

HO. HAWK

i

eal of knowledg, yet it seems he had not read the Ethiques, which among other precepts of morality forbid self-commendation, declaring it to be an ill favourd solecism in good manners; It made me think upon the Lady (not very young) who having a good while given her guests neat entertainment, a capon being brought upon the table, instead of a spoon she took a mouthfull of claret and spouted it into the poope of the hol

quod nec Iovis ir

ther

entum ?re p

is, that if one be allowed to love the naturall issue of his body, why not that of the brain, which is of a spirituall and more noble extracti

i

and most faithf

. 5 Apr

4

HAST

51. Die

AFTES

me. There he found beef pudding and small beer in great plenty, a house not so neatly kept as to shame him or his dirty shoes, the great hall strewed with marrow bones, full of hawks' perches, hounds, spaniels, and terriers, the upper sides of the hall hung with the fox-skins of this and the last year's skinning, here and there a polecat intermixed, guns and keepers' and huntsmen's poles in abundance. The parlour was a large long room, as properly furnished; on a great hearth paved with brick lay some terriers and the choicest hounds and spaniels; seldom but two of the great chairs had litters of young cats in them, which were not to be disturbed, he having always three or four attending him at dinner, and a little white round stick of fourteen inches long lying by his trencher, that he might defend such meat as he had no mind to part with to them. The windows, which were very large, served for places to lay his arrows, crossbows, stonebows, and other such like accoutrements; the corners of the room full of the best chose hunting and hawking poles; an oyster-table at the lower end, which was of constant use twice a day all the year round, for he never failed to eat oysters before dinner and supper through all seasons: the neighbouring town of Poole supplied him with them. The upper part of this room had two small tables and a desk, on the one side of which was a church Bible, on the other the Book of Martyrs; on the tables were hawks' hoods, bells, and such like, two or three old green hats with their crowns thrust in so as to hold ten or a dozen eggs, which were of a pheasant kind of

5

RLE

eded James I 162

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ommitted, since that of our blessed Savyour, and the circumstances therof, the application and interposition that was used by some noble persons to pr?vent that wofull murther, and the hypocrisy with which that interposition was deluded, the Saintlike behaviour of that blessed Martir, and his Christian courage and patience at his death, are all particulars so well knowne, and have bene so much inlarged upon in treatises peculiarly applyed to that purpose, that the farther mentioninge it in this place, would but aff

d himselfe from pardoninge ether murthers or highway robberyes, and quickly decerned the fruits of his severity, by a wounderfull reformation of those enormityes. He was very punctuall and regular in his devotions, so that he was never knowne to enter upon his recreations or sportes, though never so early in the morninge, before he had bene at publique prayers, so that on huntinge dayes, his Chaplynes were bounde to a very early attendance, and he was likewise very stricte in observinge the howres of his private cabbinett devotions, and was so seveare an exactor of gravity and reverence in all mention of religion, that he could neve

n the mediatinge parte, so that he often putt an end to causes by perswasion, which the stubbornesse of mens humours made delatory in courts of justice. He was very fearelesse in his person, but not enterpryzinge, and had an excellent understandinge, but was not confident enough of it: which made him often tymes chaunge his owne opinion for a worse, and follow the advice of a man, that did not judge so well as himselfe: and this made him more irresolute, then the conjuncture of his affayres would admitt: If he had bene of a rougher and more imperious nature, he would have founde more respecte and duty, and his not applyinge some seveare cures, to approchinge evills, proceeded from the lenity of his nature, and the tendernesse of his conscience, which in all cases of bloode, made him choose the softer way, and not hearken

, he was[1] told by one who withdrew from thence, what vast draughts of wine they dranke, and that ther was one Earle who had dranke most of the rest downe and was not himselfe mooved or altred, the kinge sayd that he deserved to be hanged, and t

tunityes to make themselves gratious to those who could do them good, and so they became spyes upon ther master, and from one piece of knavery, were hardned and confirmed to undertake another, till at last they had no hope of pr?servation but by the destruction of ther master; And after all this, when a man might reasonably believe, that lesse then a universall defection of three nations, could not have reduced a greate kinge to so ugly a fate, it is most certayne that in that very howre when he was thus wickedly murthered in the sight of the sunn, he had as greate a share in the heartes and aff

as' altered to 'be

6

PHILIP

estie, and would be approacht with respect and reverence. His conversation was free, and the subject matter of it (on his own side of the Court) was most commonly rational; or if facetious, not light. With any Artist or good Mechanick, Traveller, or Scholar he would discourse freely; and as he was commonly improved by them, so he often gave light to them in their own art or knowledge. For there were few Gentlemen in the world, that knew more of useful or necessary learning, than this Prince did: and yet his proportion of books was but small, having like Francis the first of France, learnt more by the ear, than by study. His way of arguing was very civil and patient; for he seldom contradicted another by his authority, but by his reason: nor did he by any petulant dislike quash another's arguments; and he offered his exception by this civill introduction, By your favour, Sir, I think ot

in his own bed-chamber or closet he spent some time in private meditation: (for he durst reflect and be alone) and thro' the whole week, even when he went a hunting, he never failed, before he sat down to dinner, to have part of the Liturgy read unto him and his menial servants, came he never so hungry, or so late in: and on Sundays and Tuesdays he came (commonly at the beginning of Service) to the Chappell, well attended by his Court-Lords, and chief Attendants, and most usually waited on by many of the Nobility in town, who found those observances acceptably entertain'

) he declared he found, That they resolved to deal with his Master, the Pope, as wrestlers do with one another, take him up to fling him down. And therefore tho' I cannot say, I know, that he wrote his Icon Basilike, or Image, which goes under his own name; yet I can say, I have heard him, even unto my unworthy selfe, say many of those things it contains: and I have bin assur'd by Mr. Levett, (one of the Pages of his Bedchamber, and who was with him thro' all his imprisonments) that he hath not only seen the Manuscript of that book among his Majestie's papers at the Isle of Wight, but read many of the chapters himselfe: and Mr. Herbert, who by the appointment of Parliament attended him, says, he saw the Manuscript i

and suitable unto his own intentions. The thing was of that nature, (being too great an owning of the Scots, when Duke Hamilton was in the heart of England so meanely defeated, and like the crafty fox lay out of countenance in the hands of his enemies,) that it chilled the Doctors ink; and when the matter came to be communicated, those honourable Persons, that then attended him, prevayl'd on him to decline the whole. And I remember, when his displeasure was a little off, telling him, how severely he had dealt in his charactering the best pen in England, Dr. Sanderson's; he told me, he had had two Secretaries, one a dull man in comparison of the other, and yet the first best pleas'd him: For, said he, my Lord Carleton ever brought me my own sense in my own words; but my Lord Faulkland most commonly brought me my instructions in so fine a dress, that I did not alwaies own them. Which put me in mind to tell him a story of my Lord Burleigh and his son Cecil: for Burleigh being at Councill, and Lord Treasurer, reading an

return qualified to serve him and their Country well at home; and he was very carefull to keep the youth in his times uncorrupted. This I find in the Mémoires upon James Duke Hamilton, was his advice unto that noble and loyal Lord, William, afterwards, Duke Hamilton, who so well serv'd his Son, and never perfidiously disserv'd him, when in armes against him. Secondly, his forementioned intercepted letters to

f his and his Archbishop's inclinations; and if I may not, yet both these Martyrs confessions on the scaffold (God avert the prophecy of the last, Venient Romani) surely may convince the world, that they both dyed true Assertors of the Reformation. And the great and learned light of this last age, Grotius, soon discern'd this inclination in him: for in his dedication of his immortal and scarce ever to be parallel'd book, De Jure Belli & Pacis, he recommends it to Lewis XIII, King of France, as the most Royall and Christian design imaginable for his Majestic to become a means to make an union amongst Christians in profession of religion; and th

7

L OF ST

ond baronet 1614, created Viscount W

3. Behea

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nd extraordinary indowments of nature, not unadorned with some addicion of Arte and learninge, though that agayne was more improoved and illustrated by the other, for he had a readynesse of conception, and sharpnesse of expressyon, which made his learninge thought more, then in truth it was. His first inclinations and addresses to the Courte, were only to establish his Greatnesse in the Country, wher he apprehended some Actes of power from the[1] L'd Savill, who had bene his ryvall alwayes ther, and of late had strenghtened himselfe by beinge made a Privy Counsellour, and Officer at Courte, but his first attempts were so prosperous that he contented not himselfe with beinge secure from his power in the Country, but rested not till he had bereaved him of all power and place in Courte, and so sent him downe a most abject disconsolate old man to his Country, wher he was to have the superintendency over him too, by getting himselfe at that tyme made L'd President of the North. These successes, applyed to a nature too elate and arrogant of it selfe, and a quicker progresse into the greatest imployments and trust, made him more transported with disdayne of other men, and more contemninge the formes of businesse, then happily he would

inserted in another

8

PHILIP

ns in the northern parts of that Realm looking upon themselves, as if they had been a distinct body. So as here was subject matter enough for this great man to work on; and considering his hardines, it may well be supposed, that the difficulties of his employment, being means to shew his abilities, were gratefull to him; for he was every way qualified for busines; his naturall faculties being very strong and pregnant, his understanding, aided by a good phansy, made him quick in discerning the nature of any busines; and thro' a cold

not overvalue them: and he too soon discovered a roughnes in his nature, which a man no more obliged by him, than I was, would have called an injustice; tho' many of his Confidents, (who were my good friends, when I like a little worm, being trod on, would turn and laugh, and under that disguise say as piquant words, as my little wit would help me with) w

at great Duke, he advised to make a generall one, and to accuse him of treason, and to let him afterwards get off, as he could; which befell himselfe at last. I beleive he should make no irrational conjecture, who determined, that his very eminent parts to support a Crown, and his very rugged nature to contest disloyalty, or withstand change of government, made his enemies implacable to him.

hought to be at the point of his death, fell suddenly into so profound a sleep, and lay quietly so long, that his Wife, uncertain of his condition, drew nigh his bed, to observe, whether she could hear him breath, and gently touching him, he awaked with great disturbance, and told her the reason was, she had interrupted him in a dream, which most passionately he desired to have known the end of. For, said he, I dream'd one appear'd to me, assuring me, that I should have a son, (for 'till then he had none) wh

9

OF NORT

n, second Earl

ell at Hopto

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f ther Cannon and most of ther Ammunition was likewise taken. Of the Earles party were slayne but 25. wherof ther were two Captaynes, some inferiour officers, and the rest common men, but ther were as many hurte, and those of the chiefe o

tum sorte fuisset com

utation as the justice of the cause (which was not so well then understoode) discountenanced and drove him out of that County, Afterwardes tooke the Ordinance from Banbury Castle, and brought them to the Kinge; assoone as an Army was to be raysed he leavyed with the first upon his owne charge a troope of Horse and a Regiment of foote, and (not like other men, who warily distributed ther Family to both sydes, one Sunn to serve the Kinge, whilst the father, or another sunn engaged as farr for the Parliament) intirely dedicated all his Children to the quarrell, havinge fowre Sunns offic

0

L OF CA

created Earl of

Fell at N

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d with those looser exercises of pleasure, huntinge, hawkinge, and the like, in which the nobility of that tyme too much delighted to excell; After the troubles begann, havinge the commaunde of the first or secounde Regiment of Horse that was raysed for the Kinges service, he wholy gave himselfe up to the office and duty of a Souldyer, noe man more diligently obeyinge, or more dextrously commaundinge, for he was not only of a very keene courage in the exposinge his person, but an excellent discerner and pursuer of advantage upon his enimy, and had a minde and understandinge very present in the article of daunger, which is a rare benefitt in that profession. Those i

1

FAL

econd Viscount

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inent in this place to remember a losse, which noe tyme will suffer to be forgotten, and no successe or good fortune could repayre; In this unhappy battell was slayne the L'd Viscounte Falkelande, a person of such prodigious partes of learninge and knowledge, of that inimitable sweetenesse and delig

t te, solo non

: His education for some yeeres had bene in Ireland, wher his father was Lord Deputy, so that when he returned into Englande, to the possessyon of his fortune, he was unintangled with any acquaintance or frends, which usually grow up by the custome of conversation, and therfore was to make a pure election of his company; which he chose by other rules then were prescribed to t

herfore havinge once resolved not to see London (which he loved above all places) till he had perfectly learned the greeke tonge, he went to his owne house in the Country, and pursued it with that indefatigable industry, that it will not be believed, in how shorte a tyme he was master of it, and accurately reade all the Greeke Historyans. In this tyme, his house beinge within tenn myles of Oxford, he contracted familiarity and frendshipp with the most polite and accurate men of that University; who founde such an immensenesse of witt, and suc

he Greeke and Latine fathers, and havinge a memory so stupendious, that he remembred on all occasyons whatsoever he reade: And he was so greate an enimy to that passyon and uncharitablenesse which he saw produced by difference of opinion in matters of religion, that in all those disputations with Priests and others of the Roman Church, he affected to manifest all possible civillity to ther persons, and estimation of ther partes, which made them retayne still some hope of his reduction, even when they had given over offeringe farther reasons to him to that pu

of the Courte, towards which he was not before immoderately inclined, his father havinge wasted a full fortune ther, in those offices and imployments, by which other men use to obtayne a greater. He was chosen agayne this Parliament to serve in the same place, and in the beginninge of it, declared himselfe very sharply and sevearely against those exorbitances which had bene most grievous to the State; for he was so rigidd an observer of established Lawes and rules, that he could not indure the least breach or deviation from them, and thought no mischieve so intollerable, as the pr?sumption of ministers of State, to breake positive rules for reason of State, or judges to transgresse knowne Lawes, upon the title of conveniency or necessity, which made him so seveare against the Earle of Straforde, and

ers, and left nothinge undone which might prevent and deverte the Kings or Queenes favour towards him, but the deservinge it: for when the Kinge sent for him once or twice, to speake with him, and to give him thankes for his excellent comportment in those Councells, which his Majesty gratiously tearmed doinge him service, his answers were more negligent and lesse satisfactory than might be exspected, as if he cared only that his Actions should be just, not that they should be acceptable, and that his Majesty should thinke that they proceeded only from the impulsyon of conscience, without any sympathy in his affections, which from a Stoicall and sullen nature might not have bene misinterpreted, yet from a person of so perfecte a habitt of generous and obsequious complyance with all good men, might very well have bene interpreted by the Kinge as more then an ordinary aversenesse to his service, so that he to

was positive to refuse it, declaringe to his frends that he was most unfitt for it, and that he must ether doe that which would be greate disquyet to his owne nature, or leave that undone which was most necessary to be done by one that was honored with that place, for that the most just and honest men did every day that, which he could not give himselfe leave to doe. And indeede he was so exacte and stricte an observer of justice and truth ad amussim, that he believed

nge made choyce of him before other men, especially because he thought him more honest then other men; the other was, least he might be thought to avoyde it, out of feare to doe an ungratious thinge to the house of Commons, who were sorely troubled at the displacinge S'r Harry Vane, whome they looked upon as remooved for havinge done them those offices they stoode in neede of, and the disdayne of so popular an incu

by communication of guilte, or dissimulation of manners, wounde themselves into such trust and secretts, as inabled them to make discoveryes for the benefitt of the State; the other, the liberty of openinge letters, upon a suspicion that they might contayne matter of daungerous consequence; for the first, he would say, such instruments must be voyd of all ingenuity and common honesty, before they could be of use, and afterwards they could never be fitt to be credited, and that no single preservation could be worth so generall a wounde and corruption of humane society, as the cherishinge such persons would carry with it: The last he thought such a violation of the Law of nature, that no qualification by office, could justify a

singular estimation and reverence of his greate learninge and confessed integrity, and really thought his lettinge himselfe to those expressyons which implyed a disesteeme of him, or at least an acknowledgement of his infirmityes, would inable him to shelter him from parte of the storme he saw raysed for his destruction, which he abominated with his soule. The givinge his consent to the first Bill for the displacinge the Bishopps, did proceede from two groundes, the first, his not understandinge the originall of ther right and suffrage ther, the other, an opinion that the combination against the whole goverment of the Church by Bishopps, was so violent and furious, that a lesse composition then the dispencinge with ther intermedlinge in s?cular affayres would not pr?serve th

t by resistance necessary, insomuch that at Edgehill, when the Enimy was rowted, he was like to have incurred greate perill by interposinge to save those who had throwne away ther armes, and against whome it may be others were more fierce for ther havinge throwne them away, insomuch as a man might thinke, he came into the Feild only out of curiosity to see the face of daunger, and charity to pr?vent the sheddinge of bloode; yet in his naturall inclination he acknowledged he was addicted to the professyon of a Souldyer, and shortly after he came to his

ny clowdinesse, and lesse pleasantnesse of the visage, a kinde of rudenesse or incivillity, became on a suddayne lesse communicable, and thence very sadd, pale, and exceedingly affected with the spleene. In his clothes and habitt, which he had intended before alwayes with more neatenesse, and industry, and exspence, then is usuall to so greate a minde, he was not now only incurious, but too negligent, and in his reception of suitors and the necessary or casuall addresses to his place so quicke, and sharpe, and seveare, that ther wanted not some men (who were strangers to his nature and disposition) who believed him prowde and imperious, from which no mortall man was ever more free. The truth is, as he was of a most incomparable gentlenesse, application, and even a demisnesse and submissyon to good, and worthy, and intire men, so he was naturally (which could not but be more evident in his place which objected him to another conversation, and intermixture, then his owne election had done) adversus males injucundus, and

ted a trespasse against ether; and yet this senselesse skandall made some impression upon him, or at least he used it for an excuse of the daringnesse of his spiritt; for at the leaguer before Gloster, when his frends passionately reprehended him for exposinge his person, unnecessarily to daunger, (as he delighted to visitt the trenches, and neerest approches, and to discover what the enimy did) as beinge so much besyde the duty of his place, that it might be understoode against it, he would say, merrily, that his office could not take away the priviledges of his Age, and that a Secretary in warr might be present at the greatest secrett of daunger, but withall alleadged seriously that it concerned him to be more active in enterpryzes of hazarde, then other men, that all might see that his impatiency for peace, proceeded not from pusillanimity, or feare to adventure his owne person. In the morn

