The Eve of the Revolution

colonies must either subm

t they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights, that am

e. A most kindly and affectionate meeting we had, and about four in the afternoon we took leave of them, amidst the kindest wishes and fervent prayers of every man in the company for our health and success. The scene was truly affecting, beyond all description affecting." The four men who in this manner left Boston on the 10th of Aug

glish warehouses directly to America, free of all English customs and excise duties. The threepenny duty in America was indeed retained; but this small tax would not prevent the Company from selling its teas in America at a lower price than other importers, either smugglers or legitimate traders, could afford. It was true the Americans were opposed

the Americans drank a great deal of tea, which hitherto had been largely smuggled from Holland; and that, although they were in principle much opposed to the tax, "mankind in gene

adelphia merchants who smuggled tea from Holland, nor the Boston and Charleston merchants who imported dutied tea from England, could see any advantage to them in having this profitable business taken over by the East India Company. Mr. Hancock, for example, was one of the Boston merchants who imported a good deal of dutied tea from England, a fact which was better known then than it ha

nly no private merchant "who is acquainted with the operation of a monopoly … will send out or order tea to America when those who have it at first hand send to the same market." And therefore, since the Company have the whole supply, America will "ultimately be a

his superior abilities enabled him to portray in more lurid c

heir avarice, they have, by the most unparalleled barbarities, extortions, and monopolies, stripped the miserable inhabitants of their property and reduced whole provinces to indigence and ruin … Thus having drained the sources of that immense wealth … they now, it seems, cast their eyes on America, a new theater, w

y monopolizing the tea trade, and perhaps because they desired to give a signal demonstration of the fact that they were neither Sea Poys nor Maratt

rmed that the importation of dutied tea by private merchants contrary to the non-importation agreement was no less destructive to liberty than the importation of tea by the East India Company. "All this," it was said, "evinced a desire of not entering hastily into measures." In the end, the Company's tea was seized by the Collector and stored in the

se more of a burden than an advantage, the supposed advantages of colonies being bound up with restrictions on trade, and restrictions on trade being contrary to the natural law by which commerce should be free. But the natural law was only a recent discovery not yet widely accepted in England; and it did not occur to the average Briton that the colonies should be given up. The colo

transfer to courts in other colonies or to England any cases involving a breach of the peace or the conduct of public officers, provided for quartering troops on the inhabitants, and closed the port of Boston until the East India Company should have been compensated for the loss of its tea. In order to make these measures effective, General Gage, commander of the American

it in which the colonies received the news of the Boston Port Bill augured well for union, for in every colony it was felt that this was a challenge which could not be evaded without giving the lie to ten years of high talk about the inalienable rights of Englishmen. As Charles James Fox said, "all were taug

itality, and the lavish way of living. "A more elegant breakfast I never saw"-this was at Mr. Scott's house-"rich plate, a very large silver coffee-pot, a very large silver tea-pot, napkins of the finest materials, toast, and bread and butter in great perfection," and then, to top it off, "a plate of beautiful peaches, another of pears, and another of plums, and a musk-melon wer

to acquiesce by assurances that there was no danger, and that a peaceful cessation of commerce would effect relief. Another party, he says, are intimidated lest the leveling spirit of the New England colonies should propagate itself into New York. Another party are instig

ty, but his sincerity is doubted." Mr. Alsop was thought to be of good heart, but unequal, as Mr. Scott affirmed, "to the trust in point of abilities." Mr. Duane-this was Mr. Adams's own impression-"has a sly, surveying eye, … very sensible, I think, and very artful." And fin

ernment for an American Episcopate and a pair of lawn sleeves"-a very soft, polite man, "insinuating, adulating, sensible, learned, insidious, indefatigable," with art enough, "and refinement upon art, to make impressions even upon Mr. Dickinson and Mr. Reed." In Pennsylvania, as in every colony,

