John Quincy Adams

e gentleman who threw out this tentative proposition remarked that in his opinion the acceptance of this position by an ex-President "instead of degrading the individual would elevate

forth to represent this district until his death, a period of about sixteen years. During this time he was occasionally suggested as a candidate for the governorship of the State, but was always reluctant to stand. The feeling between the Freemasons and the anti-Masons ran very high for several years, and once he was prev

n his character as the great combatant of Southern slavery. In the waging of this mighty conflict we shall see both his mind and his character developing in strength even in these years of his old age, and his traits standing forth in bolder relief than ever before. In his place on the floor of the House of Representatives he was destined to appear a more impressive figure than in any of the higher positions which he had previously filled.

ow his equal as a gladiator. His power of invective was extraordinary, and he was untiring and merciless in his use of it. Theoretically he disapproved of sarcasm, but practically he could not refrain from it. Men winced and cowered before his milder attacks, became sometimes dumb, sometimes furious with mad rage before his fiercer assaults. Such struggles evidently gave him pleasure, and there was scarce a back in Congress that did not at one time or another feel the score of his cutting lash; though it was the Southerners and the Northern allies of Southerners whom chiefly he singled out for torture. He was irritable and quick to wrath; he himself constantly speaks of the infirmity of his temper, and in his many conflicts his principal concern was to keep it in control. His enemies often referred to it and twitted him with it. Of alliances he was careless, and friendships he had almost none. But in the creation of enmities he was terribly successful. Not so much at first, but increasingly as years went on, a state of ceaseless, vigilant hostility became his normal condition. From the time when he fairly entered upon the long struggle against slavery, he enjoyed few peaceful days in the House. But he seemed to thrive upon the warfare, and to be never so well pleased as when he was bandying hot words with slave-holders and the Northern supporters of slave-holders. When the air of the House was thick with crimination and abuse he seemed to suck in fresh vigor and spirit from the hate-laden atmosphere. When invective fell around him in showers, he screamed back his retaliation with untiring rapidity and marvellous dexterity of aim. No odds could appall him. With his back set firm against a solid moral principle, it was his joy to strike out at a multitude of foes. They lost their heads as well as their tempers, but in the extremest moments of excitement and anger Mr. Adams's brain seemed to work with machine-like coolness and accuracy. With flushed face, streaming eyes, animated gesticulation, and cracking voice, he always retained perfect mastery of all his intellectual faculties. He thus became a

hese men had strong convictions and deep feelings, and their adherence counted for much. Moreover, their numbers steadily increased, and Mr. Adams saw that he was the leader in a cause which engaged the sound sense and the best feeling of the intelligent people of the country, and which w

honored with their highest trust." Many persons had predicted that he would find himself subjected to embarrassments and perhaps to humiliations by reason of his apparent descent in the scale of political dignities. He notes, however, that he encountered no annoyance on this score, but on the contrary he was rather treated with an especial respect. He was made chairman of the Committee on Manufactures, a laborious as well as an important and honorable position at all times, and especially so at this j

nce, he spoke in tones more pleasing to Mr. Adams. But the ultimate compromise which disposed of the temporary dissension without permanently settling the fundamental question of the constitutional right of nullification was extremely distasteful to him. He was utterly opposed to the concessions which were made while South Carolina still remained contumacious. He was for compelling her to retire altogether from her rebellious position and to repeal her unconstitutional enactments wholly and unconditionally, before one jot should be abated from the obnoxious duties. When the bill for the modification of the tariff was under debate, he moved to strike out all but the enacting clause, and supported his motion in a long speech, insisting that no tariff ought to pass until it was known "whether there was any measure by which a State could defeat the laws of the Union." In a minority report from his own committee he strongly censured the policy of the Administration. He was for meeting, fighting out, and determining at this crisis the whole doctrine of state rights and secession. "One particle of compromise," he said, with what truth events have since shown clearly enough, would "directly lead to the final and irretrievable dissolution of the Union." In his usual strong and thorough-going fashion he was for persisting in the vigorous and spirited measures, the

imate weakness in the nullification matter, his opposition to internal improvements, his policy of sacrificing the public lands to individual speculators, his warfare against the Bank of the United States conducted by methods the most unjustifiable, the transaction of the removal of the deposits so disreputable and injurious in all its details, the importation of Mrs. Eaton's visiting-list into the politics and government of the country, the dismissal of the oldest

London. These eminently proper and ultimately effectual measures alarmed the large party of the timid; and the General found himself in danger of extensive desertions even on the part of his usual supporters. But as once before in a season of his dire extremity his courage and vigor had brought the potent aid of Mr. Adams to his side, so now again he came under a heavy debt of gratitude to the same champion. Mr. Adams stood by him with generous gallantry, and by a telling speech in the House probably saved him from serious humiliation and even disaster. The President's style of dealing had roused Mr. Adams's spirit, and he spoke with a fire and vehemence which accomplished the unusual feat of changing t

r him at a moment when his own friends were deserting him what no other member of Congress ever accomplished for him-an unanimous vote of the House of Representatives to

at this period, there was probably at least as much of calculation in his motives, if in fact he was cognizant of Johnson's approaches, as there was of any real desire to re?stablish the bygone relation of honorable friendship. To the advances thus made Mr. Adams replied a little coldly, not quite repellently, that Jackson, having been responsible for the suspension of personal intercourse, must now be undisguisedly the active

proposition, but of course in vain. All that he could do was, for his own individual part, to refuse to be present at the conferring of the degree, giving as the minor reason for his absence, that he could hold no friendly intercourse with the President, but for the major reason that "independent of that, as myself an affectionate child of our Alma Mater, I would not be present to witness her disgrace in conferring her highest literary honors upon a barbarian who could not write a sentence of

mark of public attention, has been doing the same thing.... He is now alternately giving out his chronic diarrh?a and making Warren bleed him for a pleurisy, and posting to Cambridge for a doctorate of