2

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tion was ?quall to his birth, at least in the care, if not in the Climate, for his father beinge Deputy of Irelande, before he was of Age fitt to be sent abroade, his breedinge was in the Courte and in the University of Dublin, but under the care, vigilance and derection of such governours and Tutors, that he learned all those exercizes and languages better then most men do in more celebrated places, insomuch as when he came into Englande, which was when he was aboute the age of 18 yeeres, he was not only master of the Latine tounge, and had reade all the Poetts and other of the best Authors with notable judgement for that age, but he understoode, and spake, and writt French, as if he had spente many yeeres in France. He had another advantage, which was a greate ornament to the rest, that was a g

nother kinde of acceptation from the persons present, then any ornament of delivery could reasonably promise itselfe, or is usually attended with: And his disposition and nature was so gentle and oblieginge, so much delighted in courtesy, kindnesse, and generosity, that all mankinde could not but admire and love him. In a shorte tyme after he had possession of the estate his grandfather had left him, and before he was of age, he committed a faulte against his father, in marryinge a younge Lady whome he passionately loved, without any considerable portion, which exceedingly offended him, and disappointed all his reasonable hopes and exspectation, of redeeminge and repayringe his owne broken fortune and desperate hopes in courte, by some advantagious marriage of his Sunn, aboute which he had then some probable treaty: S'r Lucius Cary was very conscious to himselfe of his offence and transgression, and the consequence of it, which though he could not repent, havinge marryed a lady of a most extraordinary witt and judgement, and of the most signall virtue and exemplary life, that the age produced, and who brought him many hopefull children, in which he tooke greate delight, yett he confessed it with the most sinceare and dutifull applications to his Father for his pardon, that could be made, and

had reade not only all the Greeke Historians, but Homer likewise and such of the Poetts, as were worthy to be perused: Though his fathers death brought no other convenience to him, but a title to redeeme an estate, morgaged for as much as it was worth, and for which he was compelled to sell a fyner seate of his owne, yett it imposed a burthen upon him of the title of a Viscount, and an increase of exspence, in which he was not in his nature to provident or restrayn'd, havinge naturally such a generosity and bounty in him, that he seemed to have his estate in trust, for all worthy persons who stoode in wante of supplyes and encouragement, as Ben. Johnson and[1] many others of that tyme, whose fortunes requyred, and whose spiritts made them

d thither from London, who all founde ther lodgings ther as ready as in ther Colledges, nor did the L'd of the house know of ther comminge or goinge, nor who were in his house, till he came to dinner or supper, wher all still mett, otherwise ther was no troublesome ceremony or constrainte to forbidd men to come to the house, or to make them weary of stayinge ther; so that many came thither to study in a better ayre, findinge all the bookes they could desyre in his library, and all the persons togither, whose company they could wish, and not finde in any other society. Heare M'r Chillingworth wrote and formed and modelled his excellent booke against the learned Jesuitt, M'r Nott, after frequent debates, upon the most important particulars, in many of which he suffred himselfe to be overruled by the judgement of his frends, though in others he still adhered, to his owne fancy, which was scepticall enough even in the highest pointes. In this happy and delightfull conversation and restrainte he remayned in the country many yeeres, and untill he had made so prodigious a progresse in learninge, that ther were very few classique authors in the greeke or Latine tounge, that he had not reade with great exactnesse; He had reade all the greeke and Latine fathers, all the most allowed and authentique Ecclesiasticall writers, and all the Councells, with wounderfull care and observation, for in religion he thought t

on of ether, indeede so rigid an exacter of perfection in all those things which seemed but to border upon ether of them, and by the common practice of men, were not thought to border upon ether, that many who knew him very well, and loved and admired his virtue (as all who did know him must love and admire it) did believe that he was of a temper and composition fitter to lyve in Republica Platonis then in f?ce Romuli: but this rigidnesse was only exercised towards himselfe, towards his frends infirmityes no man was more indulgent: In his conversation, which was the most cheerefull an

te 1: '

3

Y GOD

Fell at Cha

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nce, and the low countryes, and accompanyed the Earle of Leicester, in his Ambassage into Denmarke, before he resolved to be quyett, and attende some promotion in the Courte, wher his excellent disposition and manners, and extraordinary qualifications, made him very aceptable: Though every body loved his company very well, yett he loved very much to be alone, beinge in his constitution inclined somewhat to melancholique, and to retyrement amongst his bookes, and was so farr from beinge active, that he was contented to be reproched by his frendes with lazynesse, and was of so nice and tender a composition, that a little rayne or winde would disorder him, and deverte him from any shorte journy he had most willingly proposed to himselfe: insomuch as when he ridd abroade with those in whose company he most delighted, if the

us and' struck out in

4

IAM

vid's 1621, of Bath and Wells 1626, and of London 1628. Chancellor of th

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ry you are very wellcome, and gave order the same day for the dispatch of all the necessary formes for the translation, so that within a moneth, or therabouts, after the death of the other Arch-Bishopp, he was compleately invested in that high dignity, and setled in his Pallace at Lambeth: This Greate Prelate had bene before in greate favour with the Duke of Buckingham, whose greate confident h

graces and degrees, the Proctorshipp and the Doctorshipp, could be obtained ther: He was alwayes maligned and persequted by those who were of the Calvinian faction, which was then very pouerfull, and who accordinge to ther usefull maxime and practice, call every man they do not love, Papist, and under this senselesse appellation they created him many troubles and vexations, and so farr suppressed him, that though he was the Kings Chaplyne, and taken notice of for an excellent preacher, and a scholer of the most sublime parts, he had not any pr?ferment to invite him to leave his poore Colledge, which only gave him breade, till the vigour of his age was passed; and when he was promoted by Kinge James, it was but to a poore Bishopricke in Wales, which was not so good a supporte for a Bishopp as his Colledge was for a pri[v]ate scho

hey abhorred his disciplyne, and reverenced the goverment of the Church, and prayed for the peace of it, with as much zeale and fervency, as any in the kingdome, as they made manifest in ther lives, and in ther sufferings with it and for it. He had, from his first entrance into the worlde without any disguise or dissimulation declared his owne opinion of that Classis of men, and as soone as it was in his power, he did all he could to hinder the growth and encrease of that faction, and to restrayne those who were inclined to it, from doinge the mischieue they desyred to do:

e end suspected: let the cause be what it will, he did courte persons to little, nor cared to make his designes and purposes appeare as candid as they were, by shewinge them in any other dresse, then ther owne naturall beauty and roughnesse: and did not consider enough what men sayd, or were like to say of him. If the faultes and vices were fitt to be looked into and discover'd, let the persons be who they would that were guilty of them, they were sure to finde no connivence of favour from him. He intended the disciplyne of the Church should be felte, as well as spoken of, and that it should be applyed to the greatest and most splendid transgressors, as well as to the punishment of smaller offences, and meaner offenders; and therupon called for, or cherished the discovery of those who were not carefull to cover ther owne iniquitycs, thinkinge they were above the reach of other mens, or ther power, o

lar' substituted for

5

OMAS

er-severe in

ugh for one to be sued in so chargable a Court) He was observed always to concur with the severest side, and to infuse more vinegar then oyle into a

r-medling in S

grumbled at him for oft making the shallowest pretence of the Crown deep enough (by his powerfull digging therein) to drown the undoubted right of any private Patron to a Church-living. But Courtiers most complained, that he persecuted them, not in their proper places, but what in an ordinary way he should have taken fr

to gallantry in Cl

Sattens fashionable amongst clergy-men; so this Arch-Bishop first retrenched the usual wearing thereof. Once at a Visitation in Essex, one in Orders (of good estate and extraction) appeared before him very gallant in habit, whom

hit addicted to

in he was bred, was so beautified, enlarged, and enriched by him, that strangers at the first sight knew it not, yea, it scarce knoweth it self, so altered to the better from its former condition. Insomuch that almost it deserveth the name of Canterbury-Colledge, as well

d causer of the rep

ermon ended, Bishop Laud proceeded to his charge to the Clergy, and observing the Church ill repaired without, and slovenly kept within, I am sorry (said He) to meet here with so true an Etymologie of Diaconus, for here is both dust and dirt too, for a Deacon (or Priest either) to work in. Yea it is dust of the worst kind, caused from the mines of this ancient hous

Principally

conclude that (though intending more) he effected much in that great designe. He communicated his project to some private persons, of taking down the great Tower in the middle, to the Spurrs, and rebuild it in the same fashion, (but some yards higher) as before. He meant to hang as great and tuneable a ring of Bels, as any in the world, whose sound advantaged w

e influence of age) firme memory. He wore his hair very close, and though in the beginning of his greatness, many measured the length of mens stricktness by the shortness of thei

1: Psal.

te 2: L

6

PHILIP

ht measures of a Court. He was generally acknowledg'd a good scholar, and throughly verst in Ecclesiastical learning. He was a zealot in his heart both against Popery and Presbytery; but a great assertor of Church-authority, instituted by Christ and his Apostles, and as primitively practised; which notwithstanding, he really and freely acknowledged subject unto the secular authority. And therefore he carefully endeavored to pr

erving their Churches in cleanlines and with plain and fitting ornament, that so voyd of superstition, GOD's House in this age, where every man bettered his own, might not lye alone neglected; and accordingly he sett upon that great work of St. Paul's Church, which his diligence perfected in a great measure: and his Master's piety made magnificent that

mpropriations, which the Parish-Churches in Henry the VIII's time were robb'd of, and lodging the Advowsons and Presentations in their own Feoffees, to have introduced men, who would have introduced doctrines suitable to their dependences, w

made whole again. Thus finding Providence had led him into authority, he very really and strongly opposed both Popery and Presbytery. He was sensible, how the first by additions had perverted the purity of Religion, and turned it into a policy; but resolving not to contest Rome's truths, tho' he spared not her errors, both Papist and Presbyter, with all their Lay-Party, were well contented, tha

nisters of State unwillingly run this course, because they would have the honour of perfecting the work they affect in their own time; and the multitude of this good man's busines, and the promptnes of his nature, made those ceremonies, which are necessary by great Persons to be paid unto men in his station, to be unwelcome unto him, and so he discharged himselfe of them, and thereby disobliged those persons, who thought their quality, tho' not their busines, required a patient and respectfull entertainment. This I reflect upon, because I heard from a good hand, that the Marquiss of Argile making him an insidious visit, and he, knowing he neither loved him nor the Church, entertaining him not with that franknes he shou

If he had perceived an universall concurrence in his own Clergy, who were esteemed Canonicall men, his attempts might have seem'd more probable, than otherwise it could: but for him to think by a purgative Physick to evacuate

him a true Assertor of Religion, Royalty, and Property; and that his grand designe was no other, than that of our first Reformation; which was, that our Church might stand upon such a foot of Primitive and Ecclesiastick authority,

7

IAM

, 1621. Bishop of London 1633-49. Lord Treasurer

PHILIP

put into Commission; by which means the true state thereof became distinctly to be known: and in the year 1635, this good and judicious man had the white staff put into his hand: and tho' he found the revenue low and much anticipated, yet withall meeting with times peaceable and regular, and his Master enclined to be frugall, he held up the dignity and honor of his Majestie's Houshold, and the splendor of the Court, and all publick expences, and justice in all contracts; so as there were as few dissatisfactions in his time, as perchance in any, and yet he cleared off the anticipations on the revenue, and sett his Master beforehand. The choice of this good man shewed, how remote it was from this King's intentions, to be either tyrannicall or arbitrary; for so well he demeaned himselfe thro' his whole seaven years employment, that neither as Bishop or Treasurer, came there any one accusation against him in that last Parliament 1640, whose eares were opened, nay itching after such complaints. Nay even after the King's being driven from London, he remained at his house, belonging to his Bishoprick, in Fulham, and sometimes was visited by some of the Grandees, and found respect from all, and yet walked steddily in his old paths. And

8

UIS OF H

tford 1621, created Marquis of Hert

88. Die

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d lessen his interest, yett he had carryed himselfe with notable steddinesse from the beginninge of the Parliament in the supporte and defence of the Kings power and dignity, notwithstandinge all his Allyes, and those with whome he had the greatest familiarity and frendshipp were of the opposite party, and never concurred with them against the Earle of Straforde (whome he was knowne not to lo

ayne that was necessary to be undergone in such a perpetuall attendance. But then those lesser dutyes might be otherwise provided for, and he could well supporte the dignity of a Governour, and exacte that diligence from others, which he could not exercize himselfe, and his honour was so unblemished, that none durst murmure against the designation, and therfore his Majesty thought him very worthy of the high trust, against which ther was no other exception, but that he was not ambitious of it, nor in truth willinge to receave and undergo the charge, so contrary to his naturall constitution; but [in] his pure zeale and affection for the Crowne, and the consci

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t Mansfield 1620, Earl of Newcastl

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ourage, and most accomplish'd in those Qualities of Horsemanship, Dancing, and Fencing, which accompany a good breeding; in which his delight was. Besides that he was amorous in Poetry, and Musick, to which he indulged the greatest part of his time; and nothing could have tempted him out of those paths of pleasure, which he enjoyed in a full and ample fortune, but honour and ambition to serve the King when he saw him in distress, and abandoned by most of those who were in the highes

e powerfull Faction had contracted against him, yet the King was no sooner necessitated to possess himself of some place of strength, and to raise some force for his defence, but the Earl of Newcastle (he was made Marquiss afterwards) obeyed his first call, and, with great expedition and dexterity, seised upon that Town; when till then there was not one port town in England,

hat important Town, but had a greater Reputation and Interest in Yorkshire itself, than at that present any other Man had: the Earl of Cumberland being at that time, though of entire affection to the King, much decayed in the vigour of his Body, and his mind, and unfit for that Activity which the Season required. And it cannot be denied, that the Earl of Newcastle, by his quick march with his Troops,

but referred all matters of that Nature to the discretion of his Lieutenant General King, who, no doubt, was an officer of great experience and ability, yet being a Scotch Man was, in that conjuncture, upon more disadvantage than he would have been, if the General himself had been more intent upon his Command. In all Actions of the feild he was still present, and never absent in any Battle; in all which he gave Instances of an invincible courage and fearlessness in danger; in which the exposing hims

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ORD D

second Earl of

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as weary of ther violent councells, and withdrew himselfe from them, with some circumstances which enough provoked them, and made a reconciliation and mutuall confidence in each other for the future manifestly impossible, he made private and secrett offerrs of his service to the Kinge, to whome in so generall a defection of his servants it could not but be very agreable, and so his Majesty beinge satisfyed both in the discoveryes he made of what had passed, and in his professions for the future, remooved him from the house of Commons, wher he had rendred himselfe marvellously ungratious, and called him by writt to the house of Peeres, wher he did visibly advance the Kings service, and quickly rendred himselfe gratefull to all those, who had not thought to well of him before, when he deserved less, and men were not only pleased with the assistance he gave upon all debates, by his judgement and vivacity, but looked upon him as one who could deryve the Kings pleasure to them, and make a lively representation of ther good demeanour to the Kinge, which he was very luxuriant in promisinge to doe, and officious enough in doinge as much as was just. He had bene instrumentall in promotinge the three persons above mencioned to the Kings favour, and had himselfe in truth so greate an esteeme of them, that he did very frequently upon conference togither departe from his owne inclinations and opinions, and concurred in thers; and very few men of so greate parts are upon all occasyons more councellable then he, so that he would seldome be in daunger of runninge into greate errors, if he would communicate and expose all his owne thoughts and inclinations to s

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created Baro

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n which he tooke greate joy and comfort, so that no man was more happy in all his domestique affayres, and so much the more happy, in that he thought himselfe most blessed in them, and yett the Kings honour was no sooner violated and his just power invaded, then he threw all those blessings behinde him, and havinge no other obligations to the Crowne, then those which his owne honour and conscience suggested to him, he frankely engaged his person and his fortune from the beginninge of the troubles, as many others did, in all actions and enterpryzes of the greatest hazarde and daunger, and continewed to the end, without ever makinge one false stepp,

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, EARL OF BRENT

UPERT (1

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rvinge his respects with the officers; Wilmott loved deboshry, but shutt it out from his businesse, and never neglected that, and rarely miscarryed in it; Goringe had much a better understandinge, and a sharper witt, except in the very exercise of deboshry, and then the other was inspired, a much keener courage, and presentnesse of minde in daunger; Wilmott decerned it farther off, and because he could not behave himselfe so well in it, commonly prevented or warily declined it, and never dranke when he was within distance of an enimy; Goringe was not able to resist the temptation when he was in the middle of them, nor would declyne it to obtayne a victory, and in one of those fitts had suffer'd the Horse to escape out of Cornwall, and the most signall misfortunes of his life in warr, had ther ryse from that uncontrolable licence; nether of them valewed ther promises, professions or frendshipps, accordinge to any rules of honour or integrity, but Wilmott violated them the lesse willingly, and never but for some greate benefitt or convenience to himself, Goringe without scruple out of humour or for witt sake, and loved no man so well, but that he would cozen h