f America. The latter, Mr. Adams liked much, a "masterly man" who was very strong for the most vigorous measures. But it seemed that even Mr. Lee was strong for vigorous measures o

e and unheroic: "When Demosthenes (God forgive the vanity of recollecting his example) went ambassador from Athens to the other states of Greece, to excite a confederacy against Phillip, he did not go to propose a Non-Importation or Non-Consumption Agreement.…" For all this, the Massachusetts men kept themselv

n which opinion was divided. "We have no legal authority," said Mr. Rutledge, "and obedience to our determinations will only follow the reasonableness, the apparent utility, and necessity of the measures we adopt. We have no coercive or legislative authority." If this was so, the non-intercourse policy would doubtless prove a broken reed. Massachusetts men were likely to be of another opinion, were likely to agree with Patrick Henry, who affirmed

ose, probably a majority at first, who were opposed to such vigorous measures, fearing that they were intended as a cloak to cover the essentially revolutionary designs of the shrewd New Englanders. "We have too much reason to suspect that independence is aimed at," Mr. Low warned the Congress; and Mr. Galloway could see that while the Massachusetts men were in "behavior very modest, yet they are not so much so as not to throw out hints, which like s

e people of Massachusetts to form a government independent of that of which General Gage was the Governor, urged them meanwhile to arm themselves in their own defense, and assured them that "no obedience is due from this province to either or any part" of the Coercive Acts. These were indeed "vigorous measures"; and when the resolutions came before Congress, "long and warm

es," the motion being carried by a majority of one colony; but subsequently, probably on October 21, it was voted to expunge the plan, together with all resolutions referring to it, from the minutes. Nothing, as Benjamin Franklin wrote from England, could so encourage th

shown themselves lions, which was precisely what their enemies in England boasted they would do. Confronted by this difficult dilemma, moderate men without decided opinions began to fix their attention less upon the exact nature of the measures they were asked to support, and more upon the probable effect of such measures upon the British Government. It might be true, and all reports from England seemed to point that way, that the British Government was only brandishing the sword in terrorem, to see whether the Americans

bridged and compromised by adopting those petitions and addresses which the timid thought sufficient and at the sam

from the British plantations, or East India Company tea from any place, or wines from Madeira, or foreign indigo; not to consume, after March 1, 1775, any of these commodities; and not to export, after September 10, 1775, any commodities whatever to Great Britain, Ireland, or the West Indies, "except rice to Europe." It was further recommended that a committee be formed in each city, town, and county, whose business it should be to observe the conduct of all persons, those who refused to sign the Association as well as those who signed it, and to publish the names of all persons

ed a certain line of conduct to be followed by all loyal Americans, the first Continental Congress adjourned. It had assumed no "coercive or legislative authority"; o

a more favorable view of it. Nevertheless, when the American question came up for consideration in the winter of 1775, "conciliation" was a word frequently heard on all sides, and even corrupt ministers were understood to be dallying with schemes of accommodation. In January and February great men were sending agents, and even coming themselves, to Dr. Franklin to learn what in his opinion the c

tion that no tax should be imposed upon the colonies without their consent; and when the Congress at Philadelphia should have acknowledged the supremacy of the Crown and Parliament and should have made a free and perpetual grant of revenue, then he would have all the obnoxious acts p

ints" which Admiral Howe might think advisable to show to ministers. It happened, however, that the "Hints" went far beyond anything the Government had in mind. Ministers would perhaps be willing to repeal the Tea Act and the Boston Port Bill; but they felt strongly that the act regulating the Massachusetts charter must stand as "an example of the power of P

pear to be the only means, the colonies will submit." Knowing the King's ideas, as well as those of Dr. Franklin, Lord North accordingly introduced into Parliament the Resolution on Conciliation, which provided that when any colony should make provision "for contributing their proportion to the common defense, … and for the support of the civil government, and