fle rancorous; but Adams had great excus

throughout the country were constantly multiplying for the purpose of spreading and increasing a popular hostility towards the great "institution." Every great cause has need of its fanatics, its vanguard to keep far in advance of what is for the time reasonable and possible; it has not less need of the wiser and cooler heads to discipline and control the great mass which is set in motion by the reckless forerunners, to see to the accomplishment of that which the present circumstances and development of the movement allow to be accomplished. It fell to Mr. Adams to direct the assault against the outworks which were then vulnerable, and to see that the force then possessed by the movement was put to such uses as would insure definite results instead of being wasted in endeavors which as yet were impossible of achievement. Drawing his duty from his situation and surroundings, he left to others, to younger men and more rhetorical natures, outside the walls of Congress, the business of firing the people and stirring popular opinion and sympathy. He was set to do that portion of the work of abolition which was to be done in Congress, to encounter the mighty efforts which were made to stifle the great humanitarian cry in the halls of the national legislature. This was quite as much as one man was equal to; in fact, it is certain that no one then in public life except Mr. Adams could have done it effectually. So obvious is this that one cannot help wondering what would have befallen the cause, had he not been just where he was to forward it in just the way that he did. It is only another among the many instances of the need surely finding the man. His qualifications were unique; his ability, his knowledge, his prestige and authority, his high personal character, his persistence and courage, his combativeness stimulated by an acrimonious temper but checked by a sound judgment, his merciless power of invective, his independence and carelessness of applause or vilification, friendship or enmity, constituted him an opponent fully equal to the enormous odds which the slave-holding interest arrayed against him. A like moral and mental fitness was to be found in no one else. Numbers could not overawe him, nor loneliness dispirit him. He was probably the most formidable fighter in debate of whom parliamenta

h after all it is possible to give only the briefest sketch, selecting a f

the usual form, and moved that it be laid on the table, as others like it had lately been. But in a moment Mr. Glascock, of Georgia, moved that the petition be not received. Debate sprang up on a point of order, and two days later, before the question of reception was determined, a resolution was offered by Mr. Jarvis, of Maine, declaring that the House would not entertain any petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. This resolution was supported on the ground that Congress had no constituti

as and nays were ordered. The first resolution was then read, whereupon Mr. Adams at once rose and pledged himself, if the House would allow him five minutes' time, to prove it to be false. But cries of "order" resounded; he was compelled to take his seat and the resolution was adopted by 182 to 9. Upon the second resolution he asked to be excused from voting, and his name was passed in the call. The third resolution with its preamble was then read, and Mr. Adams, so soon as his name was called, rose and said: "I hold the resolution to be a direct violation of the Constitution of the United States, the rules of this House, and the rights of my constituents." He was interrupted by shrieks of "order" resounding on every side; but he only spoke the louder and obstinately finished his sentence before resuming his seat. The resolution was of cours

s, this utterance of his not having constituted a vote. Mr. Adams called attention to the omission. The clerk, by direction of the Speaker, thereupon called his name. His only reply was by a motion that his answer as already made should be entered on the Journal. The Speaker said that this motion was not in order. Mr. Adams, resolute to get upon the record, requested that his motion with the Speaker's decision that it was not in order might be entered on the Journal. The next day, finding that this entry had not been made in proper shape, he brought

ling for an amount of moral courage greater than it is now easy to appreciate. It is the incipient stage of such a conflict that tests the mettle of the little band of innovators. When it grows into a great party question much less courage is demanded. The mere presentation of an odious petition may seem in itself to be a simple task; but to find himself in a constant state of antagonism to a powerful, active, and vindictive majority in a debating body, constituted of such material as then made up the House of Representatives, wore hardly even upon the iron temper

ing him to action which would only have destroyed him forever in political life, would have stripped him of his influence, exiled him from that position in Congress where he could render the most efficient service that was in him, and left him naked of all usefulness and utterly helpless to continue that essential portion of the labor which could be conducted by no one else. "The abolitionists generally," he said, "are constantly urging me to indiscreet movements, which would ruin me, and weaken and not strengthen their cause." His family, on the other ha

tate, but one step further and I hazard my own standing and influence there, my own final overthrow, and the cause of liberty itself for an indefinite time, certainly for more than my remnant of life. Were there in the House one member capable of taking the lead in this cause of universal eman

herlock S. Gregory, who had conceived the eccentric notion of asking Congress to declare him "an alien or stranger in the land so long as slavery exists and the wrongs of the Indians are unrequited and unrepented of." September 28 he presented a batch of his usual petitions, and also asked leave to offer a r

d his opinion that the gag-rule was unconstitutional, null, and void, he should "submit to it only as to physical force." January 3, 1838, he presented "about a hundred petitions, memorials, and remonstrances,-all laid on the table." January 15 he presented fifty more. January 28 he received thirty-one petitions, and spent that day and the next in assor

on of Independence'-Here a loud cry of 'order! order!' burst forth, in which the Speaker yelled the loudest. I waited till it subsided, and then resumed, 'that if they could catch him they would hang him!' I said this so as to be distinctly heard throughout the hall, the renewed deafening shout of 'order! order!' notwithstanding. The Speaker

ons, nearly all of an anti-slavery character, one of them for

etitions. The Speaker ruled his objection out of order, and from this ruling Wise appealed. The

the Speaker and about two thirds of the House cried, 'order! order! order!' till it became a perfect yell. I paused a moment for it to cease and then said, 'a direct violation of the Constitution of the United States.' While speaking these words with loud, distinct, and slow articulation, the bawl of 'order! order!' resounded again from two thirds of the House. The Speaker, with agonizing lungs, screamed, 'I

nded, much more cheerfull

atter case with explicit instructions that a report thereon should be brought in. He audaciously stated that he asked for these instructions because so many petitions of a like tenor had been sent to the Foreign Affairs Committee, and had found it a limbo from which they never again emerged, and the

he District of Columbia, which authorized the whipping of women. Besides this he had a multitude of others, and he only got through the presentation of them "just as the morning hour expired." On January 21, 1841, he found much amusement in puzzling his Southern adversaries by presenting some petitions in which, besides the usual anti-slavery prayers, there was a prayer to refuse to admit to the Union any new State whose constitution should tolerate slavery. The Speaker said that only the latter prayer could be received

place here as elsewhere in a narrative which it is difficult to make strictly chronological. Apparently he was the first to declare the doctrine, that the abolition of slavery could be lawfully accomplished by the exercise of the w

r powers of the Constitution extend to interference with the institution of slavery in every way in which it can be interfered w

m the replies and references to it which are on record. Therein he appears to have declared that slavery could

ly formulated principle to lose its danger in oblivion, the Southerners assailed it with vehemence. They taunted Mr. Adams with the opinion, as if merely to say that he held it was to damn him to everlasting infamy. The only result was that they induced him to consider the matter more fully, and to express his belief more deliberately. In January, 1842, Mr. Wise attacked him upon this ground, and a month later Marshall followed in the same strain.