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in this rebellion, and it was confessed by the prysoners that were taken that day, and acknowledged by all, that upon the Alarum that morninge, after ther quarters were beaten up, he was exceedingly sollicitous to draw forces togither to pursue the enimy, and beinge himselfe a Collonell of foote putt himselfe amongst those horse as a volunteere who were first ready, and that wh

ts of thers which he apprehended might disquyett the publique peace: He was rather of reputation in his owne Country, then of publique discource or fame in the Kingdome, before the businesse of Shippmony, but then he grew the argument of all tounges, every man enquyringe who and what he was, that durst at his owne charge supporte the liberty and property of the kingdome, and reskue his Country from beinge made a prey to the Courte; his carriage throughout that agitation was with that rare temper and modesty, that they who watched him narrowly to finde some advantage against his person to make him lesse resolute in his cause, were compelled to give him a just testimony: and

d of greate partes, and possessed with the most absolute spiritt of popularity, that is the most absolute facultyes to governe the people, of any man I ever knew. For the first yeere of the parliament he seemed rather to moderate and soften the violent and distempred humours, then to inflame them, but wise and dispassioned men playnely decerned, that that moderation proceeded from prudence, and observation that the season was not rype, [rather] then that he approoved of the moderation, and that he begatt many opinions and motions the education wherof he committed to other men, so farr disguisinge his owne designes that he seemed seldome to wish more t

made; and was indeede much more relyed on by that party, then the Generall himselfe. In the first entrance into the troubles he undertooke the commande of a Regiment of foote, and performed the duty of a Collonell on all occasyons most punctually: He was very temperate in dyett, and a supreme governour over all his passyons and affections, and had therby a greate power over other mens: He was of an industry and vigilance not to be tyred out, or wearyed by the most laborious, and of partes not to be imposed upon by the most subtle or sharpe, and of a personall courage ?qual to his

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havinge worne out most of those who had bene acquainted with the rules and orders observed in those conventions, and this gave him some reputation and reverence amongst those, who were but now introduced. He had bene most taken notice of, for beinge concerned and passyonate in the jealosyes of religion, and much troubled with the Countenance which had bene given to those opinions which had bene imputed to Arminius; and this gave him greate authority and interest with those, who were not pleased with the goverment of the Church, or the growinge power of the Clargy, yet himselfe industriously tooke care to be believed, and he professed to be, very intire to the doctryne and disciplyne of the Church of Englande. In the shorte Parliament before this, he spake much, and appeared to be the most leadinge man, for besydes the exacte knowledge

Bedford Lord High Treasurer of Englande, the Kinge likewise intended to make M'r Pimm Chancellour of the Exchequer, for which he receaved his Majestys promise, and made a returne of a suitable professyon of his service and devotion, and therupon, the other beinge no secrett, somewhat declyned from that sharpnesse in the house, which was more popular then any mans person, and made some overtures to provyde for the glory and splendor of the Crowne, in which he had so ill successe, that his interest and reputation ther visibly abated, and he founde that he was much bet

ers, upon the disbandinge that Army ther, which had bene pr?pared by the Earle of Straforde for the businesse of Scotlande, in which if his Majestys derections and commands had not bene deverted and contradicted by the houses, many do believe the rebellyon in Irelande had not happend. Certayne it is, that his power of doinge shrewd turnes was extraordinary, and no lesse in doinge good offices for particular persons, and that he did pr?serve many from censure, who were under the seveare displeasure of the houses, and looked upon as eminent Delinquents, and the quality of many of them made it believed, that he had sold that protection for valewable consideration. From the tyme of his beinge accused of High Treason by the Kinge, with the Lord Kimbolton and the other Members, he never intertayned thoughts of moderation, but alwayes opposed all overture

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d Protector 16

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iasticall or Civill, to looke upon him as a man for ther turne, and upon whome they might depende, as one who would go through his worke that he undertooke; and his stricte and unsociable humour in not keepinge company with the other officers of the Army in ther jollityes and excesses, to which most of the superiour officers under the Earle of Essex were inclined, and by which he often made himselfe ridiculous or contemptible, drew all those of the like sowre or reserved natures to his society and conversation, and gave him opportunity to forme ther understandings, inclinations, and resolutions to his owne modell; and by this he grew to have a wounderfull interest in the Common souldyers, out of which, as his authority increased, he made all his Officers, well instructed how to lyve in the same manner with ther Souldyers, that they might be able to apply them to ther owne purposes. Whilst he looked upon the Presbiterian humour as the best incentive to rebellion, no man more a Presbiterian, he sunge all Psalmes with them to ther tunes, and looved the longest sermons as much as they: but when he discover'd, that they would prescribe some limitts and bounds to ther rebellion, that it was not well breathed, and would expyre as soone as some few particulars were granted to th

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tributed to his designes and to ther owne destruction, whilst himselfe grew insensibly powerfull enough, to cutt off those by whome he had climed, in the instant, that they projected to demolish ther owne buildinge. What Velleius Paterculus sayd of Cinna, may very justly be sayd of him, Ausum eum qu? nemo auderet bonus, perfecisse qu? a nullo nisi fortissimo perfici possunt. Without doubte, no man with more wickednesse ever attempted any thinge, or brought to passe what he desyred more wickedly, more in the face and contempt of religion and morall honesty, yet wickednesse as greate as his could never

orted that in the Councell of Officers, it was more then once proposed, that ther might be a generall massacre of all the royall party, as the only exspedient to secure the goverment, but Crumwell would never consent to it, it may be out of to much contempt of his enimyes;

7

PHILIP

d not very clean; and I remember a speck or two of blood upon his little band, which was not much larger than his collar; his hatt was without a hatt-band: his stature was of a good size, his sword stuck close to his side, his countenance swoln and reddish, his voice sharp and untunable, and his eloquence full of fervor; for the subject matter would not bear much of reason; it being in behalfe of a servant of Mr. Prynn's, who had disperst libells against the Queen for her dancing and such like innocent and courtly sports; and he aggravated the imprisonment of this man by the Council-Table unto that height, that one would have beleived, the very Goverment it selfe had been in great danger by it. I sincerely professe it l

8

HN MA

ad made him a heart, wherein was left little roume for any fear, but what was due to himselfe, of which there was a large proportion, yet did he exceed in tendernesse towards sufferers. A larger soul, I thinke, hath seldome dwelt in a house of clay than his was. I do believe, if his story were impartialy transmitted, and the unprejudiced world wel possest with it, she would adde him to her nine worthies, and make up that number a decemviri. He

9

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Judgments. The Soldiers and Sectaries most highly magnified him, till he began to seek the Crown and the Establishment of his Family: And then there were so many that would be Half-Kings themse

. And men of Parts and Understanding know how to manage their business, and know that flying is the surest way to death, and that standing to it is the likeliest way to escape; there being many usually that fall in flight, for one that falls in valiant fight. These things it's probable Cromwell understood; and that none would be such engaged valiant men as the Religious: But yet I conjecture, that at his first choosing such men into his Troop, it was the very Esteem and Love of Religious men that principally moved him; and the avoiding of those Disorders, Mutinies, Plunderings, and Grievances of the Country, which deboist men in Armies are commonly guilty of: By this means he indeed sped better than he expected. Aires, Desborough, Berry, Evanson, and the rest of that Troop, did prove so valiant, that as far as I could learn, they never once ran away before an Enemy. Hereupon he got a Commission to take some care of the Associated Counties, where he brought his Troop into a double Regiment, o

Parliament, did by the Covenant and the Oath of Allegiance, find themselves bound to the Person and Family of the King, and that there was no hope of changing their minds in this: Hereupon he joyned with that Party in the Parliament who were for the Cutting off the King, and trusting him no more. And consequently he joyned with them in raising the Independants to make a Fraction in the Synod at Westminster and in the City; and in strengthening the Sectaries in Army, City and Country, and in rendering the Scots and Ministers as odious as he could, to disable them from hindering the Change of Government. In the doing of all this, (which Distrust and Ambition had perswaded him was well done) he thought it lawful to use his Wits, to choose each Instrument, and suit each means, unto its end; and accordingly he daily imployed himself, and modelled the Army, and disbanded all other Garrisons and Forces and Committees, which were like to have hindered his design. And as he went on, though he yet resolved not what form the New Commonwealth should be molded into, yet he thought it but reasonable, that he should be the Chief Person who had been chief in their Delive

them. He seemed exceeding open hearted, by a familiar Rustick affected Carriage, (especially to his Soldiers in sporting with them): but he thought Secrecy a Vertue, and Dissimulation no Vice, and Simulation, that is, in plain English a Lie, or Perfidiousness to be a tollerable Fault in a Case of Necessity: being of the same Opinion with the Lord Bacon, (who was not so Precise as Learned) That [the best Composition and Temperature is, to have openness in Fame and Opinion, Secrecy in habit, Dissimulation in seasonable use; and a power to feign if there be no remedy,] Essay 6. pag. 31. Therefore he kept fair with all, saving his open or unreconcileable Enemies. He carried

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OMAS F

12. Die

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them which they intended to disband: And all this was notably dispatcht at once, by One Vote, which was called the Self-denying Vote, viz. That because C

the Wars beyond Sea, and had fought valiantly in Yorkshire for the Parliament, though he was over-powered by the Earl of Newcastle's, Numbers. This Man was chosen because they supposed to find him a Man of no quickness of Parts, of no Elocution, of no suspicious plotting Wit, and t

1

VANE, TH

3. Behea

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ligation that every man should take the othes of Allegiance and Supremacy, which all the first planters did, when they receaved ther charter, before they transported themselves from hence, nor was ther in many yeeres after the least scruple amongst them of complyinge with those obligations, so farr men were in the infancy of ther schisme, from refusinge to take lawfull othes. He was no sooner landed ther, but his partes made him quickly taken notice of, and very probably his quality, beinge the eldest sunn of a Privy Councellour, might give him some advantage, insomuch that when the next season came for the election of ther Magistrates, he was chosen ther governour, in which place he had so ill fortune, his workinge and unquyett fancy raysinge and infusinge a thousande scruples of conscience which they had not brought over with them, nor hearde of before, that he unsatisfyed with them, and they with him, he retransported himselfe into Englande, havinge sowed such seede of dissention ther, as grew up to prosperously, and miserably devyded the poore Colony into severall factions and devisions and persequtions of each other, which still continue to the greate prejudice of that plantation, insomuch as some of them, upon the grounde of ther first exspedition, liberty of conscience, have withdrawne themselves from ther jurisdiction, and obtayned other Charters from

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to be as greate enimyes to Presbitery (the establishment wherof was the sole end of this Covenant) as they were to the Kinge or the Church, and he who contributed most to it, and who in truth was the Principle contriver of it, and the man by whome the Committe

n it was not seasonable to contradicte without loosinge grounde by the condescention, and if he were not superiour to M'r Hambden, he was inferiour to no other man in all misterious artifices. Ther neede no more be sayd of his ability, then that he was chosen to cozen and deceave a whole nation, which excelled in craft and dissemblinge, which he did

of the Commissyoners, and therfore the other neede not be named, since he was All in any bus

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JOHN HUT

r of No

15. Die

TCHINSON,

he took greate delight in perspective glasses, and for his other rarities was not so much affected with the antiquity as the merit of the worke-he took much pleasure in emproovement of grounds, in planting groves and walkes, and fruite-trees, in opening springs and making fish-ponds; of country recreations he lov'd none but hawking, and in that was very eager and much delighted for the time he us'd it, but soone left it off; he was wonderful neate, cleanly and gentile in his habitt, and had a very good fancy in it, but he left off very early the wearing of aniething that was costly, yett in his plainest negligent habitt appear'd very much a gentleman; he had more addresse than force of body, yet the courage of his soule so supplied his members that he never wanted strength when he found occasion to employ it; his conversation was very pleasant for he was naturally chearful, had a ready witt and apprehension; he was eager in every thing he did, earnest in dispute, but withall very rationall, so that he was seldome overcome, every thing that it was necessary for him to doe he did with delight, free and unconstrein'd, he hated cerimonious complement, but yett had a naturall civillity and complaisance to all people, he was of a tender constitution, but through the vivacity of his spiritt could undergo labours, watchings and journeyes, as well as any of stronger compositions; he was rheumatick, and had a long sicknesse and distemper occasion'd thereby two or three yeares after the warre ended, but elce for the latter halfe of his life was healthy tho' tender, in his youth and childhood he was sickly, m

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eux, third E

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nd without doubte, no man in his nature more abhorred rebellion then he did, nor could he have bene ledd into it by any open or transparent temptation, but by a thousand disguises and cozinages. His pryde supplyed his want of ambition, and he was angry to see any other man more respected then himselfe, because he thought he deserved it more, and did better requite it, for he was in his frendshipps just and constante, and would not have practiced fouly against those he tooke to be enimyes: no man had creditt enough with him to corrupt him in pointe of loyalty to the Kinge, whilst he thought himselfe wise enough to know what treason was. But the new doctrine and distinction of Allegiance, and of the Kings power in and out of Parliament, and

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L OF SA

, second Earl

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s a man of no words, except in huntinge and hawkinge in which he only knew how to behave himselfe, in matters of State and councell he alwayes concurred in what was proposed for the Kinge, and cancelled and repayred all those transgressions by concurringe in all that was proposed against him as soone as any such propositions were made; yett when the Kinge went to Yorke, he likewise attended upon his Majesty and at that distance seemed to have recover'd some courage, and concurred in all councells which were taken to undeceave the people, and to make the proceedings of the Parliament odious to all the world; but on a suddayne he caused his horses to attend him out of the towne, and hav

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RL OF

second Earl

87. Die

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man so qualifyed would not have bene able to have contributed much to the overthrow of a nation, and kingdome; but with all these faults, he had greate authority and creditt with that people who in the beginninge of the troubles did all the mischieve; and by openinge his doores, and makinge his house the Randevooze of all the silenced Ministers, in the tyme when ther was authority to silence them, and spendinge a good parte of his estate, of which he was very prodigall, upon them, and by beinge present with them at ther devotions, and makinge himselfe merry with them and at them, which they dispenced with, he became the heade of

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L OF MA

Montagu of Kimbolton 1626, s

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, and was of so excellent a temper and disposition, that the barbarous tymes, and the rough partes he was forced to acte in them, did not wype out or much deface those markes, insomuch as he was never guilty of any rudenesse towards those, he was oblieged to oppresse, but performed always as good offices toward

n his understandinge (for his nature was never corrupted but remayned still in its integrity) and made him believe, that the Courte was inclined to hurte and even to destroy the country, and from particular instances to make generall and daungerous conclusions. They who had bene alwayes enimyes to the Church, pr?vayled with him to lessen his reverence for it, and havinge not bene well instructed to defende it, [he] yeilded to easily to those who confidently assaulted it, and thought it had greate errors which were necessary to be reformed, and that all meanes are lawfull to compasse that which is necessary, wheras the true Logique is, that the thinge desyred is not necessary, if the wayes are unlawfull which are proposed to bringe it to passe. No man was courted with more application by persons of all conditions and qualityes, and his person was not lesse acceptable to those of steddy and uncorrupted principles, then to those of depraved inclinations; and in the end, even his piety administred some excuse to him, for his fathers infirmityes and transgressions had so farr exposed him to the inquisition of justice, that he found it necessary to procure the assistance

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LORD

created Viscount

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ily. His parts were not quicke, but so much above those of his owne ranke, that he had alwayes greate creditt and authority in Parliament, and the more for takinge all opportunityes to oppose the Courte, and had with his milke sucked in an implacable malice against the goverment of the Church. When the Duke of Buckingham proposed to himselfe after his returne with the Prince from Spayne, to make himselfe popular, by breakinge that match, and to be gratious with the Parliament, as for a shorte tyme he was, he resolved to imbrace the frendshipp of the L'd Say, who was as sollicitous to climbe by that ladder, but the Duke quickly founde him of to imperious and pedanticall a spiritt, and to affecte to daungerous mutations, and so cast him off; and from that tyme, he gave over any pursuite in Courte, and lived narrowly and sordidly in the country, havinge conversation with very few, but such who had greate malignity against the church and State, and fomented ther inclinations and gave them instructions how to behave themselfes with caution and to do ther businesse with most

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his writings seemes harsh and sometymes obscure, which is not wholy to be imputed to the abstruse subjects, of which he commonly treated, out of the pathes trodd by other men, but to a little undervalewinge the beauty of a style, and to much propensity to the language of antiquity, but in his conversation the most cleere discourcer, and had the best faculty, in makinge hard things, easy, and pr?sentinge them to the understandinge, of any man, that hath bene knowne. M'r Hyde was wonte to say, that he valewed himselfe upon nothinge more, then upon havinge had M'r Seldence acquaintance, from the tyme he was very young, and held it with greate delight,

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e' 1628. Bishop of Worcester

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nd so very facetious, that no mans company was more desyred, and more loved. No man was more negligent in his dresse, and habitt, and meene, no man more wary and cultivated in his behaviour and discourse, insomuch as he had the greater advantage when he was knowne, by promisinge so little before he was knowen. He was an excellent Poett both in Latine, Greeke, and English, as appeares by many pieces yett abroade, though he suppressed many more himselfe, especially of English, incomparably good, out of an austerity to those sallyes of his youth. He was very deere to the L'd Falkelande, with whome he spent as much tyme as he could make his owne, and as that Lord would