s the 10th of February, Lord North had introduced into Parliament a bill, finally passed March 30, "to restrain the trade and commerce" of the New England colonies to "Great Britain, Ireland, and the British islands in the West Indies," and to exclude these colonies from "carrying on any fishery on the banks of Newfoundl

ittees everywhere, with a marked degree of success, immediately set about convincing their neighbors of the utility and necessity of signing the non-importation agreement, or at least of observing it even if they were not disposed to sign it. To deny the reasonableness of the Association was now indeed much more difficult than it would have been before the Congress assembled; for the Congress, having published certain resolutions unanimously entered into, had come to be the symbol of America united

nded by those who found in them their own views so effectively expressed. This Westchester Farmer-for so he signed himself-proclaimed that he had always been, and was still, a friend of liberty in general and of American liberty in particular. The late British measures he thought unwise and illiberal, and he had hoped that the Congress would be able to obtain redress, and perhaps even to effect a permanent reconciliation. But these hopes were seen to be vain from the day

point, which was that the action of Congress, whether expedient or not, was illegal. It was illegal because it authorized the committees to enforce the Association upon all alike, upon those who never agreed to observe it as well as upon those who did; and these committees, as everyone knew, were so enforcing it and were "imposing penalties upon those who have presumed to violate it." The Congress talked loudly of the tyranny of the British Government. Tyranny!

med all powers of government in spite of General Gage and contrary to the provisions of the act by which Parliament had presumed to remodel the Massachusetts charter. Outside of Boston at least, the alle

th alarm that bodies of troops were moving towards the waterside. Dr. Joseph Warren, knowing or easily guessing the destination of the troops, at once despatched William Dawes, and later in the evening Paul Revere also, to Lexington and Concord to spread the alarm. As the little army of Colonel Smith-a thousand men, more or less-left Boston and marched up into the country, church bells and the booming of cannon announ

in military array to block their path; but they found themselves subject to the deadly fire of men concealed behind the trees and rocks and clumps of shrubs that everywhere conveniently lined the open road. With this method of warfare, not learned in books, the British were unfamiliar. Discipline was but a handicap; and the fifteen hundred soldiers that Gene

igence arrived from England that Parliament had approved Lord North's Resolution on Conciliation. For extending the olive branch, the time was inauspicious; and when the second Contin

her he would submit unreservedly to the King or stand without question for the defense of America

told whether in the end they would sign themselves Britons or Americans. Surely, they said, we need not make the decision yet. We have the best of reasons for knowing that Britain will not press matters to extremities. Can we not handle the olive

one, and sits quietly in his seat, on those days when he finds it convenient to attend, which is not too often-especially after November, at which time he moved his effects to Duanesborough, and so very soon disappears from sight, except perhaps vicariously in the person of his servant, James Brattle, whom we see flitting obscurely from Philadelphia to New York conveying secret information to Governor Tryon. John Jay, the hard-reading young lawyer, who favored Mr. Galloway's plan but in the end signed the Association-here he is again, edging his way carefully along, watching his step, crossing no br

ore the Congress, John Adams, as a matter of course, made "an opposition to it in as long a speech as I commonly made … in answer to all the arguments that had been urged." And Adams relates in his Diary how, being shortly called out of Congress Hall, he was followed by Mr. Dickinson, who broke out upon him in great anger. "What is the reason, Mr. Adams, that you New-England men oppose our measures of reconciliation? There now is Sullivan, in a long harangue, following you in a determined opposition to our petition to the King. Look ye! If you don't concur with us in our pacific system, I and a number of

to raise a Continental army to assist Massachusetts in driving the British forces out of Boston, of which army it appointed, as Commander-in-

ervation of our liberties, being with one mind resolved to die freemen rather than live slaves.… We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great Britain.… We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors.… With an humble confidence i

h was thus attained was nevertheless a union of wills rather than of opinions; and on July 24, 1775, in a letter

nth ago the whole Legislative, executive, and judicial of the whole Continent, and have completely modeled a Constitution; to have raised a naval Power, and opened our Ports wide; to have arrested every Friend of Government on the Continent and held them as Hostages