set in martial array, the commanders of both armies have p

s from South American h

nicipal institutions, slavery among the rest. Under that state of things, so far from its being true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive ma

problem presented by the great rebellion, then no other solution presented itself save that which had been suggested twenty years earlier in the days of peace by Mr. Adams. It was in pursuance of the doctrine to which he thus gave the first utterance that slavery was forever abolished in the United States. Extracts from the last-quoted speech long stood as the motto of the "Liberator;" and at the time of the Emancipation Proclamation Mr. Adam

mind. I did not, for example, start the question whether by the law of God and of nature man can hold property, HEREDITARY property, in man. I did not start the question whether in the event of a servile insurrection and war, Congress would not have complete unlimited control over the whole subject of slavery, even to the emancipation of all the slaves in the S

nexation upon constitutional objections, and on September 18, 1837, offered a resolution that "the power of annexing the people of any independent State to this Union is a power not delegated by the Constitution of the United States to their Congress or to any department of their government, but reserved to the people." The Speaker refused to receive the motion, or even allow it to be read, on the ground that it was not in order. Mr. Adams repeated

pect for the right of petition was his only motive for presenting this. It was suspended under the "gag" rule, and its promoters, unless very easily amused, must have been sadly disappointed with the fate and effect of their joke. On March 5, 1838, he received from Rocky Mount in Virginia a letter and petition praying that the House would arraign at its bar and forever expel John Quincy Adams. He presented both documents, with a resolution asking that they be referred to a committee for investigation and report. His enemies in the House saw that he was sure to have the best of the sport if the matter should be

to have the decision of the Speaker before presenting it. It purported to be a petition from twenty-two slaves, and he would like to know whether it came within the rule of the House concerning petitions relating to slavery. The Speaker, in manifest confusion, said that he could not answer the question until he knew the contents of the document. Mr. Adams, remarking that "it was one of those petitions which had occurred to his mind as not being what it purported to be," proposed to send it up to the Chair for inspection. Objection was made to this, and the Speaker said that the circumstances were so extraordinary that he would take the sense of the House. That body, at first inattentive, now became interested, and no sooner did a knowledge of what was going on spread among those present than great excitement prevailed. Members were hastily brought in from the lobbies; many

urporting on its face to be from slaves, has been guilty of a gross disrespect to this Hous

ct of Columbia, saying that if that body had the "proper intelligence and spirit" people might "yet see an incendiary brought to condign punishment." Mr. Haynes, not satisfied with Mr. Thompson's resolution, proposed a substitu

ings of the people of a large portion of this Union; a flagrant contempt on the dignity of this House; and, by extending to slaves a privilege only belonging to f

g further. Then at last Mr. Adams, who had not at all lost his head in the general hurly-burly, rose and said, that amid these numerous resolutions charging him with "high crimes and misdemeanors" and calling him to the bar of the House to answer for the same, he had thought it proper to remain silent until the House should take some action; that he did not suppose that, if he should be brought to the bar of the House, he should be "struck mute by the previous question" before he should have been given an opportunity to "say a word or two" in his own defence. As to the facts: "I did not present the petition," he said, "

f his infatuated friends and constituents," charged Mr. Adams with running counter to the sense of the whole country with a "violence paralleled only by the revolutionary madness of desperation," and twitted him with his political friendlessness, with his age, and with the insinuation of waning faculties and judgment. This li

effort to present a petition from slaves, h

and leaving the House under such impression, that the said petition was for the

e the censure of the House for his conduct

lf indictable for aiding and abetting insurrection. A fortiori, then, was he not amenable to the censure of the House? Mr. Haynes, of Georgia, forgetting that the petition had not been presented, announced his intention of moving tha

Dromgoole, who in his sober hours was regarded as the best par

within the meaning of a resolution heretofore adopted (as preliminary to its presentation), has given color to the idea that slav

ceive a censure from the Speaker in the

at last able to begin his final speech. He conducted his defence with singular spirit and ability, but at too great length to admit of even a sketch of what he said. He claimed the right of petition for slaves, and established it so far as argument can establish anything. He alleged that all he had done was to ask a question of the Speaker, and if he was to be censured for so doing, then how much more, he asked, was the Speaker deserving of censure who had even put the same question to the House, and given as his reason for so doing that it was not only of novel but of difficult import! He repudiated the idea that any member of the House could be held by a grand jury to respond for words spoken in debate, and recommended the gentlemen who had indulged in such preposterous threats "to study a little the first principles of civil liberty," excoriating them until they actually arose and tried to explain away their own language. He cast infinite ridicule upon the unhappy expression of Dromgoole, "giving color to an idea." Referring to the difficulty which he encountered by reason of the variety and disorder of the resolutions and charges against him with which "gentlemen from the South had pounced down upon him like so many eagles upon a dove,"-there was an exquisite sarcasm in the simile!-he said: "When I take up one idea, before I can give color to the idea, it has already changed its form and presents itself for consideration under other colors.... What defence can be made against this new crim

lleged by Habersham, of Georgia, to be undoubtedly another hoax. But Mr. Adams, loath to lose a good opportunity, still claimed to be heard on the charges made against him by the "infamous slave-holders." Mr. Smith, of Virginia, said that the House had lately given Mr. Adams leave to defend himself against the charge of monomania, and asked whether he was doing so. Some members cried "Yes! Yes!"; others shouted "No! he is establishing the fact." The wrangling was at last brought to an end by the Speaker's declaration, that the petition must lie over for the present. But the scene

venge. While one said that the petition should never have been brought within the walls of the House, and another wished to burn it in the presence of the members, Mr. Gilmer, of Virginia, offered a resolution, that in presenting the petition Mr. Adams "had justly incurred the censure of the House." Some objection was made to this resolution as not being in order; but Mr. Adams

e of one rev

poet, fiddler

sworn to support, was a "high breach of privilege, a contempt offered to this House, a direct proposition to the Legislature and each member of it to commit perjury, and involving necessarily in its execution and its consequences the destruction of our country and the crime of high treason:" wherefore it was to be resolved that Mr. Adams, in presenting a petition for dissolution, had "offered the deepest indignity to the House" and "an insult to the people;" that if "this outrage" should be "permitted to pass unrebuked and unpunished" he would have "disgraced hi

ons since the preamble assumed him to be guilty of the crimes of subornation of perjury and treason, and the resolutions themselves censured him as if he had been found guilty; whereas in fact he had not been tried upon these charges and of course had not been convicted. If he was to be brought to trial upon them he asserted his right to have the proceedings conducted before a jury of his peers, and that the House was not a tribunal having this authority. But if he was to be tried for contempt, for which alone he could lawfully be tried by the House, still there were an hundred members sitting on its benches who were morally disqualified to judge