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e Mr. John Hales,

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the best memoriall behinde him, of the ignorance and passyon and animosity and injustice of that Convention, of which he often made very pleasant relations, though at that tyme it receaved to much countenance from Englande. Beinge a person of the greatest eminency for learninge and other abilityes, from which he might have promised himselfe any preferment in the Church, he withdrew himselfe from all pursuites of that kinde into a private fellowshipp in the Colledge of Eton, wher his frende S'r Harry

ivate library, that I have seene, as he had sure reade more, and carryed more about him, in his excellent memory, then any man I ever knew, my L'd Falkelande only excepted, who I thinke syded him. He had, whether from his naturall temper and constitution, or from his longe retyrement from all Crowdes, or from his profounde judgement and decerninge spiritt, contracted some opinions, which were not receaved, nor by him published, except in pri

of Heretique and Schismatique to lightly throwne at each other amongst men who differr in ther judgement, he writt a little discource of Schisme, contayned in lesse then two sheetes of paper, which beinge transmitted from frende to frende in writing, was at last without any malice brought to the view of the Arch-Bishopp of Canterbury Dr. Lawde, who was a very rigid survayour of all thinges which never so little bordred upon Schisme, and thought the Church could not be to vigilant against, and jealous of such incursyons. He sent for M'r Hales, whome when they had both lived in the University of Oxforde he had knowne well, and told him that he had in truth believed him to be longe since dead, and chidd him very kindly, for havinge never come to him, havinge bene of his old acquaintance, then asked him whether he had lately writt a shorte discource of Schisme, and whether he was of that opinion which that discource implyed; he told him, that he had for the satisfaction of a private frende (who was not of his minde) a yeere or two before, writt such a small tracte, without any imagination that it would be communicated, and that he believed it did not contayne

t part of' in place of 'a

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Religion of Pro

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he grew confident of nothinge, and a schepticke at least in the greatest misteryes of fayth; This made him from first waveringe in religion and indulginge to scruples, to reconcile himselfe to soone and to easily to the Church of Rome, and carryinge still his owne inquisitivenesse aboute him, without any resignation to ther authority (which is the only temper can make that Church sure of its Proselites) havinge made a journy to S't Omers purely to perfecte his conversion by the conversation of those who had the greatest name, he founde as little satisfaction ther, and returned with as much hast from them, with a beliefe that an intire exemption from error was nether inherent in, nor necessary to, any Church; which occasioned that warr which was carryed on by the Jesuitts with so

d was then to hard for himselfe; but findinge as little quyett and repose in those victoryes, he quickly recover'd by a new appeale to his owne judgement, so that he was in truth upon the matter in all his Sallyes and retreits his owne converte, though he was not so totally devested of all thoughts of this worlde, but that when he was ready for it he admitted some greate and considerable Churchmen to be sharers with him, in his publique conversion. Whilst he was in perplexity, or rather some passionate disinclination to the religion he had bene educated in, he had the misfortune to have much acquaintance with one M'r Lugar a minister of that church, a man of a competency of learninge in those points most contravened with the Romanists, but of no acute parts of witt or judge

it to make the exsperiment into that parte of his Majestys army, which was only in that winter season in the Feilde, under the commaunde of the L'd Hopton in Hampshyre upon the borders of Sussex, wher he was shutt up in the Castle of Arrundell, which was forced after a shorte, sharpe seige, to yeild for want of victuall, and poore M'r Chillingworth with it fallinge into the Rebells hands, and beinge most barbarously treated by them, especially by that Clargy which followed them, and beinge broken with

3

ND W

06. Die

LARE

the towne with two or three pieces of that kinde, as if a tenth muse had bene newly borne, to cherish droopinge poetry: the Doctor at that tyme brought him into that company which was most celebrated for good conversation, wher he was receaved and esteemed with greate applause and respecte. He was a very pleasant discourcer in earnest and in jest, and therfore very gratefull to all kinde of company, wher he was not the lesse esteemed, for beinge very rich. He had bene even nurced in Parliaments, wher he sate when he was very young,[1] and so when they were resumed agayne (after a longe intermission,[2]) he appeared in those assemblyes with greate advantage, havinge a gracefull way of speakinge, and by thinkinge much upon severall arguments (which his temper and complexion that had much of melancholique inclined him to) he seemed often to speake upon the suddayne, when the occasyon had only administred the opportunity of sayinge what he had throughly considered, which gave a greate lustre to all he sayde; which yett was rather of delight, then wayte.

fancy' struck out in MS

iction' struck out in MS

4

AS H

88. Die

LARE

es's Lev

he known Name of the Author, a Man of excellent parts, of great wit, some reading, and somewhat more thinking; One who ha's spent many years in forreign parts and observation, understands the Learned as well as modern Languages, hath long had the reputation of a great Philosopher and Mathematician, and in his age hath had conversation with very many worthy and extraordinary Men, to which, it may be, if he had bin more indulgent in the more vigorous part of his life, it might have had a greater influence upon the temper of his mind, whereas age seldom submits to those questions, enquiries, and contradictions, which the Laws and liberty of conversation require: and it hath bin alwaies a lamentation amongst M'r Hobbes hi

5

y JOHN

enough: but withall he had even then a contemplative Melancholinesse. he would gett him into a corner, and le

hoolefellows' writte

*

lative person, and was wont to contemplate in his delicious walkes at Gorambery, and dictate to M'r Thomas Bushell or some other of his Gentlemen, that attended him with inke & paper ready, to sett downe presently his thoughts. His Lo'p: wo

1: 'is' ab

'Notions' abo

times, M'r T.H. was much addicted to Mu

*

and inkehorne; carried alwayes a Note-booke in his pocket, and as soon as a though[t][2] darted, he presently entred it into his Booke, or otherwise[3] he

'staffe' ab

'though' ab

'otherwise'

ight perhaps' a

*

that, he did not care to give, neither was he adroit[1] at a present answer to a serious quaere; he had as lieve they should have expected a[n] extemporary solution[2] to an Arithmetic

'adroit' ab

' above 'present', 'solut

alyticall' above

*

is manner[1]

d contemplating, always with this Rule[2], that he very much & deeply

: 'manner'

le: Observation'

*

note:

and sayd he never tooke cold in his head but that the greatest trouble was to keepe-off the Flies from pitching on the

recalvus' abov

note:

(as it were) a bright live-coale within it. he had two kind of Lookes: when he laught, was witty, & in a merry humour, one could scarce see his

'earnest' abo

ote: S

r, and went indifferently erect; or, rath

te: Sig

nd contrary to that men call Brodwittednes,) that I have heard him oftentimes say, that in Multiplying & Dividing he never mistooke

e' above 'was never out' ('ou

ote: R

was much more then his Reading. He was wont to say that, if he had rea

. then' above 'continue

*

ote: S

was a bed, & the dores made fast, & was sure no body heard him, he sang aloud, (not that he had a very good

re his pipes' above '

6

AS F

08. Die

anguine constitution, which beautified his Face with a pleasant Ruddinesse, but of so Grave and serious an aspect, that it Awed and Discountenanced the smiling Attracts of that complexion. His Head Adorned with a comely Light-Coloured Hai

be void of any affectation or pride. Nay so Regardlesse was he of himselfe in his Garb and Rayment, in which no doubt his Vanity would have appeared, as well as in his stately pace:

elf much according to the old English Guise, which for its ease and simplicity suited very well with the

wo things: often in several places, hath he met with Gentlemen of his nearest and greatest Acquaintance, at a full rencounter and stop, whom

ich was so far from Rude and untractable, that it may be confidently averred, he was the most complacent person in the Na

his present purpose with some urgency: and when once Unfixed and Unbent, his mind freed from the incumbency of his Stu

refreshings of two Meals a day: but no lover of Danties, or the Inventions of Cookery: solid meats better fitting his strength of Constitution; but from drink very much abstemious, which questionlesse was the cause of that uninterrupted Health he enjoyed till this his First and Last sicknesse: of which Felicity

est. For this in some sort he was beholden to his care in Diet aforesaid, (the full Vapours of a repletion in the Stomack ascending to the Brain, causing that usual Drowsinesse

me; and that not upon his own choice, but as being compelled by friendly, yet, Forcible Invitations; till such time as the War posted him from place to place, and after that his constant att

s last work, requiring Travel, to which he had so accustomed himself: so that this Diversion, (like P

s, certainly, no man was more a tender, more indulgent a Husband and a Father: his Conjugal Love in both matches being equally blest with the same Issue,

nd the present measure of his estate; which its well hoped will be returned to the Memory of so good a Father, in the

of Love: a stricter and more carefull hand was never used. True it is they did not grow up without some errours, like the Tares: nor can the most refined pieces of any of his Antagonists boast of perfection. He that goes an unknown and beaten Track i

aties of that which either was his Duty, or in his power to perform. The quickness of his apprehension helped by a Good Nature, presently suggested unto him (without putting them to the trouble of an innuendo) what their severall Affairs required, in which he would spare no paynes: insomuch that it was a piece of Absolute Pruden

a Memory of that vast comprehensiveness, that he is deservedly known for the first inventer of that Noble Art, whereof having left behind him no Rules, o

o tell every Signe as they stood in order on both sides of the way, repeating them either backward or forward, as

top of the page to the bottom: the manner thus. He would write near the Margin the first words of every Line down to the Foot of the Paper, then would he begining at the head againe, fill up every one of these Lines, which without any interlineations

7

MIL

08. Die

y JOHN

n exceeding[3] faire. he was so faire, that they called him the Lady of

am'; then added above the last six words, 'q[uaere] quot fee

' (i.e. auburn) writ

'exceeding' a

*

ting was as much as the reading. His daughter Deborah 2[1] could read to him Latin, Italian, & French, & Greeke; married in Dublin to one M'r Clarke [sells silke &c[2]] very like her father. The other sister is Mary 1[1], more like her mother. After dinner he usd to walke 3 or 4 houre

'1', marking senior

lls silke &c' ab

e: Liter

father instructed him: he had an Organ in his house: he

by learned[1]: mor

learned' added

eat preferments to come over to them, & the only inducement of severall foreigners that came over into England, was chifly to see

*

ge[1] in a beautifull and well proportioned

'did lodge' a

e that his excellent Method of thinking

*

cheerful

sometimes he tooke Manna[1], and only towards his later end he was visited wit

ome ... Manna' add

9th or 10th of Novemb 1674, as a

8

EDWARD P

or Thirty Verses at a Time, which being Written by whatever hand came next, might possibly want Correction as to the Orthography and Pointing; having as the Summer came on, not been shewed any for a considerable while, and desiring the reason thereof, was answered, That his Veine

9

JONATHAN

s about the time of the Revolution, and Since. This Man was then a Seller of Old Books in Little Britain, and Milton lodg'd at his house. This was 3 or 4 Years before he Dy'd. he then wo

as Quality, and very Lately I had the Good Fortune to have Another Picture of him from an Ancient Clergyman in Dorsetshire, Dr. Wright; He found him in a Small House, he thinks but One Room on a Floor; in That, up One pair of Stairs, which was hung with a Rusty Green, he found John

*

as in Perpetual Terror of being Assassinated, though he had Escap'd the Talons of the Law, he knew he had Made Himself Enemies in Abundance. he was So Dejected he would lie Awake whole N

il Tongues, in Darkness, and with

*

Post in which he Serv'd Cromwell with So much Integrity and Ability; (that a like Offer was made to Thurlow is not Disputed as ever I heard) Milton Withstood the Of

*

ing ('twas Winter Sure Then) I have been Well inform'd, that when he could not Sleep, but lay Awake whole Nights, he Try'd; not One Verse could he make; at Other times flow'd Easy his Unpremeditated Verse, with a certain Impetus and ?

0

AM CO

18. Die

My

t people. As far as my Memory can return back into my past Life, before I knew, or was capable of guessing what the world, or glories, or business of it were, the natural affections of my soul gave me a secret bent of aversion from them, as some Plants are said to turn away from others, by an Antipathy imperceptible to themselves, and inscrutable to mans understanding. Even when I was a very young Boy at School, instead of running about on Holy-daies and playing with my fellows, I was wont to steal from them, and walk into the fields, either alone with a Book, or with some one Companion, if I could find any of the same temper. I was then too, so much

nt me, that m

nvy, for Cont

nor I w

at deeds, bu

are better t

an ope'

would have, but

er, but the cho

0

t business, ente

ndisturb'd as D

a Cotta

, and shoul

my Use,

en pain

d, not Arts; and

envy in his

1

ouble my Lifes

s it well, twic

his true

t sports, thi

fear nor w

ly say e

my Sun his b

ide them; I ha

grees with the tinckling of the Rhyme and Dance of the Numbers, so that I think I had read him all over before I was twelve years old, and was thus made a Poet as immediately [1] as a Child is made an Eunuch. With these affections of mind, and my heart wholly set upon Letters, I went to the University; But was soon torn from thence by that violent Publick storm which would suffer nothing to stand where it did, but rooted up every Plant, even from the Princely Cedars to Me, the Hyssop. Yet I had as good fortune as could have befallen me in such a Tempest; for I was cast by it into the Family of one of the best Persons, and into the Court of one of the best Princesses of the World. Now though I was here engaged in wayes most contrary to the Original design of my life, that is, into much company, and no small business, and into a daily sight of Greatness, both Militant and Triumphant (for that was the state then of the English and French Courts) yet all this was so far from altering my Opinion, that it oncly added the confirma

I now do

d and I shall n

untry, which I thought in that case I might easily have compassed, as well as some others, who[2] with no greater probabilities or pretences have arrived to ext

great at Court

shal't be, nor at

f with the smal

ted Verse do

Soul, Take thy ease: I met presently not onely with many little encumbrances and impediments, but with so much sickness (a new misfortune to me) as would have spoiled the happiness of an Emperour as well as Mine: Yet I do neither repent nor alter m

, dulcis

us?, Libertas

q; anima reman

e ere sh

es the sweetes

oks, and Libe

ields, and Woo

fe it self fo

ably' text 1668, 'imme

o' omitted 1668,

1

OMAS

ood temper of their minds, and honesty of their Actions, above all the excellencies of their Eloquence or Knowledge. The same course I will take in his praise, which

etry it self. Nothing vain or fantastical, nothing flattering or insolent appeared in his humour. He had a great integrity, and plainness of Manners; which he preserv'd to the last, though much of his time was spent

y mans parts, nor ever put any man out of countenance. He never had any emulation for Fame, or contention for Profit with any man. When he was in business he suffer'd others importunities with much

first sight. He surpriz'd no man at first with any extraordinary appearance: he never thrust himself violently into the good opinion of his c

is Discourse: for he so ordered it, that every man was satisfied that he had his share. He govern'd his Passions with great moderation. His Vi

recited any of his Writings. None but his intimate friends ever discovered he was a great Poet, by his discourse. His Learning was large and profound

just Censurer: But not when an extravagant Babler. He was a passionate lover of Liberty and Freedom from restraint both in Actions and Words. But what hone

2

RLE

30. Die

HAL

SSIMUL

s a Defect not to have it at all, and a Fault to have it too much. Human Nature will not allow the Mean: like all other things, as soon a

es; A King upon the Throne hath as great Temptations (though of another kind) to dissemble, as a King in Exile. The King of Franc

essary, and yet it is dangerous too. To have none at all layeth a Man open to Contempt, to have too much exposeth him to Suspicion, which is only the less dishonourable Inconvenience. If a Man doth not take v

e Rooks at play, they will cheat for Shillings, they are so used to it. The vulgar Definition of Dissembling is downright Lying; that kind of it which is less il

ance to see, than to hear what he said. His Face was as little a Blab as most Mens, yet though it could not be called a prattling Face, it would sometimes tell Tales to a good Observer. When he thought fit to be angry, he had a very peevish Memory; there was hardly a Blot that escaped him. At the same time that this shewed the Strengt

T and CON

efly in the Quickness

him find Faults, and

not always equal, b

liarly, which added to his natural Genius, made him very apt

a Man who hath a good Stomach loveth generally to talk of Meat, so in the vigour of his Age, he began that style, which, by degrees grew so natural to him, that after he ceased to do it out of Pleasure, he continued to do it out of Custom. The Hypocrisy of the former Times inclined Men to think they could not shew too great an Aversion to it, and that helped to encourage this unbounded liberty of Talking, wi

y be betrayed to exercise it too often. Stories are dangerous in this, that the best expose a Man most, by being oftenest repeated. It might pass for

d easy in Company; where he bore his part, and was acceptable e

refining his Thoughts, take off from their dignity, in applying them less to the governing part. There is a Charm in Wit,

ountenance. In the case of a King especially, it is m

was from Company, in which he was very capable to observe. He could not so properly be sa

had none. This leaneth more towards a Satire than a Compliment, in this respect, that

esence. However, if this was a Fault, it is arrogant for any of his Subjects to object to it, since it would look like defying such a piece of Indulgence. He must in some degree loosen the Strength of his Wit, by his Condescension to talk with Me

ents. Sharp and strong Wit will not always be so held in by Good-manners, as not to be a little troublesome in a Ruelle. But wherever Impertinence hath Wit en

Part, and perhaps not

ness, maketh them ready to be deceived by it: They are more ready to believe it a Homage paid

chewing the Pleasure, if another in his Sight should be just received as kindly, that Equality would presently alter the Relish: The Pride of Mankind will have Distinction; till at last it cometh to Smile for Smile, meaning nothing of either Side; without any kind of Ef

by their Example learned to use the same. A King of Spain that will say nothing but Tiendro cuydado, will, to the generality, preserve more Respect; an Engine that will speak but sometimes, at the same time that it will draw the Raillery of the Few who jud

im no Good, encouraged in it

s. As there is a Crown Law, there is a Crown Wit too. To use it with Reserve is very good, and very rare. There is a Dignity in doing things seldom, even without

s Talent, for it betrayeth a Man to forget to judge himself, by being so eager to censure others: This doth so misguide Men the first Part of their Lives,

himself at the time, and by sending his Thoughts abroad to get Food for Laughing, they are less at leisure

S, TEMPER,

Head, which appeared

tion, &c. This would m

rally have been more fi

not drawn them

s Business, I see no Reason why he might not have been a good deal Master of it. His Chain of Memory was longer than his Chain of Thought; the firs

to make it stop and turn. One might say of his Memory, that it was a Beauté Journaliere; Sometimes he would make shrewd Applications, &c. at others he would bring things out of it, that never deserved to be laid in it. He grew by Age into a pretty exact Distribution of his Hours, both for his B

nst the King; and in the Distinction, he leaned more to his natural Self, than his Character would allow. He would not suffer himself to be so much fettered by his Character

re a Defalcation, help a lame Accountant to get off, or side with the Farmers against the Improvement

there were those at Court who watched those Times, as the Spaniards do for the coming in of the Plate Fleet. The Beggars of both Sexes helped to empty his Cabinet, and to leave room in them for a new lading upon the next Oc

rich; and his spending was rather an Easiness in letting Money go, than any premeditated Thought for the Distrib