ter, intercepted by the British Government, and printed about the time when Mr. Dickinson's petition was received in London, did not

impse of a hope of reconciliation," admitted that "the prospect was gloomy." Mr. Zubly assured Congress that he "did hope for a reconciliation and that this winter may bring it"; and he added, as if justifying himself against sceptical shrugs of shoulders, "I may enjoy my hopes for reconciliation; others may enjoy theirs that none will take place." It might almost seem that th

s Mr. Zubly hinting at independence even before the King has replied to the petition? No. This is not what Mr. Zubly meant. What he had in the back of his mind, and what the Congress was coming to have in the back of its mind, if one may judge from the abbreviated notes which John Adams took of the debates in the fall of 1775, was that if the colonies could not obtain reconci

prosperity of the colonies, would have no other effect than to bring about conciliation by forcing the colonies to make concessions themselves. This was not the kind of conciliation that any one wanted; and so the real antith

ther, since it would at once excite many jealousies. "To get powder," Mr. Jay observed, "we keep a secret law that produce may be exported. Then come the wrangles among the people. A vessel is seen loading-a fellow runs to the committee." Well, it could not be helped; let the fellow run to the committee, and let t

reasonably prosperous and contented than if they were not. Self-denying ordinances were, by their very nature, of temporary and limited efficacy; and it was pertinent to inquire how long the people would be content with the total stoppage of trade and the decay of business which was becoming every day more marked. "We can live on acorns; but will we?" It would perhaps be prudent not to expect "more virtue … from our people than any people ever

refused to extend his hand. October 31, 1775, information reached America that Richard Penn and Arthur Lee, having presented the petition to Lord Dartmouth, were informed that the King would not receive them, and furthermore that no answer would be returned to the Congress. Ignoring the petition wa

ust the sword into their hands. This at all events was thought by many men to be the effect of the Prohibitory Act, which declared the colonies outside the protect

dency; the King, Lords, and Commons have united in sundering this country from that, I think, forever. It is a complete dismemberment of the British Empire. It throws thirteen colonies out of the royal protection, and makes us independent in spite

es to submit by ruining their trade, it could scarcely be good policy for the colonies to help her do it; of which the reasonable conclusion seemed to be that, since the Parliament wished to close the ports of America to the world, Congress would do well to open them to the world. On February 16, 1776, Congress accordingly took into "consideration the propriety of opening the ports." To declare the ports open to t

reat?-as subjects of Great Britain-as rebels? … If we should offer our trade to the court of France, would they take notice of it any more than if Bristol or Liverpool should offer theirs, while we profess to be subjects? No. We must declare ourselves a free people." Thus it appeared that the character of British subjects, no less than the Association, was a stumbling-block in the way of obtainin

ese moderate, middle-of-the-way men had now to bring this idea into the focus of attention, for the great illusion that Britain would not push matters to extremities was rapidly dissolving, and the time was come when it was no longer possible for any man to be a British-American and when every man must decide whether it was better to be an American even at the price of rebellion or a Briton even at the price of submission. It is true that

ly one, in fact, which a sensible person could have made. Thus it was that the idea of independence, embraced by most men with reluctance as a last resort and a necessary evil, rapidly lost, in proportion as it s

Intrinsically considered, Common Sense was indeed no great performance. The matter, thin at best, was neither profoundly nor subtly reasoned; the manner could hardly be described by even the most complacent critic as humane or engaging. Yet Common Sense had its brief hour of fame. Its good fortune was to come at the psychological moment; and being everywhere read du

tecting wing of the mother country. Recalling all this sickening sentimentalism, Mr. Paine uttered a loud and ringing Bosh! Let us clear our minds of cant, he said in effect, and ask ourselves what is the nature of government in general and of the famous British Constitution in particular. Like the Abbé Sieyès, Mr. Paine had