ey will spare me expulsion, I disdain and cast away their mercy; and I ask them if they will come to such a trial and expel me. I defy them. I ha

en Mr. Wise was speaking, "I interrupted him occasionally," says Mr. Adams, "sometimes to provoke him into absurdity." As usual he was left to fight out his desperate battle substantially single-handed. Only Mr. Everett occasionally helped him a very little; while one or two others who spoke against the resolutions were careful to explain that they felt no personal good will towards Mr. Adams. But he faced the odds courageously. It was no new thing for him to be pitted alone against a "solid South." Outside the walls of the House he had some sympathy and some assistance tendered him by individuals, among others by Rufus Choate then in the Senate, and by his own colleagues from Massachusetts. This support aided and cheered him somewhat, but could not prevent substantially the whole burden of the labor and brunt of the contest from bearing upon

his defence would be a very long affair, and he did not wish to have the time of the House consumed and the business of the nation brought to a stand solely for the consideration of his personal affairs. These propositions failing, he began his speech and soon was making such headway that even his adversaries were constrained to see that the opportunity which they had conceived to be within their grasp was eluding them, as had so often happened before. Accordingl

sons, praying for a dissolution of the Union. He said he did not know what to do with it. I dined with him." By March 14 this dinner bore fruit. Mr. Barnard had made up his mind "what to do with it." He presented it, with a motion that

e sent to the House a paper begging to be excused from further services on the committee, "because from recent occurrences it was doubtful whether the House would remove the chairman, and they were unwilling to serve with one in whom they had no confidence." The fugitives were granted, "by a shout of acclamation," the excuse which they sought for so welcome a reason, and the same was also done for a fifth member. Three more of the same party, nominated to fill these vacancies, likewise asked to

ther claimants. According to custom Garland, clerk of the last House, called the assemblage to order and began the roll-call. When he came to New Jersey he called the name of one member from that State, and then said that there were five other seats which were contested, and that not feeling authorized to decide the dispute he would pass over the names of the New Jersey members and proceed with the roll till the House should be formed, when the question could be decided. Plausible as appeared this abstention from an exercise of authority in so grave a dispute, it was nevertheless really an assumption and not a deprecation of power, and as such was altogether unjustifiable. The clerk's sole business was to call the names of those p

and an impossibility of organizing the House.... The most curious part of the case is, that his own election as clerk depends upon the exclusion of the New Jersey members." The next day was consumed in a fierce debate as to whether the clerk should be allowed to read an explanatory statement. Again the clerk refused to put the question of adjournment, but, "upon inspection," declared an adjournment. Some called out "a count! a count!" while most rushed out of the hall, and Wise cried loudly, "Now we are a mob!" The next day there was more violent debating, but no progr

lty lay in the clerk's obstinate refusal to put the question upon them. So now the puzzled cry went up: "How shall the question be put?" "I intend to put the question myself," said the dauntless old man, wholly equal to the emergency. A tumult of applause resounded upon all sides. Rhett, of South Carolina, sprang up and offered a resolution, that Williams, of North Carolina, the oldest member of the House, be appointed chairman of the meeting; but upon objection by Williams, he substituted the name of Mr. Adams, and put the question. He was "answered by an almost universal shout in the affirmative." Whereupon Rhett and Williams conducted the old man to the chair. It w

perform his functions. It is impossible to follow the intricate and acrimonious quarrels of the eleven days which succeeded until on December 16, upon the eleventh ballot, R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, was elected Speaker, and Mr. Adams was relieved from the most arduous duty imposed upon him during his life. In the course of the debates there had been "much vituperation and much equally unacceptable compliment" lavished upon him. After the organization of the

y even very sensitive though a proud reserve kept the secret of this quality so close that few suspected it. His Diary during his Congressional life shows a man doing his duty sternly rather than cheerfully, treading resolutely a painful path, having the reward which attends upon a clear conscience, but neither light-hearted nor often even happy. Especially he was frequently disappointed

... H. G. Otis, Theophilus Parsons, Timothy Pickering, James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, Jonathan Russell, William H. Crawford, John C. Calhoun, Andrew Jackson, Daniel W

even "neglected too much his self-defence against them." In October, 1833, he said: "I subject myself to so much toil and so much enmity, with so very little apparent fruit, that I sometimes ask myself whether I do not mistake my own motives. The best actions of my life make me nothing but enemies." In February, 1841, he made a powerful speech in castigation of Henry A. Wise, who had been upholding in Southern fashion slavery, duelling, and nullification. He received afterward some messages of praise and sympathy, but noted with pain that his col

which it would have been waste of time to make reply, since the public ear had not been open to him. "Is the time arrivi

y. Duncan, of Cincinnati, mentioned as "delivering a dose of balderdash," is described as "the prime bully of the Kinderhook Democracy," without "perception of any moral distinction between truth and falsehood, ... a thorough-going hack-demagogue, coarse, vulgar, and impudent, with a vein of low humor exactly suited to the rabble of a popular city and equally so to the taste of the present House of Representatives." Other similar bits of that pessimism and belief in the deterioration of the times, so common in old men, occasionally appear. In August, 1835, he thinks that "the signs of the times are porte

continuance of the present Administration ... will open wide all the flood-gates of corruption. Will a change produce reform? Pause and ponder! Sl

hour and a half. The next week we find Clifford, of Maine, "muddily bothering his trickster invention" to get over a rule of the House, and "snapping like a mackerel at a red rag" at the suggestion of a way to do so. In July, 1841, we again hear of Atherton as a "cross-grained numskull ... snarling against the loan bill.