Eagerness to oblige, as he had to hurt Men; the Motive of his giving Bounties was rather to make Men less uneasy to him, than more easy to themselves; and yet no ill-nature all this while. He would slide from an asking Face, and could guess very well. It was throwing a Man off from his Shoulders, that leaned upon them with his whol

uality, or else a Philosopher in his private Capacity might say a great deal to justify it. The truth is, a King is to be such a distinct Creature from a Man, that their Thoughts are to be put in quite a differing Shape, and it is

ecially in the case of a Prince. Ease is seldom got without some pains, but it is yet seldomer kept without them. He th

on it that can never be quenched by golden Showers. It is not only still ready, but greedy to receive more. This King Charles found in as many Instances as any Prince that ever reigned, because the Easiness of Access introducing the good Success of their first Request, they were the more encouraged to r

bought. It must be born with Men, or else all the Obligations in the World will not create it. An outward Shew may be made to sa

fects that seldom fail to be most fatal. The immoderate Love of Ease maketh a Man's Mind pay a passi

ess to do a harsh one; but if a hard thing was done to another Man, he did not eat his Supper the worse for it. It was rather a Dead

of his Subjects make Severity so necessary, that by the frequent Occasions given to use it, it comes to be habitual, an

tues, as Affability, Easiness of Living, Inclinations to give, and to fo

ravation to study that, with as little Intermission as any Man in the World. He understood it very well, only in this he failed, that he thought it was more reconcilable wit

had in this Method, whilst he had Youth and Vigour to support him in it, encouraged him to continue it longer than Nature allowed. Age stealeth so insensibly upon us, that we do not think of suiting our way of Reasoning to the

3

BUR

out of the way. He disguised his Popery to the last. But when he talked freely, he could not help letting himself out against the liberty that under the Reformation all men took of enquiring into matters of religion: For from their enquiring into matters of religion they carried the humour farther, to enquire into matters of state. He said often, he thought government was a much safer and easier thing where the authority was believed infallible, and the faith and submission of the people was implicite: About which I had once much discourse with him. He was affable and easy, and loved to be made so by all about him. The great art of keeping him long was, the being easy, and the making every thing easy to him. He had made such observations on the French government, that he thought a King who might be checkt, or have his Ministers called to an account by a Parliament, was but a King in name. He had a great compass of knowledge, tho' he was never capable of much application or study. He understood the Mechanicks and Physick; and was a good Chymist, and

4

BUR

n to any of those projects, with which he often complained that his Chancellor persecuted him. That in which he seemed most concerned was, to find money for supporting his expence. And it was often said, that, if Cromwell would have compounded the matter, and have given him a good round pension, that he might have been induced to resign his title to him. During his exile he delivered himself so entirely to his pleasures, that he became incapable of application. He spent little of his time in reading or study, and yet less in thinking. And, in the state his affairs were then in, he accustomed himself to say to every person, and upon all occasions, that which he thought would please most: So that words or promises went very easily from him. And he had so ill an opinion of mankind, that he thought the great art of living and governing was, to manage all things and all persons with a depth of craft and dissimulation. And in that few men in the world could put on the appearances of sincerity better than he could: Under which so much artifice was usually hid, that in conclusion he could deceive none, for all were become mistrustful of him. He had great vices, but scarce any vertues to correct them: He had in him some vices that were less hurtful, which corrected his more hurtful ones. He was during the active part of life given up to sloth and lewdness to such a degree, that he hated business, and could not bear the engaging in any thing that gave him much trouble, or put him under any constraint. And, tho' he desired to become absolute, and to overturn both our religion and our laws, yet he would neither run the risque, nor give himself the trouble, which so great a design required. He had an appearance of gentleness in his outward deportment: But he seemed to have no bowels nor tenderness in his nature: And in the end of his life he became cruel. He was apt to forgive all crimes, even blood it self: Yet he never forgave any thing that was done agai

d his love of pleasures; his raising of favourites, and trusting them entirely; and his pulling them down, and hating them excessively; his art of covering deep designs, particularly of revenge, with an appearance of softness, brings them so near a likeness, that I did not wonder much to observe the resemblance of t

5

L OF CL

d Baron Hyde 1660, Earl of Clarend

09. Die

BUR

was always pressing the King to mind his affairs, but in vain. He was a good Chancellour, only a little too rough, but very impartial in the administration of justice. He never seemed to understand foreign affairs well: And yet he meddled too much in them. He had too much levity in his wit, and did not always observe the decorum of his post. He was high, and was apt to reject those who addressed themselves to him with too much

6

L OF LA

reated Duke 1672, Secretary o

16. Die

LARE

e these old inclinations, beinge a man of as much addresse, and insinuation, in which that nation excells, as was then amongst them. He applyed himselfe to those who were most trusted by the kinge with a marvellous importunity, and especially to the Chancellour, with whome as often as they had ever bene togither, he had a perpetuall warr. He now magnifyed his constancy with lowde elogiums as well to his face, as behinde his backe, remembred many sharpe exspressions formerly used by the Chancellour which he confessed had then made him mad, though upon recollection afterwards he had founde to be very reasonable. He was very polite in all his discources, called himselfe and his nation a thousand Traytors, and Rebells, and in his discourses frequently sayd, when I was a Traytour, or when I was in rebellion, and seemed not ?qually delighted with any argument, as when he skornefully spake of the Covenante, upon which he brake a hundred jests: in summ all his discourses were such, as pleased all the company, who commonly believed all he sayd, and concurred with him. He [renew]ed his o

7

BUR

t all the historians ancient and modern: So that he had great materials. He had with these an extraordinary memory, and a copious but unpolished expression. He was a man, as the Duke of Buckingham called him to me, of a blundering understanding. He was haughty beyond expression, abject to those he saw he must stoop to, but imperious to all others. He had a violence of passion that carried him often to fits like madness, in which he had no temper. If he took a thing wrong, it was a vain thing to study to convince him: That would rather provoke him to swear, he would never be of another mind: He was to be let alone: And perhaps he would have forgot what he had said, and come about of his own accord. He was the coldest friend and the violentest enemy I ever knew: I felt it too much not to know it. He at first seemed to despise wealth: But he delivered himself up afterwards to luxury and sensuality: And by that means he ran into a vast expence, and stuck at nothing that was necessary to support it. In his long imprisonment

8

OF SHAF

per, created Earl

21. Die

BUR

d he brought over so many to a submission to his opinion, that I never knew any man equal to him in the art of governing parties, and of making himself the head of them. He was as to religion a Deist at best: He had the dotage of Astrology in him to a high degree: He told me, that a Dutch doctor had from the stars foretold him the whole series of his life. But that which was before him, when he told me this, proved false, if he told me true: For he said, he was yet to be a greater man than he had been. He fancied, that after death our souls lived in stars. He had a general knowledge of the slighter parts of learning, but understood little to the bottom: So he triumphed in a rambling way of talking, but argued slightly when he was held close to any point. He had a wonderful faculty at opposing, and running things down; but had not the like force in building up. He had such an extravagant vanity in setting himself out, that it was very disagreeable. He pretended that Cromwell offered to make him King. He was indeed of grea

9

DRY

nds, more by thems

r, to which they

been Great, and t

ere harden'd i

Monarch's fat

Rebels, Kinsme

Pow'r and publi

f Bands ungrate

false Achitop

l succeeding

gns, and crook

old, and Tur

ixt in Princi

as'd, impatien

which workin

e Pigmy-Bo

rm'd the Ten

Pilot in

Danger, when th

Storms; but fo

nigh the Sands,

sure to Madne

tions do their

he, with Wealth

e the needful

which he cou

ife, yet Prod

ve, what with

er'd, two-legg'

Soul did huddle

apeless Lump,

false, impla

uine or to Ru

s, the Triple

f the Publick

srael for a

h Fear, yet stil

triot's All-

it proves in

eal to cancel

reason, and h

sin against th

n wink; and no

ers guilt they

erv'd, no Ene

e abhor, but pr

urts ne'r sat

rning Eyes, or

ught, the Wret

atch, and eas

n content to s

onely prope

nkness of the

that opprest

his tuneful H

d wanted one

ion loves to s

Ice prefers t

grown wear

me, and laz

Golden Fruit t

oud his Arm to

f Crimes, contr

ld Defiance wi

uckler of the

wn; and sculk'd

casion of the

nces finds, bu

missaries, f

uds, with Jealo

Counsels brou

e King himsel

! which yet he

ith People ea

by the Moon,

Track when she

nty Years, thei

tinct they cha

ill wants a C

fit as Warl

ish'd his Grea

ans neither l

new, his Titl

still dependi

w'r, thus ebbi

e Dregs of

0

E OF BU

iers, secon

28. Die

BUR

any design without spoiling it. He could never fix his thoughts, nor govern his estate, tho' then the greatest in England. He was bred about the King: And for many years he had a great ascendent over him: But he spake of him to all persons with that contempt, that at last he drew a lasting disgrace upon himself. And he at length ruined both body and mind, fortune and reputation equally. The madness of vice appeared in his person in very eminent instances; since at last he became contemptible and poor, sickly, and sunk in his parts, as well as in all other respects, so that his conversation was as much avoided as ever it had been courted. He found the King, when he came from his travels

1

DRY

hiefs were Prin

ank of these d

ious, that h

t all Manki

ions, always

g by starts, a

ourse of one

dler, States-Ma

en, Painting, Rh

sand Freaks that

who coud eve

g New to wish

aising were hi

hew his Judgme

olent, or

, with him, wa

Wealth was his

unrewarded,

s, whom still he

st, and they

lf from Court; t

ties, but coul

him, the weight

and wise

ut in Will, of

ction, but of

2

QUIS OF

and Viscount Halifax 1668, Earl of H

33. Die

BUR

he never read an atheistical book. In a fit of sickness, I knew him very much touched with a sense of religion. I was then often with him. He seemed full of good purposes: But they went off with his sickness. He was always talking of morality and friendship. He was punctual in all payments, and just in all his private dealings. But, with relation to the publick, he went backwards and forwards, and changed sides so often, that in conclusion no side trusted him. He seemed full of Common-wealth notions: Yet he went into the worst part of King Charles's reign. The liveliness of his imagination was always too hard for his judgment. A severe jest was preferred by him to all arguments whatsoever. And he was endless in consultations: For when after much discourse a point was settled, if he could find a new jest, to make even

3

MUND S

Justice 168

GER N

r that he took in Business, and earned some Pence by Hackney-writing. And thus, by degrees, he pushed his Faculties, and fell to Forms, and, by Books that were lent him, became an exquisite entering Clerk; and, by the same course of Improvement of himself, an able Counsel, first in special Pleading, then, at large. And, after he was called to the Bar, had Practice, in the King's Bench Court, equal with any there. As to his Person, he was very corpulent and beastly; a mere Lump of morbid Flesh. He used to say, by his Troggs, (such an humourous Way of talking he affected) none could say be wanted Issue of his Body, for he had nine in his Back. He was a fetid Mass, that offended his Neighbours at the Bar in the sharpest Deg

him. But Hales could not bear his Irregularity of Life; and for that, and Suspicion of his Tricks, used to bear hard upon him in the Court. But no ill Usage from the Bench was too hard for his Hold of Business, being such as scarce any could do but himself. With all this, he had a Goodness of Nature and Disposition in so great a Degree that he may be deservedly styled a Philanthrope. He was a very Silenus to the Boys, as, in this Place, I may term the Students of the Law, to make them merry whenever they had a Mind to it. He had nothing of rigid or austere in him. If any, near him at the Bar, grumbled at his Stench, he ever c

hip had no sort of Conversation with him, but in the Way of Business, and at the Bar; but once, after he was in the King's Business, he dined with his Lordship, and no more. And then he shewed another Qualification he had acquired, and that was to play Jigs upon an Harpsichord; having taught himself with the Opportunity of an old Virginal of his Landlady's; but in such a Manner, not for Defect but Figure, as to see him were a Jest. The King, observing him to be of a free Disposition, Loyal, Friendly, and without Greediness or Guile, thought of him to be the Chief Justice of the King's Bench at that nice Time. And the Ministry could not but approve of it. So great a Weight was then at stake, as could not be trusted to Men of doubtful Princip

4

UPS OF

HICHCOTE (1609-83), Pro

CUDWORTH (1617-88), M

hrist's College, 1654.

ge, Oxford, 1648; Mast

of Chester, 1668. HENR

Cambridge, 1639. JOHN

us College, C

1689. SIMON PATRICK (1626-1707), Bishop of Chichester, 1689; Ely, 1691. WILLIAM LLOYD (1627-1717), Bishop of

BUR

his overset of wealth and pomp, that came on men in the decline of their parts and age, they, who were now growing into old age, became lazy and negligent in all the true concerns of the Church: They left preaching and writing to others, wh

, and Plotin, and on considering the Christian religion as a doctrine sent from God, both to elevate and sweeten humane nature, in which he was a great example, as well as a wise and kind instructer. Cudworth carried this on with a great strength of genius, and a vast compass of learning. He was a man of great conduct and prudence: Upon which his enemies did very falsly accuse him of craft and dissimulation. Wilkins was of Oxford, but removed to Cambridge. His first rise was in the Elector Palatine's family, when he was in England. Afterwards he married Cromwell's sister; but made no other use of that alliance, but to do good offices, and to cover the University from the sourness of Owen and Goodwin. At Cambridge he

of them set many on reading them. The impiety of them was acceptable to men of corrupt minds, which were but too much prepared to receive them by the extravagancies of the late times. So this set of men at Cambridge studied to assert, and examine the principles of religion and morality on clear grounds, and in a philosophical method. In this More led the way to many that came after him. Worihington was a man of eminent piety and great humility, and practised a most sublime way of self-denial and devotion. All these, and those who were formed under them, studied to examine farther into the nature of things than had been done formerly. They declared against superstition on the one hand, and enthusiasm on the other. They loved the constitution of the Church, and the Liturgy, and could well live under them: But they did not think it unlawful to live under another form. They wished that things might have been carried with more moderation. And they continued to keep a good correspondence with those who had differed from them in opinion, and allowed a great freedom both in philosophy and in divinity: From whenc

ous man in his function, of great strictness of life, but a little too severe against those who differed from him. But that was, when he thought their doctrines struck at the fundamentals of religion. He became afterwards more moderate. To these I shall add another divine, who, tho' of Oxford, yet as he was formed by Bishop Wilkins, so he went into most of their principles; but went far beyond them in learning. Lloyd was a great critick in the Greek and Latin authors, but chiefly in the Scriptures; of the words and phrases of which he carried the most perfect concordance in his memory, and had it the readiest about him, of all men that ever I knew. He was an exact historian, and the most punctual in chronology of all our divines. He had read the most books, and with the best judgment, and had made the most copious abstracts out of them, of any in this age: So that Wilkins used to say, he had the most learning in ready cash of any he ever knew. He was so exact in every thing he set about, that he never gave over any part of study, till he had quite mastered it. But when that was done, he went to another subject, and did not lay out his learning with the diligence with which he laid it in. He had many volumes of materials upon all subjects laid together in so distinct a method, that he could with very little labour write on any of them. He had more life in his imagination, and a truer judgment, than may seem consistent with such a laborious course of study. Yet, as much as he was set on learning, he had never neglected his pastoral care. For several years he had the greatest cure in England, St. Martins, which he took care of with an application and diligence beyond any about him; to whom he was an example, or rather a reproach, so few following his example. He was a holy, humble, and patient man, ever ready to do good when he saw a proper opportunity: Even his love of study did not divert him from that. He did upon his promotion find a very worthy successor in his cure, Tenison, who carried on and advanced all those good methods that he had begun in the management of that great cure. He endowed schools, set up a publick library, and kept many Curates to assist him in his indefatigable labours among them. He was a very learned man, and took much pains to state the notions and practices of heathenish idolatry, and so to fasten that charge on the Church of Rome. And, Whitehall lying within that parish, he stood as in the front of the battel all King James's reign; and maintained, as well as managed, that dangerou

5

ES

k. Succeeded Charles II 1685.