King, Lords, and Commons, which guarantees a kind of liberty through the resulting inertia of the whole. The Lords check the Commons and the Commons check the King. But how comes it that the King needs to be checked? Can he not be trusted? This is really the secret of the whole business-that Monarchy naturally tends to

not attachment; and that she did not protect us from our enemies on our own account, but from her enemies on her own account, from those who have no quarrel with us on any other account, and who will always be our enemies on the same account." An odd sort of protection that, which served only to entangle the colonies in the toils of European intrigues and rivalries, and to make enemies of tho

d he could accomplish by "craft and subtlety, in the long run, what he cannot do by force and violence in the short one." The colonies, having come to maturity, cannot always remain subject to tutelage; like the youth who has reached his majority, they must sooner or later go their own

cut the Gordian knot by which the … colonists have been bound to Great Britain, and to open their commerce, as an independent people, to all the nations of the world." In April and May, after the Congress had opened the ports, the tide set strongly and irresistibly in the direction of the formal declaration. "Every post and every day rolls in upon us," John Adams said, "Independence like a torrent." It was on the 7th of June that Richar

onsent to it at the present moment because it would serve to divide rather than to unite the colonies. At the close of the debate on the 1st of July, there seemed little prospect of carrying the resolution by a unanimous vote. The Delaware deputies were evenly divided, the third member, C?sar Rodney, not b

obert Morris remained away from Independence Hall, and that James Wilson changed his mind and voted with Franklin and Morton; and it is known that the South Carolina deputies came somehow to the conclusion, over night, that their instructions were after all sufficient.

" Many years afterwards, in 1822, John Adams related, as accurately as he could, the conversation which took place when these two met to perform the task assigned them. "Jefferson proposed to me to make the draught. I said, 'I will not.' 'You should do it.' 'Oh! no.' 'Why will you not? You ought to do it.' 'I will not.' 'Why?' 'Reasons enough.' 'What can be your reasons?' 'Reason first-You are a Virginian, and a Vir

controversy over the question of political rights had forced Americans to abandon, step by step, the restricted ground of the positive and prescriptive rights of Englishmen and to take their stand on the broader ground of the natural and inherent rights of man. To have said, "We hold this truth to be self-evident: that all Englishmen are endowed by the British Constitution with the customary righ

o secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just Powers from the consent of the governed. That, whenever any form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the P

mperialism and the soporific haze of Historic Rights and the Survival of the Fittest-it is to these principles, these "glittering generalities," that the minds

GRAPHI

tions to the Taxation of Our American Colonies … Briefly Considered, 1765; J. Wilson, Considerations on the Nature and Extent of the Legislative Authority of the British Parliament, 1774 (also in The Works of James Wilson, 2 vols. 1896); S. Seabury, Free Thoughts on the Proceedings of the Continental Congress, 1774; T. Paine, Common Sense, 1776 (also in Writings of Thomas Paine, 4 vols. 1894-96). These pamphlets are not available to most readers, but all of them, together with many others, have been admirably described and summarized in M. C. Tyler, The Literary History of the American Revolution, 2 vols. 1897. The letters and public papers of the leaders of the Revolution have been mostly printed, among which some of the most valuable and interesting collections are: C. F. Adams, The Works of John Adams, 10 vols. 1856 (vol. II); J. Adams, Familiar Letters of John Adams and his Wife Abigail Adams, 1875; W. C. Ford, The Warren-Adams Letters, 1917 (vol. I); A. H. Smyth, The Writing's of Benjamin Franklin, 10 vols. 1905-1907 (vols. IV-VI); P. L. Ford, The Writings of John Dickinson, 3 vols. 1895; H. A. Cushing, The Writings of Samuel Adams, 4 vols. 1904-1908; P

cuments collected in European archives, some of which are not easily obtainable elsewhere. Revised ed., 6 vols. 1885, omits notes and references, and therefore not so valuable as the original edition); G. O. Trevelyan, The American Revolution, 6 vols. 1899-1914 (brilliantly written by an Englishman of Liberal sympathies. On the whole the work on the Revolution best worth reading). Studies of the beginnings of the Revolution in particular colonies: C. H. Lincoln, Revolutionary Movement in Pennsylvania, 1901; H. J. Eckenrode, The Revolution in Virginia, 1916; C. L. Becker, History of Political Parties in New York, 1760-1776, 1909. The best account of the British poli