e of all mankind.... It is the experience of all ages that the people grow weary of old men. I cannot flatter myself that I shall escape the common law of our nature." Yet he acknowledges that he is unable to "abstract himself from the great questions which agitate the country." Soon after he again writes in the same vein: "To be forsaken by all mankind seems to be the destiny that awaits my last days." August 6, 1835, he gives as his reason for not accepting an invitation t

been a hard worker all his life, and testing the powers of one's constitution does not tend to their preservation; he was by no means free from the woes of the flesh or from the depression which comes with years and the dread of decrepitude. Already as early as October 7, 1833, he fears that his health is "irretrievable;" he gets but five hours a night of "disturbed unquiet sleep-full of tossings." February 17, 1834, his "voice was so hoarse and feeble that it broke repeatedly, and he could scarcely articulate. It is gone forever," he very mistakenly but despondingly adds, "and it is in vain for

e fund a direction in favor of science; he hoped to make it subservient to a plan which he had long cherished for the building of a noble national observatory. He had much committee work; he received many visitors; he secured hours of leisure for his favorite pursuit of composing poetry; he delivered an enormous number of addresses and speeches upon all sorts of occasions; he conducted an extensive correspondence; he was a very devout man, regularly going to church and reading three chapters in his Bible every day; and he kept up faithfully his colossal Diary. For several months in the midst of Congressional duties he devoted grea

should ever attend. March 25, 1844, he gives a painful sketch of himself. Physical disability, he says, must soon put a stop to his Diary. That morning he had risen "at four, and with smarting, bloodshot eyes a

arried the day. It was evident that victory was not far off, and a kind fate had destined him to live not only to see but himself to win it. On December 3, 1844, he made his usual motion and called for the yeas and nays; a motion was made to lay his motion on the table, and upon that also the question was taken by yeas and nays-eighty-one yeas, one hundred and four nays, and his motion was not laid on the table. The question was then put upon it, and it was carried by the handsome vote of one hundred and eight to eighty. In that moment the "gag" rule became a thing of the past, and Mr. Adams had conquered in his last fight. "Blessed, forever blessed, be the name

in attendance, he only once took part in debate. On February 21, 1848, he appeared in his seat as usual. At half past one in the afternoon the Speaker was rising to put a question, when he was suddenly interrupted by cries of "Stop! Stop!-Mr. Adams!" Some gentlemen near Mr. Adams had thought that he was striving to rise to address the Speaker, when in an instant he fell over insensible. The members thronged around him in great confusion. The House hastily adjourned. He was placed on a sofa and removed first to the hall of the rotunda and then to the Speaker's room. Medical

culo,"-surely never more justly or appropriately applied to any man than to John Quincy Adams, hardly abused and cruelly misappreciated in his own day but whom subsequent generations already begin to hon