BUR

he authority of the Church, and of the tradition from the Apostles in support of Episcopacy: So that, when he came to observe that there was more reason to submit to the Catholick Church than to one particular Church, and that other traditions might be taken on her word, as well as Episcopacy was received among us, he thought the step was not great, but that it was very reasonable to go over to the Church of Rome: And Doctor Steward having taught him to believe a real but unconceivable presence of Christ in the Sacrament, he thought this went more than half way to transubstantiation. He said, that a Nun's advice to him to pray every day, that, if he was not in the right way, God would set him right, did make a great impression on him. But he never told me when or where he was reconciled. He suffered me to say a great deal to him on all these heads. I shewed the difference between submission and obedience in matters of order and indifferent things, and an implicite submission from the belief of infallibility. I also shewed him the difference between a speculation of a mode of Christ's presence, when it rested in an opinion, and an adoration founded on it: Tho' the opinion of such a presence was wrong, there was no great harm in that alone: But the adoration of an undue object was idolatry. He suffered me to talk much and often to him on these heads. But I plainly saw, it made no impression: And all that he seemed to intend by it was, to make use of me as an instrument to soften the aversion that people began to be possessed with to him. He was naturally eager and revengeful: And was against the taking off any that set up in an opposition to the measu

6

BUR

ion was so infused in him, and he was so managed in it by his Priests, that the Principles which Nature had laid in him, had little power over him, when the concerns of his Church stood in the way: He was a gentle Master, and was very easy to all who came near him: yet he was not so apt to pardon, as one ought to be, that is the Vicegerent of that God, who is slow to anger, and ready to forgive: He had no personal Vices but of one sort: He was still wandring from one Amour to another, yet he had a real sense of Sin, and was ashamed of it: But Priests know how to engage Princes more entirely into their interests, by making them compoun

O

ritain, Being the Life

o what passed from hi

. By Arthur Wilson, E

9-

ography, Observations of God's Providence in the Tract of my Life (first printed in Francis Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, 1735, Lib. XII, pp. 6-34), and of three plays, The Swisser (performed at Blackfriars, 1633, first printed in 1904, ed. Albert Feuillerat, from the MS. in the British Museum), The Corporall (perform

n saying which Puttenham in his Arte of English Poesie (ed. Arbe

lentie, plent

rrell, and quarr

spoile, and s

ience, and p

warre, and war

nteenth century. Compare the beginning of Swift's Battle of the Books, and see

Sir A.W. being an eye, and eare witnesse. Qui nescit dissi

, when there were added to it 'The Court of King Charles' and 'Observations (instead of a Character) upon this King, from his Childe-hood'. Both ed

side of the parliament in the Civil War. The dedication to Lady Elizabeth Sidley (first printed in the second edition) states that the work 'treads too near the heeles of truth, and these Times, to appear in publick'. According to Anthony

kind, though of inferi

tastrophe of The Kingl

ancis Osborne's Tradi

1658. They were printe

he title The Secret H

lection which contains

The Fortun

was reprinted by itself in Morgan's Pboenix Britannicus, 1732, pp. 54-6; and it was incorporated in the edition o

article on Weldon's

Review, 1823,

, probably an allusion to the mu

tax is faulty:

e Roger Coke's Detection of the Court and Sta

ullity of marriage with Essex had been procured, married her in December 1613. Overbury, who had been Somerset's friend, opposed the projected marriage. On a trumped up charge of disobedience to the king he was in April 1613 committed to the Tower, wher

0 (see No. 7). To this 'most noble and incomparable paire of brethren' Heminge and Condell dedicated the First Folio of Shakespeare's plays, 1

lause, yet it proved a most infortunate match to him and his Posterity, and all Christendome, for all his Alliance with so many great Princes, which put on him aspiring thoughts, and was so ambitious as not to content himselfe with his hereditary patrimony of one of the greatest Princes in Germany; but must aspire to a Kingdome, beleeving that his great allyance would carry him through any enterprise, or bring him off with honour, in both which he failed; being cast out of his own Country with shame, and he and his, ever after, living upon the devotion o

of the year 1642, says that 'his courage and integrity were unquestionable' (ed. Macray, vol. ii, p

8-1652), baronet 1623, Baron Cottington, 1631. He

ours, which were'. The printer's substitution of 'His' for

ech of July 16, 1878, after the Congress of Berlin, 'Lord Salisbury and myself have brought you back

ament which met in February 1624 passed 'An Act for the generall quiett of the Subject agaynst all pretences of Conce

t would speak sleightly and despitefully of it, and those of the wisest of that Nation; yet there was a weekly commemoration by the Tuesday Sermon, and an anniversary Feast, as great as it was possible, for the Kings preserva

e wisest fool in Christendom'. Two volumes of the Mémoires of Maximilien de Béthune, Duc de Sully (1560-1641), appeared in 1638

asurers, see p. 21

Lake; Sir Robert Naunt

Edward Conway, Visc

Bacon; John Williams,

iralls, Charles Howar

f Buckingham: three Lo

tagu, Earl of Manchest

boro

ear 1623; he might have said 'three

ory, Bk. I, ed. 1702, vol. i, pp. 9-11, 2

terested in the remarkable career of this 'very extraordinary person'. Sir Henry Wotton's 'Observations by Way of Parallel' on the Earl of Essex and Buckingham had suggested to him his first character study, 'The Difference and Disparity' between them. (It is printed after the 'Parallel' in Reliqui? Wottonian?, and described i

. 5. See p

with Buckingham's unsuccessful journey to Spain

pon before, ed. Macray, v

story, Bk. I, ed. 1702, vol. i, pp.

ed in Wilson's History of Great Britain, pp. 196-7, and Fuller's Church-History of Britain, 1655, Bk. XI, pp. 225-8. His life by John Hacket, Scr

Portlande, Sir Richa

larendon's usual sp

tory, Bk. I, ed. 1702, vol. i, pp.

35. 'In short, it is only an Image of your Self, drawn by memory from such discourse as I have taken up here and there of your Lordship, among the most inte

ite staffe. 'The Thir

h Treasurer of England

f a White Staffe to

placito Regis' (Edwa

, 1674,

628) the friend and biographer of Sir Philip Sidney.

o English about this time, and in frequent us

of Esmé, third Duke of Lennox, married to Jerome W

istory, Bk. I, ed. 1702, vol. i, p

is ignorance on p. 30, ll. 25-7, 'wheras in truth he was only able to buy them, never to understande them.' Minor alterations are the new reading 'thought no part of History so considerable, as what related to his own Family' p. 30, l

ard, Arundel's grandson, afterwards sixth Duke of Norfolk, and the statues were reunited to them in 1755 by the gift of Henrietta Countess of Pomfret. As Clarendon's History was an

arshal's Court, which, as he says, 'never presumed to sit afterwards'. The account given in Clarendon's Life, ed. 1759, pp. 37-9, explains much in this character. Clarendon there says that Arundel 'did him the honour to detest and hate

View' of his life written by Sir Edward Walker (1612-77)

n, Mr. Selden, and the like. He was a great Master of Order and Ceremony, and knew and kept greater Distance towards his Sovereign than any Person I ever observed, and expected no less from his inferiours; often complaining that the too great Affability of the King, and the French Garb of the Court would bring MAJESTY into Contempt.... He was the greatest Favourer of Arts, especially Painting, Sculpture, Designs, Carving, Building and the like, that this Age hath produced; his Collection of Designs being more than of any Person living, and his Statues equal in Number, Value and Antiquity to those in the Houses of most Princes; to gain which, he had Persons many Years employed both in Italy, Greece, and so generally in any part of Europe where Rarities were to be had. His Paintings likewise were numerous and of the most excellent Masters, having more of that exquisite Painter Hans Holben than are in the World besides.... He was a Person of great and universal

Iselsteyne the 7th of June 1651'. It was first published in 1705

of Gilbert Talbot Earl of Shrewsbury, Grandchild of George Talbot Earl of Sh

story, Bk. I, ed. 1702, vol. i, pp.

es's reign, follows immediately after the unfriendly portrait of Arundel, the art

cated to him and his brother, the Earl of Montgomery, afterwards fourth Earl of Pembroke. See note, p. 4, l. 30. He was the patron of Ben Jonson, who dedicated to him his C

en a character of the

istory, ed. Macray,

s; Made Vpon Men and M

ted M.DC.XLI

aries. Yet it is little more than an exercise in free translation. Jonson has pieced together two passages in the C

ar fit imitator auctori. H?c natura est rei. Semper citra verit

n quo auditor sine damno aliud ageret. Omnia intenta aliquo, petentia. Nemo magis in sua potestate habuit audientium affectus. Verum est quod de illo dicit Gallio noster. C

took the words 'insolent Greece' ('insolenti Gr?

sentence of his Conversations with Drummond of Hawthornden: 'My Lord C

mes the First, 1

cause to fear the whole Body of this House hath bribed him [Prince Charles] to be a good Instrument for you upon all occasions: He doth so good Offices in a

sage here omitted is 'T

of the Lord

d Passeover, a good p

as Spanish

0

esus Christ, Untill the Year M.DC.XLVIII. Endeavou

1

nging into Publick Li

orical, Philosophical,

t Honourable Francis

. According to the b

rdships Life. By Will

ps First, and Last, C

is late Maiesty

e of Bacon's literary remains. It runs to fourteen pages, unnumbered. Th

to absurd excess the methods which his Master adopted in the 1625 edition

od tentabam, &c. Ovi

2

ife, p. 48; Life

mong his contemporaries. This was written in 1668, after th

his, 'to ascribe muc

M'r Hyde, Cla

3

ar Letters, Partly Phi

Edition, with Addition

. (Letter XI

esented to Selden with an autograph dedication: 'Ex dono Authoris ... Opusculum hoc honoris erg? mittitur, Archiuis suis reponendum. 3° non: Maij 1652.' The volume now repose

s was probably not a real letter written to his correspondent at the given date. But whenever, and in wha

o. Hawk. Sir Thomas H

des, 1625; hence 'you

Carew, the poet, one

xegi monumentum, Horace, Od. iii. 30. i. l. 10. O fortunatam, preserved in Q

4

is life. The manuscript is among the Shaftesbury papers in the Public Record Office, but at present (1918) has been temporarily withdrawn for greater safety, and is not available for ref

was reprinted in The Gentleman's Magazine for April 1754, pp. 160-1, and again in The Connoisseur, No. 81, August 14, 175

, clad in green cloth and holding a pike-staff in his right hand, is at St. Giles, the seat of th

'The eastern part of Dorsetshire had a bowling-green at Hanley, where the gentlemen went constantly once a week, though neither the green nor accommodat

1859, Second Series, vol. vii, p. 323, this is part of an old catch printed with the music in Pamm

a pudding i

rte lies

hould I

fellowes

, and canons printed in England', was brought out by

5

ry, Bk. XI, ed. 1704, vol. iii, pp. 1

, but Time had not dulled his feelings. 'But ther shall be only incerted the shorte character of his person, as it was found in the papers of that person whose life is heare described, who was so nerely trusted by him, and who had the greatest love for his person, and the greatest rev

erings. In a Sermon preached at Bredah, Before his Sacred Majesty King Charls The Second, And the Princess of Orange. B

ch, substituted in MS.

ate or Bates, principal physician to Charles I and II; England's black Tribunal

ted by that people. H

tutor of James. Patrick

, was Royal

leton. Cf.

6

of King Charles I. Wi

ing Charles II. By Sir

ginal Manuscript. With

1701. (p

om the dunghill of this world, I shall meet King Charles, and all those faithfull spirits, that had virtue enough to be true to him, the Church, and the Laws unto t

. Sir Henry Va

lowance for exp

cred Majesty truly suffering, though not solely, and supported in [Greek: EIKON AKLASTOS], in [Greek: EIKON AE PISTAE], and in The Princely Pellican, all published in 1649. The weight of evidence is now strongly in favour of the authorship of John Gauden (1605-62), bishop of Exeter at the Re

el-hatted, clear-starched, immaculate falsity and cant I have ever read. It is to me an amazement how any mortal could ever have taken that for a genuine book of King Charles's. Nothing but a surplic

old. His Threnodia Carolina, reminiscences of Charles's captivity, was published in 1702 under the title, Memoirs of the Two last Years of the Reign of that unparalleled Prince, of ever Blessed Me

milton, 1677, his first historical work, appeared while Warwick was writing his Mémoires of Charles. It attracted great attention, as its account of recent events was furnished with authentic documents. 'It

verbs 29. 15, and Ecclesiasticus 4. 17 and 34. 9;

fessor of Divinity at Oxford, 1642, Bishop of L

2), created Baron Carleton, 1626, and Viscoun

, see pp. 71-97; Sec

fe of Alexander the Great; openi

Pharisees said against Christ himself, in the eleventh of Iohn, If we let him alone, all men will beleeve on him, Et venient Romani, and the Romanes will come and take away both our place and the Nation. Here was a causelesse cry against Christ that the Romans would come, and see how just the Iudgement of God was, they crucified Christ for feare least the Romans should come,

e dedication to Louis XIII Grotius says: 'Pert?sos discordiarum animos excitat in hanc spem recens contracta inter te & sapie

7

ry, Bk. III, ed. 1702, vol. i, pp. 2

nd wit enough, but in his disposition and inclination so false that he could never be believed or depended upon. His particular malice to the earl of Strafford, which he had sucked in with his milk, (there having always been a

'r Harry Vane. Se

cordes, Life of Sy

8

gne of King Charles

o 59 (Clarendon, ed. Macray, vol. i, p. 306; Rushworth, Historical Collections, third part, vol. i, 1692, p. 225). The names of the minority were posted up at Wes

9

ory, Bk. VI, ed. 1703, vol. ii, pp.

uali. The source of this q

s sett up, at Nottingh

e, cousin of Sir Fulke Greville, first Baron (p. 23,

Mémoires, pp. 255-7: 'This may be said of him, that he faithfully served his Master, living and dead; for he left

0

tory, Bk. VII, ed. 1703, vol. ii, pp.

eparated in the History, they are here placed together as companion p

e Maurice care was not taken 'to observe those articles which had been made upon the surrender of the towns; which the earl of Carnarvon (who was full of honour and

1

tory, Bk. VII, ed. 1703, vol. ii, pp. 2

n as well as by wealth of detail. He was aware that the earlier character was out of scale in a history, but he would not condense it. He even thought of working it up into a book by itself, wherein he

of whom in its place I intend to speak largely, conceiving it to be so far from an indecorum, that the preservation of the fame and merit of persons, and deriving the same to posterity, is no le

ur most elegant and political commemoration of him, and from hints there, thinking it necessary to say somewhat for his vindication in such particulars as may possibly have made impression in good men, it may be I have insisted longer upon the argument than may be agreeable to the rules to be observed in such a work; though it be not much longer than Livy is in recollecting the virtues of one of the Scipios after his death. I wish it were with you, that you might read it; for if you thought it unproportionable for the place where

. Turpe mori.

Tanfield, Chief Baron of the Exchequer. H

her, Henry Carey, first Viscount, was Lord Deputy of Irela

Oxford; inherited from Sir Lawrence Tanfield. The h

large discource' may be this Reply. Or it may be his Answer to a Letter of Mr. Mountague, justifying his change of Religion, being dispersed in many Copies. Both of these were first published, along with the Infallibilitie, in 1651, under the editorship of Dr. Thomas Triplet, tutor of the third Viscount, to whom the volume is dedicated. The dedication is in effect a character of Falkland, and dwells in particu

he Isle of Wight in The Short Parliam

f the Household before his appointment as

notice of the business of ship-money, and very sharply mentioned the lord Finch as the principal promoter of it, and that, being then a sworn judge of the law, he had not only given his own judgement ag

aud semper, Tacit

blica Platonis, Cicero,

i.e. his av

ryship: 'It was a very difficult task to Mr. Hyde, who had most credit with him, to persuade him to submit to this purpose of the King cheerfully, and with a just sense of the obligation, by promising that in those parts of

n tanto viro, Tac

next labouring to make it such, as the harme had not beene much if it had beene depressed, the most frequent subjects even in the most sacred auditories, being the Jus divinum of Bishops and tithes, the sacrednesse of the clergie, the sacriledge of impropriations, the demolishing of puritanisme and propriety, the building of the prerogative at Pauls, the introduction of such doctrines, as, admitting them true, the truth would not recompence the scandall; or of such as were so far false, that, as Sir Thomas More sayes of the Casuists, their businesse w

23-6. See p.

Northern Expedition against the Scots', 1639,

arge, O North;

s her Falkland

: Learning woul

or her Vatic

are but writ o

ded Breast en

also of Waller's 'To

uctu, Tacitus,

November 24, 1642, after the battle at Br

ersus malos, Tacit

the House resolved that Colonel Goring 'deserved very well of the Commonwealth, and of this House',

aised by the Earl of Essex on September 8, 1643. Clarendon had described

had beat our foot out of the close, and was drawne up near the hedge; I went to view, and as I was giving orders for making the gap wide enough, my horse was shott in the throat with a musket bullet and his bit broken in his mouth so that I was forc

on of it, answered, that if he were slain in the Battle, they should not find, his body in foul Linnen. Being diswaded by his friends to goe into the fight, as having no call to it, and being no Military Officer, he said

2

, pp. 51-4; Life, e

younger days, amid the

s overwhelmed in

20. he, i.

30) and Burford, where Falkland was born. He sold Burford in 1634 to

is friendship with her brother Henry is celebrated in an ode by Ben Jonson, 'To the immortall memorie

he MS. The syntax is confus

ishop of Canterbury, 1663; Chancellor of the University

97-1684), Bishop

1605-60), chapl

n and Morley in his Life. For his characters o

11. See note

. 3. Cf. p

ley gives his verses the highest praise in his address to him on the Northern Expeditio

te so gone w

almost forgo

e truth (and Apo

en both his Prie

cted and edited by A

3

ife, p. 55; Life

longer and more elaborate description of his friend. Clarendon wrote

y small a body. He is

kling's Sessio

as member for Helst

ft 'the ignominy of his death upon a place which could never ot

4

ory, Bk. I, ed. 1702, vol. i, pp. 69

given supplement each other. The

and reviled Popery, and valued those men most who did that most furiously': 'if men prudently forbore a public reviling and railing at the hierarchy and ecclesiastical government, let their opinions and private practice be

y who had studied more, and were better versed in the antiquities of the Church, the Fathers, the Councils, and the ecclesiastical histories, with the same heat and passion in preaching and writing, defended the contrary. But because in the late dispute in the Dutch churches, those opinions

5

of Britain, 1648,

rbury College was foun

p of Canterbury. It wa

dation, and so 'lost

the Canterbu

F., i.e. Lord Falkland

6

e of King Charles I,

nsed it by fire. Perh

Mirabilis, 16

es peep't in, a

uties of the

was prophan'd

t fit to have it

e original; perhaps but

7

, 1701,

Portland, Sir Richa

staff, see p.