N

affairs, 152; part in Mass. controversy, 185; journeys to first Continental Congress, 200, 208-212; at first Continental Congress, 203, 212-213, 233-234, 235, 23

128; drafts circular letter, 134-136; on Hutchinson, 150; Otis suspicious of, 152; life and character, 153-158, 160-163; portrait

uel, the e

John, 2

effrey, Ge

Registe

l, Congress deci

1774, 219-220

, Colonel, q

Alderman,

, Duke

ector of Customs at port

l government, 21, 22; and finance, 76; unable to protect Customs Commis

Captain of the

Act, see M

see Céloron

chard, 66

, 126-127; Massacre (1770), 127-128; town meeting demands removal of troops, 128; merchants enter non-importation agre

azette,

e, Jam

an Parliament,"

ng Stamp Act, 48-49; op

ignation as pre

, Lord

gland to retain, 5; quest

s Club

rs' Clu

e Blainvi

Samue

Thoma

Earl of,

ctor of Customs for

Acts, 2

, Lieutenant-Govern

ion of assemblies and governors, 38; population, 50-51; wealth, 51-52; trade, 53-55; governors, 58-61

lonial merchants agree to non-importation, 139-140; London merchants p

22; North's plan, 223-224; 231; Dickinson advises peti

ss.), battl

213-215; question of authority, 214; "Suffolk Resolves," 215-216, 217; conciliation plan rejected, 216; d

; raises army, 235; Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking up Arms, 235-236; quest

ents bill for repea

, Capta

, Thoma

ommissioners, 124; Liberty sloop riot, 124-126; protest against Townshe

first Continental Congress, 2

Willi

t, Denn

Independence,

on of Rig

tory Ac

stion of indepen

East India Company, 204-205; advises conciliation petition to King,

ll, Will

mes, 211,

e Propriety of Imposing Taxes on the

gests taking over possessions, 117;

's day, 4-5, 7; sine

seq.; plan to take over possessions of East India Company, 117; land tax, 120; Townshend duties, 123-124; Dickinson dist

g, Joh

J., quot

possessions t

n as to relations between Britain and colonies, 10-11; Plan of Union rejected, 37; description of American attitude toward defense, 38; as colonial agent, 44-45; on rights of colonies, 50; The Increase of Mankind …, 51; The Interest of Great Britain Considered, 54; opinion of Stamp Act, 65; opinion as t

Liberty and

trad

ristopher,

eneral, 199, 20

Congress, 214, 215; conciliation plan,

toward Stamp Act, 99

sented in Stamp

illiam, q

vernment, 22; budget, 23-29; plan of colonial defense, 39; plans stamp tax, 40-41; answers colonial agents concerning stamp tax, 42; postpones stamp

Jeremiah,

upe, 5,

f, Colonial Sec

l, Benja

p riot, 124-126; during period of waning enthusiasm, 152, 153; relations with Samuel

Major, 1

sonal characteristics, 69-70; for Virginia Resolution

inst Stamp Act, 40; censures Mass.

rd, Earl, A

s, Jo

klin corresponds

son, An

tire from Boston, 128-129; made Governor of Mass., 152-153; quoted, 150; life and character, 165-170; ideas of liberty, 170-174;

ig battalions, 33-34

, Jared,

ville's secre

, 210, 2

gesses, 71; quoted, 200; drafts De

British Secretary

e, on Stamp

onn. agent

, George

ranklin corres

homas,

rquis de, acting Go

John,

thur, 1

., 65-66,

Battle of

loop riot

Philip, 87-9

ommander of forces

eputy to Continenta

of North C

Alexander, 1

Lord, 103

, James,

l, Thom

of non-importatio

poses Stamp Act Congress, 78-79; censured for circular letter by Hillsborough, 130-131; Suffolk Resolve

sper, Mass.