N

part in anti-slaver

to extreme

ws battle of Bunker

ston during

Adams to, on kee

ing office from his f

rited r

n beginning of

ement of Monroe

of his career in Revo

on while attending Cont

s son to, on

sion to F

nd o

keep a diary and co

eaty of

inister to

Presid

on, appoints J. Q. Adams

ls hi

efeat by Jeff

ist party by Fre

and hatred for

feat to Ha

thy of J. Q. Ad

adherents in M

ampers J. Q. Adams

hn Quincy

stry

is great-gr

t connected with

in outbreak o

ton during th

schoo

ding in letter to

s father to Fr

n to Spa

ntention to keep diar

79, its subsequ

n of his char

ness of his

poraries bitterl

wn high cha

agreeable tr

condensing h

ling in E

vate secretary to Dana

r in peace ne

y, maturity, and

any father to England

ason for dec

at Har

th Parsons at

ice in Bosto

ers against Paine's

apers again

sness and a

Appointed Minister

oyage

me of its captur

eceived by

avoiding enta

n to remain, although

ating in Jay's negotiat

gs with Gr

th Miss Joh

ed to Por

f remaining minister after

ashington to r

inister to

reaty of c

in Eur

by his fa

ractice o

n Federalist q

from commissionersh

o State S

proposing to allow Democr

independe

States Senate ov

or. His journey to

ing from his fat

in the Sen

lations with

eld to unpopu

s by his absence of

purchase, although calling

by New E

cquittal of

e is conquering

condemning British seiz

esident to insist

carried by D

n Council and Napole

land Federalists in advoc

efferson's pea

Non-importa

tile purpose of

romise support to government

Federalist meetings t

party by Fed

nd supports

in New E

otic cond

on of emb

oo long conti

military and naval

by Massachusetts

re expiratio

n and since for leavin

justice of his

his American f

harge of offic

whole character a

by necessity of aba

ances from

s feelings in h

to Congress fro

ss of his career

n 1805 with suggestion

ol rep

ster to Russia

fused, then co

a. Peace of Ghent

St. Peters

foreign represe

bbery of America

rt in squabbles for

y meagre s

ia during Napo

peace commissioner w

otiations in

et British commissioner

rrogance of

ion upon coll

ications, but abandons

ms of colleagues on

th all but

ble with

ng counter

ations certai

or peace as defea

eturn to sta

er fisheries and Missi

nsist on fisher

h intend to pre

rts Goul

trea

Napoleon's "hu

inister to

, makes treaty of comm

uties as min

glish dinne

to small i

f State. Ap

ess of Washingt

ost,

ts of li

ate for successi

gainst by C

and Calhou

olonies to gain i

cautious publi

panish amba

ing boundaries of

sition

n from Clay and

e not to claim

glish medi

inister as go

aching a concl

or his dipl

very of Spanish la

panish government t

re of disputed

erent to Missou

tes the slave

pt to dissolve th

ery, slaveholders, and

of alliance of slave St

mpossible without

ongress over slavery

f treaty damages his ch

question with new

f treaty with annulme

ith outcome of neg

on weights and

roughne

ithout boastfulness in

what European court

f United States to occ

xation of Cuba

encroach within

ontinents are no longer

European attack on

war against suc

ny, advocates non-in

rfere in Europe

league to suppres

or of Monroe

h Stratford

oin international league to p

im the Astoria q

king communications on

views with h

arks uttered in debate

of Canning wi

s treatment o

iary of presidential

ious frank

n not to be followe

on to Florida treaty, and in urging rec

m to John R

es on bette

tempt for Cr

him of malicious

everything to his

alhoun in this

kson in Cabi

ce to uphold Jackson

against Ca

ll in his

m position of Mini

n for Vice-Pr

hing in his own beha

elf-seeking in hi

f at all s

be polite t

be keenly hurt

ion a test of h

character in the eye

s anxiety in

rgest number of el

y Clay to J

House of Repres

d with the

red a new electio

Jackson at his

a token of popu

election does not

m from political

abine

o accept English

es offici

der any rotation

icials for opposing h

aining for Clay's

disprove

ead by Ja

ry, continues to be a

opposition in

of Southern member

oncerning Panam

House of having transc

y Webst

outhern oppos

ostile majority i

in his admini

ternal impro

ke a show befo

ng of Chesapeake and

position to his re?lecti

ccess to secure a per

officials for poli

xcept independent men to

ntative of good governm

es on internal improvement

oothe" South

ersonal stiffness and

ure personal

ions with Cabi

our Minister t

. B. Porter at Cabin

e McLean for dou

oriousn

ercise,

th assassinat

under sla

accusation of be

g to buy support

slande

rath in his

Randolph

iles

election o

sgraced,

of his reti

tesman in pr

ession,

gloomily to re

t. Returns t

slanders o

rsy with Federalists over disun

deralists for his

reply which he doe

idlenes

esume law p

ht prope

tin clas

ical and histo

y concerning h

ppreciate

in reading Para

e Milton and

to be elected t

s ready to accept

in 183

withdraws name in case of

s. His principal task the struggl

or in this way th

2

independent action

d man eloq

easing or impressiv

e and well-i

sive pugn

mies, 2

as debat

riends or fo

people in New

tion to be ind

with res

e on Manufa

ce duties to pl

rrender of Jackson t

on's nullification

h Carolina before mak

ion of question of

ackson's failure to

on to Jacks

son to take determined at

itude from J

t at reconcilia

torate of Laws to Jacks

kson's illnes

petitions from begi

lition in District

slavery and sl

ator or ref

oppose slave power i

gress and coldne

in his dis

people of

present pet

e signed by

ss has no power to interfere

gag ru

ight of pet

rotest entered on

y to an ass

ents floods of pe

nded in t

ovements by abo

proved by cons

ntinue, althou

ary of presentation o

against "gag" rule as

reatening to hang abo

se and says hi

referred to a sel

airman of Foreign Affai

with folly of

nder war power, may ab

Southerner

receden

ollowed by L

e theory in

xation of Te

asons,

bsurd peti

s asking for his

tter to d

m slaves and asks opi

veholders a

of censure a

nents by his coo

acks and resolutions

a few New En

therners to allow

eech,

n his enemie

own removal from chairmanship of

om defending

solution of Union while d

f censure aga

Marshall a

njustice of

emies and sco

ks on his op

by Ever

ide sympath

n newspa

th assassinat

e matter laid

h in the a

m from Foreign Affa

therners to se

o notice

of House for h

help organize Ho

successful ac

by Wis

eleven days until or

resolution of

spondency and lon

his enem

justly to all

Wise for du

nsane, 2

e on opponents in

on of Con

sanship,

his unpopu

acts as turned to

alth, 302,

ittee on Smithso

and social a

tad cas

tack upon ga

ctory and ex

y paraly

return to

in Capitol

haracter and

s. General vie

16, 19, 25

ss, 9, 12, 1

sness, 66, 2

, 34, 37, 16

, 54, 58, 64, 113,

1, 99, 127

ty, 20, 22, 72,

love of,

, 22, 58,

lth, 30

16, 29, 30, 48,

8, 11, 126

0, 246, 252, 277-279,

, 83, 154, 2

politics, 11,

abilit

interests

choly

, power of,

l ability

sm, 62,

1, 25, 34, 114

appeara

33, 67, 153,

ocit

166, 16

ity, 8

, 81, 133, 141, 160,

7, 30, 66, 1

views, 30,

ess, 33, 8

y, 8, 1

bits, 103

s, 82, 112, 1

202-204, 231, 246,

pointments to office,

ations with

titude of, 16

mpeachme

ake aff

over slavery, 1

etique

nexation

, 119, 1

of 1824

pation

go, 5

, 50, 51, 9

societ

arty, 28, 48

ies, 8

115, 118,

olicy tow

50, 251, 256,

et,

t sche

mprovement

administra

lorida care

ana, 3

boundary

destiny,

i navigati

Comprom

rine, 130,

tation, 4

ation, 2

n, 14

Congres

y, 29, 30, 54

an party

search,

ers, 243,

0, 121, 243

rade, 1

ian bequ

can republics

exation of

of Ghen

d measures

m, on English pea

d States of its citizens in p

ish restore possession of Moose

treaty of c

a, desires to exchange mini

sy to Adam

ams's conversa

between England and

with Castl

ng relations wit

hes to burn Adams's pe

s war, 2

r. See A

, share of A

used by Jacksonians a

ms within Massach

brister, hanged

, defended b

., bitter remarks o

nd's plan for suppress

opinion on Oregon question, discus

son's atta

appointed Secret

ssion to E

Adams his co

advice, presents petition f

ds Chesapeake when at

appointed peace co

et at lodgings of Engl

ms's drafts of

Goulbu

s of trying to

orable beginning to Ada

ands Leopard, and is promoted

decre

hat Jackson has proof of C

by Jack

es to Cl

of Georgia, commen

issues Berlin and M

hundred days"

nst Spanish treaty throu

te Jackson's story of corrupt offer fr

pared by Adams t

tions of Adam

of McLean,

ndidate for succes

th England in case of d

ged by Souther

on of Cra

son's disregard of

ice-Presi

at his failure to su

Vice-Presi

of plotting to

Adams for annexa

seeks acquaintanc

can submission to mixed tribuna

e met by Ada

the suppression of

superior

stion of an American settlemen

uest to put objecti

in repeating words of previo

et subject declin

Adams's langu

e to Jackson's r

shown la

ct relations betwe

nwilling at first to

of Prussia and Russia,

with Ad

ed by A

prisoned by Jac

fended by

his acquittal voted f

attacked by

ams and Federa

anal, incident of Ada

with Adams when attacked by

s to, under Adams, 178-180

Jackso

on peace co

cibility

s figurative styl

tes Ad

viviali

lish will

ill refuse to accept

ies to prevent English Miss

ries of litt

t English with

t to sign tr

eagues on point o

treaty of c

ling hab

appointment as Secr

ion to admini

independence of Sp

aty accepting Sabine as

eaty with

event ratif

for presid

ion to administration a

ng recognition of South

Adams to R

d with Adams befo

es Jack

r, in 1

of President by infl

fers Crawfor

fered to support eithe

for Adams ove

ecretary of

ret for proposing an

f bargain slan

peated by Tennesse

h Randol

kson to produc

d by Buch

mer and Be

vances from Jackson'