8

ory, Bk. IV, ed. 1702, vol. i, pp. 3

on's History. The others, in Bk. VI (MS. Life) ed. Macray, i

f the Earl of Darnley. She died a prisoner in the Tower; he escaped to France, but after her death was allowed to return to England in 1616. He succeeded his

e Earl of Newcastle. He was then in his fifty-third year. In the following month he was made a Ma

lip, but 'attack' and 'attach' are ultimately the same word; cf. Italian attaccare. Th

9

, Transcript, vol. iv,

i, pp. 391-3; ed. Macr

III is lost. The text is taken from the t

army in the North. He showed little military talent, though he was far from devoid of personal courage; and he escaped from the conflict, weary and despondent, when other men

ut of holes, but in pitched Fields determined their Doubts'. Fairfax replied by expressing his readiness to fight but refusing to follow 'the Rules of Amadis de Gaule, or the Kni

ntick spirit, and had the misfortune to have somewhat of the Poet in him; so as he chose Sir William Davenant, an eminent good Poet, and loyall Gentleman, to be Lieutenant-Generall of his Ordnance. This inclination of his own

Newcastle', as Charles Lamb calls her-was published in 1667. The edition by C.H. Firth, 1886, contains

disastrous battle of Marston Moor (July 2, 1644) without waiting for reinforcements. In this battle Newcastle was not in command but fought

but printed in French at Antwerp in 1658, and A New Method and Extraordinary Invention to Dress Horses, 1667. The former was dedicat

or of the Prince from 1638 to

e King at the end of June 1642 'by his lordship's great interest in those parts, the ready compliance o

yalist forces in Yorkshire, but was 'in his nature inactive, and utterly inexperienced'. He w

s last, Ma

the nature of his History would allow: 'you will find the Marquis of Newcastle a very lamentable man and as fit to be a

weden, and returned to this country in 1640. He left it with Newcastle after Marston Moor. He entirely disapproved of Rupert's plans for the battle;

0

y, Bk. IV, ed. 1702, vol. i, pp. 27

werable, which he still charged upon second causes, for which he could not be accountable' (vol. iv, p. 122). 'He was a person of so rare a composition by nature and by art, (for nature alone could never have reached to it,) that he was so far from being ever dismayed by any misfortune, (and greater variety of misfortunes never befell any man,) that he quickly recollected himself so vigo

ther three, Sir John

land; and

released in July, for striking Mr. Crofts in Spring Garden, within the precincts of

to himself; but his son the Lord Digby, a very handsome young man of great courage and learning and of a quick wit, began to show himself to the world and gave

during the lifetime of

ve Members', January 3 and 4, 1642. Compare Clarendon, vol. i, p. 485: 'And all this was

1

. 25 (or 597); History, Bk. XI, ed. 1704, vol.

rying out the sentence of death, March 8, 1649. Clarendon had briefly described Cromwell's speech: 'Cromwell, who had known him very well, spake so much good of him, and professed to have so much kindness and respect for him, that all men thought he was now saf

vember 1626, Elizabeth,

, Hertfordshire, and gr

daughter Theodosia was

f Clar

a reference to Lord Hopton's command of

2

, Bk. VIII, ed. 1703, vol. ii, pp. 4

the History. In this passage Clarendon sums up shortly what he says

ncils, even when the experience and wisdom of the councillors individually may not promise the right

hen he was in one of his jovial exercises; which he received with mirth, and slighting those who sent them, as men who took alarms too warmly; and he continued his delights till all the enemy's horse were passed through his quarters, nor did then pursue them in any time' (vol. iii, p. 403; cf. p. 391)

3

tory, Bk. VII, ed. 1704, vol. ii, pp.

am careful to do justice', he claimed, 'to every man who hath fallen in the quarrel, on which side soever, as you will find by what I have said of Mr. Hambde

Church he was 'employ'd to interpolate and alter the Original', and specially mentioned this sentence as having been 'foisted in'; and the story was given a prominent place by Oldmixon in his History of England, during the Reigns of the Royal House of Stuart (see Letters of Thomas Burnat to George Duckett, ed. Nichol Smith, 1914, p. xx). A controversy ensued, the final contribution to w

ubtillest, speaker of any man in the House; and had a dexterity, when a question was going to be put, which agreed not with h

Warwick says that 'his blood in its temper was acri

that was at Oxforde

1643: Clarendon,

ro, Orat. in Catilinam iii. 7

4

tory, Bk. VII, ed. 1703, vol. ii, pp.

achment as the character of Hampden. Clarendon

ttested under the Hands of his Physicians, Chyrurgions, and Apothecary', from which it appears that he died of

ember for Tavis

hn (1603-42), Solicitor-Genera

Cf. p. 129

uch more good-nature than any of the others. And therefore the King, resolving to do his business with that party by him, resolved to make him Lord High Treasurer of England, in the place of the Bishop of London, who was as willing to lay down the office as any body was to take it up; and, to g

4-5), a journal of the Court party published at Oxford (hence the title), and the successor of th

e last Summer, i.e. be

vol. iii, pp.

died on December 8, 1

ster Abbey, whence his

orat

5

r 570); History, ed. 1704, vol. iii, pp

Cromwell as Clarendon remembered him before he had risen to his full power. He was then in Clarendon's eyes preeminently a dissembler-'the greatest dissembler living'. The other character views him in the light of his complete achievement. It represents him, with all his wic

Clarendon's re

her, Elizabeth Cromwell, was t

odell, i.e. the New Mo

.H. Firth's Cromwell'

enerall, the Earl o

6

, Bk. XV, ed. 1704, vol. iii, pp. 505-6,

, xvii. 39 'Is igitur vir, quem ne inimicus quidem satis

eum, Velleius Pa

2. Machiavelli, T

st which Damnation is denounced, and for which Hell-fire is prepared, so he had some good Qualities which have cause

7

gne of King Charles

s petition was presented by Cromwell on November 9, 1640, and referred to a Committee; and on May 4, 1641, the House resolved 'That the Sentence of the Star-Chamber, given against J

on suspicion of plotting against

8

tate Papers of John T

h, 1742, vo

rop, esq; governor of the colony of Connecticut in N

as Cromwel

9

r, Mr. Richard Baxter'

his Life and Times. Fa

cript, By Matthew Sylv

Part I, p

arefully balanced estimate by one who had been a chaplain in the Parliamentary army, but

arried Cromwell's sister) and James Berry in the Dictionary of National Biography. 'Who Captain Ayres was it is difficult to say ... He left the regiment about June 1644, and his troop was given to James Berry ... the captain-lieutenant of Cromwell's own troop'. (R.

' (No. 51) is quoted in the margin in the edition of 1696

essay 'Of Simulation and Dissimulation'. Brackets

0

an?, 1696, Lib.

and danger, but of a very common understanding in all other affairs, and of a worse elocution; and so a most fit tool for Mr. Cromwel to work with' (Mémoires, p. 246). Clarendon alludes to him as

ame in armes thr

th with envy, or

hak'n vertue

ry ho

er task awai

r, but endless w

Right from Vio

cleard from the

d. In vain dot

, & Rapine sh

the affairs of the nation. But Fairfax was not a politician. He broke with Cromwell over the execution of the king, and in July 1650 retired int

liamentary leaders in his Pro Populo Anglicano Defensio Secunda, 1654. As a specimen of a

talium vincit, gloriam quoque vicisti; tuisque virtutibus & pr?clare factis, jucundissimum & gloriosissimum per otium frueris, quod est laborum omnium & humanarum actionum vel maximarum finis; qualique otio cum antiqui Heroes, post bella & decora tuis haud majora, fruerentur, qui eos laudare conati sunt poet?, desperabant se posse alia ratione id quale esset digne describere,

lf-denying Ordinance,

ices, civil and militar

l 3,

his father as third

e p. 118,

1

y, Bk. III, ed. 1702, vol. i, pp. 1

abinet (who was Secretary of State) which was the chief Means of his Condemnation: To most of our Changes he was that within the House, which Cromwell was without. His great Zeal to drive all into War, and to the highest, and to cherish the Sectaries, and especially in the Army, made him above all Men to be valued by that Party ... When Cromwell had served himself by him as his surest Friend, as long as he co

acter of religion; in which he had swallowed some of the fancies and extravagances of every sect or faction, and was become (which cannot be expressed by any other language than was peculiar to that time) a man ab

yeares, but in sage counsell old'

es to

powre & civill,

hou 'hast learnt,

either sword t

y firme hand r

eck'ns thee h

e's views about Churc

and the sonnet was w

broke w

, June 14, 1662, and B

smund Airy, vol

ll, of which Vane was a Gentleman Commoner; but he did not matric

1632; he had been in the train of

rnor of Massachusetts in March 1636 and held the post for one year, being defe

Island, is dated March 14, 164-3/4; Calendar of Colonial State Papers, 1574-1660, p. 325. The code of laws adopted there in 1647 declares "sith our charter gives us power to govern ou

married Frances, daug

Ashby, Li

rer of the Navy in January 1639, a

ays that the elder Vane's 'malice to the Earl of Strafford (who had unwisely provoked him, wanto

2

ife, p. 249 (second paragraph); History, Bk. VII, ed.

the manuscript of his earlier work when he dovetailed

ich cleared and removed more doubts than the Assembly had done), it stuck very few hours with both Houses; but being at once judged convenient and lawful, the Lords and Co

3

by His Widow Lucy, Daughter of Sir Allen Apsley, Lieutenant of the Tower, &c. Now first publ

authoritative text. It has been many times reprinted. It was edited with in

e written by his widow as a consolation to herself and for the instruction of her children. To 'such of you as have not seene

, 46,

ory, Bk. VI, ed. 1703, vol. ii, pp. 1

f his 'view of those persons who were of the King's Council, and had deserted his service, and stayed in the Parliament to

roof of Clarendon's skill in portraiture

y, the great minister of Elizabeth; his father was Robert Cecil (1563-1612),

was member for King

ire in 165

is, &c. Seneca, De Be

fullest persons I have in my time met with," writes his pious daughter-in-law (Autobiography of Lady Warwick, ed. Croker, p. 27). Edmund Calamy, however, in his sermon at Warwick's funeral, enlarges on his zeal for religion; and Warwick's publi

al spelling of Rendezvous in the seventeenth century. The wor

h by Clarendon, vol. ii, pp. 19-22, 216-23. Warwick w

xamination of all the authorities for the story of the expulsion will be fo

s youngest daughter, in November 1657, but died in the followin

ne, on the occasion of t

p on April 2, 1645, the day before t

mothers being sisters. He married his second wife in 16

Manchester, 1628. By the favour of Buckingham he had been made Lord Treasurer in 1620, but within a year was deprived of the office an

bed by Clarendon as 'the two pillars of

accused with the five

ry 3, 1642. Cf

aginable against Cromwell' (vol. iv, p. 245). He lived in retirement during the Commonw

aracter in Warwick's Mémoires, pp. 246-7. Burnet, speaking of him in his later years, describes him as 'A man of

9. See Clarendon

kingdome. This was

m about Say's descent, though he shared his dislike of Say

34, l. 3. After the King's execution he took little part in public affairs, but

given, and deals mainly with his ecclesiastical politics (vol. i, p. 241). He was thought

her on that Side, which was contrary to the Wind; so that he seldome tackt about or went upright, though he kept his Course steady in his owne way a long time: yet it appeared afterwards, when the harshnesse of the humour was a little a

9

fe, pp. 48-9: Lif

t excellent men in their several kinds that lived in that age, by whose learning and information and instruction he formed his studies, and mended his understanding, and by whose gentleness and

s Table-Talk, a collection of the 'excellent things that usually fell f

M'r Hyde, i.e. C

spelling, showing Clarend

ber for Oxford durin

ade a journey to York, or have lain out of his own bed, for any preferment, which he had never affected. Compare also Aubrey's Brief Lives, ed. A

0

fe, p. 57; Life,

offend him, because it is such a trifle as ought not to be concealed from posterity, or those that now live, and yet know him not,) that since Mr. Hooker died, none have lived whom God hath blesse

ienses, ed. Bliss, v

rle of Pembroke, th

6-1641: see p.

itty and sharpe discourses' are his Micro-cosm

72, ll. 29 ff., an

es in 1641. His 'lodginge in the court' as chaplain t

1

e, pp. 57-8; Life,

uce it much better treated of in Shakespeare'. This remark was first given in print in Dryden's essay Of Dramatick Poesie, 1668, and was repeated in varying forms in Nahum Tate's Dedication to the Loyal General, 1680, Charles Gildon's Reflections on Mr. Rymer's Short View

le known scholar was held by all his friends. The best companion to it is the life by Wood, Athen

etters to Sir Dudley Carlton (cf. p. 58, l. 20) reporting the proceedings of the Synod of Dort, run from November 24, 1618, to F

'had borne all the labour' of this great edition, he can only mean that Hales had given his assistance at all stages of its production. In Brodrick's Memorials of Merton College, p. 70, it is stated that

g's Fragmenta Aurea, which was manifestly addressed to H

e lines do f

clearing

w 'tis

estride the Co

Town; 'tis

broad, that

me learned me

s are not y

day as much

ll Windsor

e Poets, 'Hales set by himse

e, and put good of his own in the room of it to pay to others. Insomuch that sometimes he has thrown into the River 20 and 3

500_l_.) to Cornelius Bee of London, Bookseller, for 700_l_. only'. But Wood also says that he might be styled 'a walking Library'.

tood by the side of,

in 1642, and was frequently reissued. It was written apparently about 1636, an

2

, pp. 58-9; Life, e

ure in the disputatiousness which could be irritating, the intellectual vanity, the irresolution that came from too great subtlety. Chillingworth was always 'his own convert'; 'his only unhappiness proceede

pare the character of Go

ary, Edward Knott (1582-165

65): see Wood's Athen? Oxonienses,

sault the City between the South and West Gates; They ran upon Cart-Wheels, with a Blind of Planks Musquet-proof, and holes for four Musqueteers to play out of, placed upon the Axle-tree to defend the Musqueteers and those that thrust it forwards, and carrying a Bridge before it; the Wheels were to fall into the Ditch, and the end of

ers for his advice in military affaires there, and they curst that little priest and imputed the losse of the castle to his advice'. (Brief Lives, ed. A. Clark, vol. i, p. 172). The chief actor in the final persecution was Francis Cheynell (1608-65), afterwards intruded President of St. John's Colle

3

e, p. 55; Life, ed

of 'Waller's plot', the purpose of which was to hold the city for the king, his inefficiency in any action but what was directed to his own safety and advancement, and his subsequent relations with Cromwell, definitely estranged them. To Clarendon, Waller is the time-server whose pleasing

erned to say that which should make him be applauded. But he never laid the business of the House to heart, being a vain and empty, tho' a

rom his father, which must have been largely increased during his long minority, has been variously estimated at from ￡2,000 to ￡3,500 a year; adding to this the amount which he received with Miss Bankes, said to have been about ￡

ted Baron Crofts of Saxham in 1658 at Brussels.

ly. See p. 92

nd was the centre. If the introduction took place, as is probable, about 1635, this is the explanation of Clarendon's 'neere thirty yeeres of age'. But some of his poems must have been written much earlier. What is presumably his earliest piece

ent in 1621, at the age of sixteen, as member fo

happy Return' was inferior to his Panegyric 'Upon the Death of the Lord Protector'-'Poets, Sir, succeed better in fiction than in truth' (quo

4

s to Church and State, In Mr. Hobbes's Book, Entitled Levia

ion. But in answering the Leviathan, Clarendon thought it well to state by way of introduction that he was on friendly terms with the author, and the passage here quoted from his account of their relations

t this time and earlier, on the false assu

5

S. Aubrey 9, foll.

ipt, now in the Bodleian Library. The complete life is printed in Brief

ng these minutes of lives tumultuarily, as they occur'd to my thoughts or as occasionally I had information of them.... 'Tis a taske that I never thought to have undertaken till you imposed it upon me.' Independently of Wood, Aubrey had collected material for a life

made. The difficulty of giving a true representation of them in print is increased by Aubrey's habit of inserting above the line alternatives to words or phrases witho

of Aubrey's 'Brief Lives', but it does not differ from the others in m

of the Greatnesse of Cities, the other two I have now forgott' (ed. A. Clark, vol. i, p. 83). On the evidence of style, Aldis Wright thought that the other two essays translated by Hobbes were 'Of Simul

inherited from his father. Aubrey described it in a long digression 'for th

nguished as a mining engineer and metallurgist: se

or i., a common form

rote the music for Comus, and to whom

neful and well

ur English Mus

just note a

thou shalt be

aire couldst humo

n 1648; his Ayres and Dialogues for One, Two, and Th

6

end Divine, and Learne

don, 1661.

t time reprinted in 1845 by way of introduction to J.S. Brewer's edition of Fuller's Chur

ly later: 'He was of a middle stature; strong sett; curled haire; a very working head, in so much that, walking and meditating before dinner, he would eate-up a penny loafe, not knowing that he did it. H

ct walking Library, Comp

.' He condemned the 'artificiall rules which at this day are delivered by Memory-mountebanks'. His great rule was 'Marshall thy notions into a hands

7

, MS. Aubrey 8 f

ons as 'X'ts coll:' and 'da:' for daughter being expanded. For th

on. We have again to be conte

's College, Cambridge,

1625, age

braham Clarke, left Dublin for London during the troubles in Ireland under James II: see Masson's Life of Milton, vol. vi,

Litera Canina. See

ina littera'; and comp

Dogs Letter, and hu

mmé Miltonius qui s'est rendu plus infame par ses dangereux écrits que les bourreaux et les assassins de leur roi'. This was written in 1663, and Cominges kne

nusquam. Ovid,

November 8: see Masson, Life

8

and Republicks of Europe. From the Year 1649 Till the Year 1659. To which is

Milton's sister, and was educated by him. Unfortunately he failed to take proper advantage of his great opportunity. The Life is valuable for some of its details, but as a whole

9

d Remarks on Milton'

nd Son. With the Lif

By J.R. Sen. London:

c; c

tandard works till the time of Reynolds. His book on Milton was an excursion late in life, with the assistance of his son, into another field of criticism. His introductory life of Milton (pp. i-cxliii) is a substan

ward Millington's place

in 1670; from Michaelm

n' (see Arber's Term C

680 that he turned auct

ndon publishing. 'The

wice, Thrice", as can

d Errors of John Dunto

t Cambrid

binson (d. 1748), physician to

r Bendish, Cromwell's granddaughter: see Letters of Joh

), Secretary of State under

emeditated verse', P

0

ham Cowley. Consistin

Those which he Desig

uthors Original Copies

says, in Verse and Pros

They were first published posthumously in the collected edition of 1668, under the superintendence of Thomas Sprat (see No. 61). This edition,

1. at School,

ley was then aged eighteen. The first stanza contains three new readings, 'The unkn

out of Horace, Od

in the 'Errata' (printed on a slip that is pasted in at the conclusion of Cowley's first preface). The edition of 1669 substitutes

nd graduated M.A. in 1643. He was ejected in the following year as a result of the Earl of Manchester's commission to enforce the solemn League

rs ... Hyssop.