Jonath

The (sh

Act (17

, Robe

on,

y Act

and Trade a

o send delegate to St

ee on non-importation, 139; effect of non-importation agreement, 140; decay of business, 144-146; permitted to issue Bills

eries prohibited

t Merc

, R. C.,

144-146; London merchants protest, 141; discontinued

ercours

, 121; proposes partial repeal of Townshend duti

ect of non-importat

mpany,

drew, 82-8

question, 91; Rights of the British Colonies Asserted and Proved, 113; in 1770, 152; aids

., and chief-ju

R. T.

s, Common Se

Peace

's Cau

Edmund, 6

Richar

portation agreements, 140; on

ts' attitude toward

le, 101; in behalf of America, 103-104; refers to Dulaney's pamphlet, 108 (note)

uprisi

Administration of

ess, poli

homas, Cap

tion of

ory Act,

ng Act,

, Josi

Peter, C

Burgesses, 66; and Virginia Re

, Paul

f the Rolls in

n, John

ster, 101, 102; and repeal of Stam

, C?sa

he (ship)

Edward, 21

ch, Lo

Westchester Farme

Sir Geo

pinion of Virginia

, Earl of

n, Rog

cis, Colone

am, of N.Y.,

ty, 82, 92, 9

Stamp Act Congress, 79; effect

onsulted, 44-45; provisions, 45; discussion in Parliament, 46-48; passed, 48; Virginia Resolutions, 70-77; Congr

son, M

Willi

, Willi

lves, 215-21

olonies, 56; protest in Mass., 61-64;

8, 65, 106, 130; and representation, 81, 110-111; internal and external, 1

, Earl

son, statem

; opinion of internal and external taxes, 109, 130; Paymaster of the Forces, 115; as Chancellor of

position to, 124 et seq.;

, Josi

con, quote

ar Act, 67; against Stamp Act, 70-76; unrepresented in Stam

Resolutio

5, 12; patron of Bedford,

Robert,

, Jame

r. Joseph

on, Geor

lantations represent

, Jame

ssistance,

ge, 66, 71,

J. J.,

cles of Am

Man's

worth H

nish Co

g Berdin

ethan

m Charles

ders of N

am Benne

of the

ry Jo

ers of N

es McLea

English on

Wilder

aker C

ey Geor

ial F

es McLea

uest of

e McKinn

of the R

l Lotu

and His Com

e McKinn

s of the C

ax F

n and His

ry Jon

and his

len J

ll and the

rd Samu

t for a

h Delah

of the Ol

nce Linds

ld No

eric Au

of Andre

eric Au

of Inlan

r Butler

rers of

nce Linds

nish Bo

rt Eugen

d the Me

el Wright

orty-

art Edw

ng of the

erson

tton K

liam E

-Slavery

esse

incoln an

el Wright

of the C

el Wright

of the

m Charles

el of Ap

r Lynwoo

an Spirit

in E.

n Spirit in

liss

Fore

uel Pe

Mercha

h Delah

e of I

land T

lroad B

ohn

of Big

n Jesse

mies o

uel Pe

ters of

ohn

New

land T

and the

uel Pe

level

ry Jon

rarian

on Jus

th of

l Russ

oosevelt a

rold

lson and t

rles S

adian D

ar D.

Nations of

iam R.

riber'

oduc

the series, a premium version which includes pictures. A textbook edition was also produced, which does not contain the pictures and c

these notes. The Detailed Notes Section also includes issues that have come up during the transcription process. One common issue is that words are sometimes split into two lines for spacing purposes.

d Notes