nomination as Secr

y Randol

omise with Sout

s of trying to

aine, contemptuously d

is candidacy for Pr

lection of 182

e of Cla

s President

es bargain

o Adams, from th

ion to send delegates

hroughout admin

er to interfere with slaver

to its power to abolish slaver

cy lamented

taunted by Adams

States, in relation to

tates to mixed foreign tribunals

with electio

forbid "gag" ru

y abolition of slavery

to Texas ann

ambitions for the pre

gainst Adam

scribed by Ad

remove foreign prejudices

of Adams

kinds of falsity and a

character

s opinio

d by Mil

politici

ruin Jack

r, in 1

uses abandonme

es in House of Re

houses with s

with, discussed

affai

xation expecte

s Adams against resolu

dams's place on Committe

Adams as private se

d by Adams of tryin

ges ratifications

y English

organized as oppos

an Buren, 19

ciple, but on per

s upon Ada

condemned by

ested by Jo

un,

e and con

terness

the autho

from, in

eer in Sen

ging pa

gotiations, 77,

n of 1824, 150

of 1828, 2

ry career, 255, 2

rs, 301-303

ry, mission of D

Adams to Ho

ussia

n to United S

Adams to Ru

to mediate in wa

by Eng

ns, 76-98 (see t

gotiations wi

dams to Engl

dams with Spain,

bine River bou

ils of treaty, acquis

outlet to

panish land gr

f treaty by

ssion of V

ion of tr

of United States un

octrine,

Russia over Al

rtugal for an

dams with Gre

Stratford Canning ove

olumbia River set

plain words uttered in

es in Adams's adm

ttacks of Adams

, remark on petition

utions of censur

by Adams

, bitterly descri

Canning to suspect American

luence in Jackson's

824, candidat

nion of the

ween persons, not

o canvass for h

votes for four can

House proves decisi

discard

bargain story

Jackson

scovering popula

f Adams,

ory of bargain

principle veiled by personalit

of Jack

ficance,

oposed by J

ed by A

y Federal

Adams to subm

ffect

urged by Ad

tifies Jay

ams to negotiate i

licy toward Unite

ch protested agai

on Act adopte

ms bloc

rs in Counc

of impressm

r Chesapeake affair and

derstood by A

agains

offer to mediate

ictori

treat dir

commissio

at concessi

essary, to co

and concludes

ied with

l treaty

f Adams t

of Adams i

etween United States a

tion will be taken

States to join in suppres

y suspected

search causes refusa

cussed by Canning and Ad

of its territo

ood feel

by personal

sidential succe

s, 106,

ds Adams from resolu

ess to Jackson condemned

Adams against resolutio

of determination to do not

, defeated by Je

tween John Adams a

ms a memb

s to State

y his indep

nited States

enate, toward son

uisiana pu

for favoring

English p

for not submitting to Engl

n-importat

to resent Chesa

ams for participating in

at Adams for suppor

o re?lect

part in United Sta

in organizat

s as long as it r

position aft

ars, 10

nce of Adams's statement conc

er to his rep

isunion by Adams's unpub

English to ignore, in

between Adams a

ted from tre

otiations

on of its acqui

by trea

ted by Adams again

ning, opposed

ions of Jac

tee on, petition for Ad

members to serve o

onquers H

John Adams

ockade by Berlin and

rican shipping as mu

th Rus

tion will be taken

lan for suppression

causes Jackson to break of

n, negotiates tre

ed over Adams's p

get his protest o

of Adams agains

es in enfo

majorities

n Adams's

appointed peace

nt rejected b

ointe

f colleagues at Englis

emaker in co

s in drafting

erms with

treaty of c

on English peac

ention to return to

to calm a q

treaty of c

ganization of House of Representatives

ve House to D

estion until House is

organizat

ide by Ad

pts Adams's theory of power

ourse attacked by A

John Adams of appointment

on on power of Congress over sl

ts to win Adams to s

Adams,

rved solely by h

s in New England a

of censure on Adams for presenting

harge of imitati

that anti-slavery petiti

on English peac

r must co

with Bayard a

treaty of c

o punish Adams for presenti

of Adams to commit United S

his eccentric anti-s

dealings of Adams

me, despised

eges petition for removal

er of Federalist party during

with Ad

in Massachus

studies of John Q

r degree upon Jackson

he degree

rejection of Adams's petit

censure of Ada

t Panama Congress causes South to ad

or recognit

ssion of Ad

d by Fra

Batavian Re

ppress slave

attempting to reconquer Spa

tatives, Adams's

of Adam

ommittee and ot

ss of Adam

with regard to ta

Jackson's policy

presented in, at first

prevent their r

le against Adam

s to infringe it

r to abolish

Adams for presenting a pet

s do not possess ri

ech in repl

r presenting petition for di

ect on ta

a second disunio

rganize according to cu

to Ada

his leaders

Adams on his return

Adams in,

d, comment of

, elected Speake

s exercise by England and effe

laiming impressed

eake affai

in treaty of

otiations

s concerning, in pea

between American

concer

ents, Adams's adv

is view of Adams's

of New Orl

in Spanish te

s Spai

panish treaty, lat

te for presiden

ars in Flori

hnot and Am

Pensaco

aising or blamin

President and

y Cla

by Adams,

honor given

to Mexico and for Vice-

ith Adams up to

t electoral vot

offer of Clay to barg

of Clay's supp

nt for his cho

of popular will in

ouse of Repres

at def

dams at inau

ident by Tennessee

Clay and Adams

e has proo

of offer fro

chanan for te

disavowed by Bu

to repeat

8 purely on personal

all on hi

of spoils s

of unsound government not

ded by McLe

m by a jud

esident in

new era,

1832 condemne

inst nullification u

elds to South

tion condemned

aracte

rous action aga

y Adams in

o hate Adam

nson to reconcile him

Doctor of Laws by

of feigning illne

eferred to in conversation b

olution that House will not ent

ty, rati

negotiates treati

aine's "Right

on avoided by

om position of commiss

xplain appare

s attacks on Picke

n-importati

t in war-t

es emba

. Q. Adams in spite o

of Adams to, when o

Louisiana a State o

e of offices to sec

ed by Adams of Federal

a, father-in-l

Catherine, marri

gton soci

led by Clay to oppose

concile Adams a

able mot

rnor, connected by ma

of Adams's offer of Eng

s bargain slander against

ify before Hous

raction and

See Che

ishing Adams for offering

rn members to

of Adams to, on power of

s Adams against resol

his anxiety to co

ed by Jackson to demand p

chosen Senator in

tion opposed by Fe

lthough, in his eyes,

n concerning its bound

at Sabine opposed

greed upon i

ish land grants i

cked, but, at the time

action of Leopard in a

s devotion to Adams and

ckson with a j

y of State, favors giving A

ints him Minister

iny, upheld b

New York, attacks Adam

lus" pa

mittee on, Adams

Adams for advocating power

e on Adams for presenting d

oned by Buchanan in Clay-

killed in a

classes in, belong to

nds Adams to Unite

re?lect h

s embar

ainst Adams, for his chan

movement in

sapproves of Adams's an

pport him,

cree iss

escribes Washin

r. and Mrs.