to Jermyn, Cowley 'cyphcr'd and decypher'd with his own hand, the greatest part of all the Letters that passed between their Majesties, and managed a vast Intelligence in many other parts: which for som

ng lines of 'The Wish', included in T

ftie, Memorials of the Savoy, 1878, pp. 145 ff., and Wood, Fasti Oxonienses, ed. Bliss, part I, col. 494. In the Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, 1661-2, p. 210, there is the statement of the case of Abraham Cowley, 'showing that the place may be held by a person not a

tled 'Destinie', Pindarique Odes, 165

s perdi, edd. 1668, 1669, A Corpus perd

1. St. Luke

Chertsea [April 1665], he fell into another consuming Disease. Having languish'd under this for some months, he seem'd to be pretty well cur'd of its ill Symptomes. But in the heat of the last Summer [1667], by staying too long amongst his Laborers in the Medows, he was taken with a violent Defluxion, and Stoppage in his Breast, and Throat. This he at

Horace, Odes,

e not in his collected Latin poems. Compare Virgil, Georgics, ii. 485-6. 'Sy

1

am Cowley, 1668.-'An A

Abraham Cowley'.

advantage to our Nation'. Unfortunately the ethical bias has injured the biography. In Johnson's words, 'his zeal of friendship, or ambition of eloquence, has produced a funeral oration rather than a history: he has given the character, not the life of Cowley; for he writes with so little detail that scarcely any thing is distinctly known, but all is shewn confused and enlarged through the mist of panegyrick.' Similarly Coleridge asks 'What literary man has not regretted the prudery of Sprat in refusing to let his friend Cowley appear in his slippers and dressing-gown?' (Biograp

s to twenty-four folio pages. The passage her

at first sight that Aubrey gives in his short note: 'A.C. discour

2

harles the Second: An

and Reflections. By G

. Londo

n'. It consists of seven parts: I. Of his Religion; II. His Dissimulation; III. His Amours, Mistresses, &c.; IV. His Conduct to his Ministers; V. Of his Wit and Conversation; VI. His Ta

y John Sheffield, Earl of Mulgrave, Duke of Buckingham, 'Printed from the Original Copy' in Miscellaneous Works Written by George, late Duke of Buckingham, ed. Tho. Brown, vol. ii, 1705, pp. 153-60, and w

x himself,

llusion to the Quarre

d prominence in Engla

m Temple's Essay upon

e Burnet, p. 223

o receive morning visitors in their bedrooms; hence ruelle, the passage by the sid

ndrá cuydado, 'care will be taken', 'the matter will have attention': compare Cortes de

'a lover of the sea, and skilful in shipping; not affecting other studies, yet he had a laboratory and knew of many empirical medicines, and the easier mechanical mathematics.' Also, Buckingham, ed. 1705, p. 155: 'the great and almost only pleasure of Mind he seem'd a

ers were coming to: 'There is a good, honest, able man, that I could name, that if your Majesty would employ, and command to see all things well executed, all things would soon be mended; and this is one

f. Compare Welwood

3

toration of King Charles II. to the Settlement of King Willia

y in 1702 he was prompted to recast his entire narrative on a method that confined the strictly autobiographical matter to a section by itself and as a whole assured greater dignity. The part dealing with the reign o

dited by Burnet's second son, Gilbert Burnet, then rector of East Barnet. The second volume was edited by his third son, Thomas Burnet, afterwards a Judge of the Court of

the British Museum, and in a fragment of Burnet's original manuscript in the Bodleian. The portions of this original version that differ

lume of representative selections, where the art of a writer is as much our concern as his matter, the preference must be given to what Burnet himself intended to be final. The extracts ar

4

f His Own Time. Vo

II are in striking agreement with t

. Compare Halifax,

Chancellor,

easons, I must interpret their meaning; which is a distaste, because his majesty was not pleased to be undone as his father was; and accordingly, since they failed to wound his person and authority, they fell to wounding his honour.' Buckingham says, 'He was an Illustrious Exception to a

. i, p. 539, for the particular reference.

Paris, the Fronde. See Cl

o well, that, not out of Flattery, but the Pleasure of hearing it, we seem'd Ignorant of what he had repeat

, Some Passages of the Life and Death Of the Right Honourable John Earl of Rochester, 1680; 'which', says Johnson, 'the critick ought to

152, which appeared twenty-four years before Burnet's History. But Welwood was indebted to Bu

5

of His Own Time.

. The main portions of Burnet's original sketch (1683) are therefore given here, partly

ice and doated on him beyond expression: he had been a sort of governor to him and had given him many lectures on the politics and was thought to assume and dictate too much ... But to pursue Clarendon's character: he was a man that knew England well, and was lawyer good enough to be an able chancellor, and was certainly a very incorrupt man. In all the king's foreign negotiations he meddled too much, for I have been told that he had not a right notion of foreign matters, but he could not be gained to serve the interests of other princes. Mr. Fouquet sent him over a present of 10,000 pounds after the king's restoration and assured him he would renew that every year, but though both the king and the duke advised him to take it he very worthily refused it. He took too much upon him and meddled in everything, which was his greatest error. He fell under the hatred of most of the cavaliers upon two accounts. The one was the act of indemnity which cut off all their hopes of repairing themselves of the estates of those that had been in the rebellion, but he said it was the offer of the indemnity that brought in the king and it was the observing of it that must keep him in, so he would never let that be touched, and many that had been

s, pp. 196-8; compare also Pepys's Diary, October 13, 1666,

6

p. 638-9; Continuation

endon, ed. 1

released from Windsor

's character,

cellour, i.e. C

oner at Worcester, but escaped to France. As Lord High Commissioner for Scotland and Commander-i

), ninth Earl of Glencairn,

), seventh Earl and

ncil in Scotland; Lo

the ministry in Scotla

, vol. i, p

7

f His Own Time. Vo

scribes the Lauderdale of the Restoration who is climbing to power and is officially his inferior. Burnet looks back on him at the he

ring him talk of languages and criticism'. Compare also Evelyn's Diary, August 27, 1678. His library was dispersed by auction-the French, Italian, and Spanish books on May 14, and the

otland. The break came suddenly, and with no apparent cause, in 1673, when Burnet was appointed royal chaplain and was winning the ears of the King. Henceforward Lauderdale continued a 'violent

ety-'so fallne from all that can be called serious religion, as that sensuality and complyance with sin is your ordinary course.' Th

ie.. probably went as far as anything else in securing Char

8

of His Own Time.

Tewkesbury in March 1640, but he

inted governor of it in August 1643 after some dispute, but was

n of 'Doctor Olivian, a German, a very learned physici

xcroft, p. 59: 'he told some that Cromwell offered once to make

ew daies since when the House was in a Grand Committee of the whole House upon the Government, Mr. Garland mooved to have my

had no regard either to trueth or Justice.' But he struck out 'no sort ... and had'. The sentence thus read in the transcript

script, after 'manner' (l. 28): 'and was not out of cou

9

. A Poem ... The Secon

don, 1681. (

bury's trial for high treason. In the second, which appeared within a month, th

years before the crisis in his remarkable career, and while his schemes still prospe

ick, as

ther were

hree Governm

Hand in

, and again

when they ca

im from sid

il'd to sav

start of e

ge, ne'r came

-Artifice

e World bega

re wisely

ould, t'insur

ame t'observ

es other R

e utmost

self, and H

I, ll. 3

which had no immediate political purpose, will reveal even better Dryden's mastery in satirical portr

avid Charles II, Israe

d a Jebusit

quillitate Animi, xvii. 10: 'nullum magn

ato in Diogenes Laertius, Lib. vi. 40 (Life of Diogenes), [Gr

d not inherit his ability. His son, the third earl, was t

inst France in 1667, broken by the war with France against Holland in 16

p'd, in ed.

judicature', 'the father of the house of judge

praises instead of writing a psalm, and so

ese lines are a reminiscence of a couplet under the portrait of Sultan Mu

odnesse loues to

Fortunes ice, V

ng and put the government in the hands of the Jesuits. Shaftesbury had no

line reappears in The

. Christie pointed out

hrym? Musarum, 1649

school-boy verses 'Up

tin

, we must be

dregs of a

ish poem preceding Dryden's, and signed

0

of His Own Time.

Hamilton touched it with that slight delicacy, that finishes while it seems but to sketch; Dryden catched the living li

hyer's edition of the Genuine Remains of Butler, 1759, vol. ii, pp. 72-5, but w

'he has a flame in his wit that is inimitable'. It lives in The Rehearsal.

utler: 'one that has studi

in 1643. He was then general of the ordinance of the ki

net's view of Hobbes,

1

hel. Second Edition

it as an injury. If I had rail'd, I might have suffer'd for it justly: But I manag'd my own Work more happily, perhaps more dextrously. I avoided the mention of great Crimes and apply'd my self to the representing

cter again furnishes

Things very freely, that come and go; but, like Guests and Strangers they are not welcome, if they stay long ... His E

2

f His Own Time. Vo

ready wit. Halifax was too subtle for Burnet's heavy-handed grasp. To recognize the inadequacy of t

were never so serious, and if it did not meet with the applause he expected, would be extremely out of countenance and silent, till an opportunity offered to retrieve the

fax, the Jotham of his

cing Wit and p

ture, and by

blies, who bu

e, then chose t

e, but turn'd

ight of one br

edication to Halifa

3

Honourable Francis Nor

at Seal, under King Ch

ble Roger North, Esq;

3-

Trinity College, Cambridge, were begun about 1710 but were not published till 1742-4, eight years after his dea

nvaluable as a picture of the bench a

ing's Bench, 1683, 'near the time that the great cause of the quo warranto against the city o

my lance down his throat."' 'Troggs' is an altered form of 'Troth'. It appears to be Scottish in origin; no

farther'. Described by North, ed. 1890, p. 149; also p. 26: 'Serjeant Maynard, t

of the King's Bench, described by North, pp. 79 ff. Bu

Judgement was given for the Crown. See State Trials, ed. 1810, vol. viii, 1039 ff., and Burnet, ed.

4

f His Own Time. Vo

erned with the men who in his opinion had the greatest influence during the time of which he is writing, and who were known to him personally. By way of introduction he speaks of the Cambridge Platonists under whom his great conte

, 1659. Thomas Goodwin (1600-80), President of Magdalen College, 1650-60, likewise one of the Commission of Visitors to the University appointed by the Par

hop (1583-1643), Dutch theologian and fol

A Weapon-Salve for the Chur

Language, they took great pains to observe all the common errours of language in generall, and of ours in particular: and in the drawing the tables for that work, which was Lloyds province, he had looked further into a naturall purity and simplicity of stile, than any man I ever knew: into all which he led me, and s

cter And a Philosophical Language, presented to the Royal Society and published in

5

f His Own Time. Vo

tely been preserved. It is a portion of the journal to which Burnet refers. See The Life of James the Second King of England, etc., collected out

into the charge of the Earl of Northumberland and confined at St. James's. See Li

to his son to instruct him in all matters relating to the Church' (Clarendon, vol. iv, p. 341). See Wood's At

ay every day, that if he was not in the right way that God would set him right, d

oman church at the beginning of 1669: s

Dutch at Lowestoft, 1665, and Southwold Bay, 1

did first, wit

lour make the D

victory of June 3, 1665. He ceased to be High

-7. 'He was the man of the finest parts and the best temper that belonge

ember 20, 1661, June 27 and July 2, 1

6

f His Own Time. Vo

DE

hibald Campbell, Marquis of. Arminius. Army, The New Model. Arundel, Thomas Howard, Earl of: character by Clarendon; by Sir Edward Walker; his art co

, Baron Verulam, V

ter by

thur

Ful

Raw

tions wi

uoted by

ent of L

ry

hthe

Sir R

, Sir W

, wife of Ed

s, George: El

r, Ri

er of C

i? Bax

to Laud

cis Russell,

elius, bo

sh, B

sh, H

io, Cardi

y, J

bl

il

dmund: Hy

ohn: Milton

atrick Ruthv

er by C

hn Digby, f

d Earl of. See

ulke Greville

rt Greville,

orge Villiers,

er by C

Henry

n's earl

orge Villiers,

ter by

den (Z

char

kinghamshire, John

er of Ch

William Ce

ert, Bishop

rs of Ch

ren

der

tesb

kin

li

th-centur

es

nt of

ll

ilip W

harac

of his ch

of His O

f Dukes o

of

f Roch

s with L

glish d

on,

ll, T

l: character

ucki

n, first B

liam: character by Clarendon; his siege engine. Christ Church, Oxford. Christie, W.D. Cicero. Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of: character by Burnet; other characters of him; characters written by him, see Contents; his long study of Digby; his merits as a character writer; his conception of history; his manuscripts; the History; its authenticity; editorial alterations; the Life; View of Hobbes's Leviathan; Essays quoted; Letters quoted; other writings; his picture gallery. Clarendon, Henry Hyde, second Earl of. Clarke, Abraham. Clélie. Coke, Sir Edward. Coke, Roger: Detection of the Court and State of England. Coleridge, S.T. Cominges, Le Comte de, Fren

haftesbury. Diogenes Laertius. Divers portraits. Dominico, Signior. Dorchester, Viscount. See Carleton. Dort, Synod of. Dryden, John: character of Shaftesbury, of Buckingham; of H

ke. Elizabeth, daughter of James I. England's Black Tribunall. Episcopius. Epistol? Ho-Elian?. Essex, Robert Devereux, second Earl of: Clarendon's

rdinando, s

r Thomas, t

ter by

n's s

tin ch

on's es

k's es

nry Cary, fi

ttice, secon

ius Gary, sec

by Clarend

haracte

marr

de

concerning

writ

d by

also

r John, B

th,

t, Nic

r, Th

acter (a

bed by

Li

racter

L

harac

h-His

y S

es of

des Pein

iner

en,

an's Ma

n, Ch

lliam Cunning

ney: character

Spanish

resident of Magdal

aron Goring: char

Fulke. S

ius,

is North, Baron

econd Duke of Hamilton. Hammond, Henry, chaplain to Charles I. Hampden, John: character by Clarendon; Clarendon's reference to it; its authenticity; character by Sir Philip Warwick. Hastings, Henry: character by Shaftesbury. Hawkins, Sir Thomas. Hayward, Sir John. Henry, Prince. Herbert, Sir Thomas. Hertford, William Seymour, Marquis of: character by Clarendon. Hobbes, Edmund. Hobbes, Thomas: described by Clarendon; by Au

ngfleet's. Islip, Simon,

me

by Arthu

Anthony

foole in C

es

ers by

jour

Adm

aron Jermyn, Ear

on, S

ot

of the

on,

er by C

mes H

racter

escri

. See

op of Canterbury: charac

grew,

, Thomas,

on. See Manche

ames, G

ard: History

d: 'the lear

le, John Maitland, Earl of: character by Clarendon; character by Burnet; his library. Lawes, Henry, musician. Leicester, Robert Sidney, Earl of. Levett, Mr., Page of Bedchambe

, Martyrdom of King Charles, Maurice, Prince. Maynard, Sir John, Mercurius Academicus, Middlesex, Lionel Cranfield, Earl of, Middleton, John, Earl of Middleton, Millington, Edward, bookseller and auctioneer, Milton, John: described by Aubrey, note by Edward Phillips, notes by Jonathan Richardson, his sonnet to Fairfax, to Vane, to Henry Lawes, his

ks on horsemanship, Clarendon's opinion of his military capacity, Nicholas, Sir Edward, North, Francis. See Guilford, Lord Keeper. North, Roger: character of Sir Edmund Saunders,

xon,

Dr., 'a

er Boyle, f

itionall Memoyres on t

y, Sir

v

Dean of Ch

hop of Chichester:

begot P

with

hn, Bishop

is: Desider

Francis, Lord

bert, Earl of Montgo

bert, third Earl of:

Samuel:

nry, Baron Pe

rs

ivine Catastrophe of

ps, A

ips,

Milton,

of Mi

um Poe

x Brit

at

tar

n State

ybi

of. See Westo

ng, ref

e, Wi

character b

h, Sir

y, Wi

ter of

i

i? Wot

ective

Earl of Warw

son, Jo

on M

Notes on P

n, Sir

st Earl of. Se

hn Wilmot, se

e Hyde, first Earl

Leslie, Ear

Nich

e: character

Historical

illiam, Treasu

ick. See Bren

cis Manners,

ohn,

s College

the greatest cu

l's Cat

ers in

bert Cecil, f

cil, third Earl of: c

ll

obert, Bisho

Lord Chief Justice: ch

, Sir

e. See Halifa

omas, Visc

Hosp

William Fien

er by C

thur

Sir W

, Madel

: character

Lucius

Marcus

e Poets (Rest

the Poets,

y Ashley Cooper, Ba

ter by

en (Ach

But

D

ter of Hen

tion of

utobi

kes

rt, Archbishop

Gilbert Ta

h, E

toine Bande

bert Ker or

l, C

n, Sir

er, E

as, Bishop

ter of

of

, Bishop of Worcester

w,

a, Fa

homas Wentwo

er by C

War

d, dean of the

ng, Si

ton

homas Howa

Duc de:

, Jon

ci

d, Sir

e,

, Sir

hbishop of Canterbur

t of Lor

phra

(Jacques

cyd

hn, Secreta

e Pa

James I co

II com

hbishop of Canterbur

t, Dr.

Sermons

ne, M

r Henry,

Henry, t

rs by Cl

ter by

n's s

r ac

us Pat

dward: Histor

: Sufferings

he Temple, 'a Rel

r, Ed

cter by C

bed by

Aub

ce: Royal and

on,

Mary, Cou

k, Sir

er of C

aff

a

xo

mwe

mp

ir

ren

harac

Mémo

affor

ris

bed by

ert Rich, se

er by C

thur

he Presbyte

te,

, Sir

er of J

haracter of

James:

Richard, Ear

er by C

Wot

hcote, Benjamin: c

cke: Me

te S

ins,

ter by

owards a Re

m of W

Bishop of Linc

lmot, Earl of Rochester

n, Ar

er of J

Bac

Warwick,

of Kin

y, Ca

hen? Oxo

John: charact

, Sir

ancient clergyman

oph

, Sir

, Pat

See Buc