s Crawfo

s ball in honor

ams's personal un

ams's opin

demand of English for, i

between Clay

ted from tre

admissio

oints Adams Secret

life

is administrat

Clay tow

ith Spain, dreads Ad

seize Flo

ith "Monroe doct

ted by A

of modern idea of n

son's conduct i

nlarged by modern

ams in reply t

by Monr

followed out by

s alleged assassina

to prevent privateeri

ocial doings of, in

in Spanish

s to, on Onis'

hants of, in advocating sub

s embar

for President

anti-slaver

n, prevents organization of Hou

ns, battl

ions ove

pports Adams

tors by legi

er," celebrates battle

ion, act for

lists, supported

for embargo urg

opinion of Adam

onal, desire of A

ister, his character d

of folly of home go

s of De Neuvi

d to Adams's t

anation of royal la

Jackson's d

n Counci

ated between Adams a

ccused by Adams of try

"Rights of Man" att

endation of Adams to se

ted in Congre

y South ob

tudies of J. Q. Adams

s of trying to

hern members to be cautious in

nted in House by Adams, 243, 2

esented,

f Union, 281, 288

rench General, conqu

defeated by J. Q. Ad

with Adams i

appointment as Minis

s of trying to

Adams's view of h

as, Minister t

ports on powers of Congress

presenting petitio

, supports Adam

nted Secretary of War a

sed mission of

ance with United

ppress slave

, threatens to hang

Monroe's admin

ssion of Ad

commerce

n for suppression o

ola" pa

aits in Ad

s constit

of Adams, anecdote as to how A

al of Adams to run ag

mity compared by Adams

election o

and Black G

ith Cl

Adams for,

of Adams

rty, elects J

concerning its representation

o be planning atta

Franc

of Boston in condemnin

win over Ad

end him to

solution that Williams be chairma

him to ch

resolutions of censure,

, his friendline

n mediation in

ss mission to America af

roaches Adams on subjec

pointed Secretary

ent as minister

han, on peace

ms's drafts of

s of trying to

f Adams to

ssion of D

f Adams t

n, 71,

ip for Unite

th Fra

between England an

er decl

th, over A

ams to, on Monr

n for suppression o

in Louisiana

on with emb

ith Missouri qu

during Adams's admi

debate over Texa

ed States, electio

ty of Adam

his propos

isition of L

hes Ch

luence of Ada

ns demanding indemnity f

, reviewed by

dams's nomination as Min

nomination as pea

ams's recall of J. Q. Ada

sfaction with elec

Adams's opi

gress, their hatred

by Adams,

by Adams

possibility of abolition

having a petition f

censure

scovery of nature

pt to censu

it, 27

by Adams in his

for presenting disuni

y Adams,

with assassin

attempt,

on committee w

his cour

carrying out organizat

hened by Louisia

issue by Missou

Adams concer

, opposed by

a party devot

stened by Texas

in war agai

abolish, under war

of, during war of 1812, n

submit United States to mixed tri

l for combined

accuses Adams of

st, connection of

lhoun its lead

t Adams for Pre

avery party in Adams's

ess because of Hayti

., reappointed Sec

usal of Adams to pl

against t

nullification desir

on toward, condemne

point from

r with, in Monroe's

evolted colon

siana boundary and

s to nego

hampers Oni

tions,

Onis's tr

riginal t

ppress slave

son's excesses

ublics, wish aid fro

by European c

in United St

urged by Cla

ed gradu

o reconquer by Holy

Monroe doct

urged by Clay for plannin

ved by A

ams's view

1833, considered by A

inates Jackson f

argain st

x, arouses Northern opp

of Adams a

to be unconsti

, teacher o

y, sarcastic r

t petition for Ada

ution of censure

with criminal

ew resolut

by Adam

, candidate for Pre

condemns trea

supports Adams

, meeting of co

during nego

ict as to place o

or cession of territory an

osed belt of neutral

or Mississippi

ricans of manners

among Ameri

n drafting doc

se between commi

lure of nego

ellum propose

by United

ners over Mississippi navig

ose Isl

omit fisheries an

pressment article

es of negot

of English

of tre

for Americ

over, in

d in Eng

of Ohio, opposes S

ion of Adams with, c

comes manager of Jack

y Adams to

Adams from replying to resolutions o

Adams to placate, in

al, supplant

rn attitude to

to yiel

Adams last of the states

efeat for United

d by Adams to justify eman

appoints Adams Min

remain in d

him to Por

ot to hesitate to

y, absence of

in 1815,

in, 10

s intriguing in president

election o

n matter of Pana

ent as Minister

ve bargained for

of plotting to

Adams's defeat to unpopul

res, report of Ad

r and abilit

eriority of American diplomac

n defense of Adams's

al interest

Adams's man

ember of,

of Tennessee, opposes

oposes Adams for ch

s to reception of anti

at Congress may interfere wi

ttacks

his loat

er by Adams, his

ams on organiz

nded for fighting,

for dueling and Sout

eappointed Attor

versid

MASSACHUS

PED AND P

OUGHTON

Mr. John L

f his household and its expenses is

Then Mr. B

timate of Clay's character see

and people there; and so far as Mr. Adams was concerned it certainly evinced a great deal of taste, elegance, and good sense.... Many stayed till twelve a

: April 8,

rect course; but he cannot expect me to become his warm and devoted partisan." A like sentiment was expressed also much more vigorously by Ezekiel Webster to Daniel Webster, in a letter of February 15, 1829. The writer there attributes the defeat of Mr. Adams to personal dislike to him. People, he said, "always supported his cause from a cold sense of duty," and "we soon satisfy ourselves that we have discharged our duty to the cause of any man when we do not ente

fted one or both of their letters. But in spite of the prejudice naturally growing out of this fact, a thorough study of the whole subject has convinced me that Mr. Adams was unquestionably and completely rig

e Committee of Foreign Affairs, who, without ever taking them into consideration, towards the close of the session asked to be discharged from the consideration of them all. It was on this report that the debate arose, in which I disclosed the whole system of duplicity and perfidy towards Mexico, which had marked the Jackson Administration from its commencement to its close. It silenced the clamors for the annexation of Texas to this Union for three years till the catastrophe of the Van Buren Administration.

hat they might have the appearance of imploring the members from the North to cease offering petitions for their emancipation, which could have no other tendency than to aggravate their servitude, and of being so impatient under the operation of petit

: Henry A.

race Everett, o

member on the floor of the House, that gentleman took pains insultingly to say, "that there was but