The Life of John Marshall (Volume 2 of 4)

ost awful since the days of

t one cent for tribute. (To

not deserve to be slaves. (Mar

de of the X. Y. Z. dish cooke

. The French party in America, with whose wrath Talleyrand's male and female agents had threatened our envoys, was q

t once with his sympathizers in America, whom he told that the envoys' "pretensions are high, that p

nformation, if made public, would check the disposition to arm."[744] He had not yet received the letter written him March 17, by his agent, Skipwith. This letter is abusive of the Administration of Washington as well as

and machinations. The next morning President Adams informed Congress of their arrival.[747] Two weeks later came the President's startling message to Congress declaring t

is petrified with astonishment."[749] The same day he tells Monroe that the President's "almost insane message" had alarmed the merchants and strengthened the Administration; but he did not despair, for the first move of

fall elections to increase the Republican strength in the House; petitions against war measures were pouring into Congress from every section; the Republic

ident should refuse to send Congress the papers it would demonstrate, said the "Aurora," that he "suspects the popularity of his conduct if exposed to public view.... If he thinks he has done

intercourse."[754] High Federalist business men, to whom an intimation of the contents of the dispatches had been given, urged their publication. "We wish much for the papers if they can with propri

minative of partisan sincerity. When, on April 3, the President transmitted to Congress the dispatches thus far received, the Republicans instantly altered their tactics. The dispatches did not show that the negotiations were at an end, said the "Aurora"; it was

moment they opposed publication, and finally they carried a majority against the measure. The Senate finding this to be the case instantly directed publication."[757] The President then trans

n was instantaneous and terrific.[759] The first result, of course, was felt in Congress. Vice-President Jefferson now thought it his "duty to be silent."[760] In the House the Republicans were "thunderstruck."[761] Many of their boldest leaders left for home; others went over openl

unhappy outcome of the mission, declared Jefferson; his "speech is in truth the only obstacle to negotiation."[765] Promptly taking his cue from his master, Madison asserted that the publication of the dispatches served "more to inflame than

e shou'd appear a manifest desertion of the followers."[767] Washington believed the French Government "capable [of] any thing bad" and denounced its "outrageous conduct ... toward the United States"; but he was even more wrathful at the "inimitable conduct of its partisans [in Ame

d "the most magical effects"; so "irresistible has been the current of public opinion ... that ... it has broken down the opposition in Congress."[771] Jefferson mournfully informed Madison that "the spirit kindled up in the towns is wonderful.... Addresses ... are pouring in offering life & fortune."[772] Long afterwards he records that the French disclosures "carried over from us a great body of the people, real republicans & honest men, under virtuous motive

776] The blood of Federalism was boiling. "We consider the present crisis as the most awful since the days of Vandalism," declared the ardent Troup.[777] "Yankee D

ced many songs, among others Joseph Hopkinson's "Hail Columbia!" ("The President's March"), which, from its first presentation in Philadelphia, caught the popular ear. This song is of historic importance, in that it expresses lyrically the

lumbia! h

roes! heave

d bled in Fre

g women of the land.[778] On every hilltop the fires of patriotis

Sunday last. His arrival was unexpected and his stay with us was very short. I have no other apology to make," writes Troup, "for our not giving him a public demonstration of our love and esteem."[780] Marshall hurried on to Phila

y to Monmouth from Valley Forge. Never before had any American, excepting only Washington, been received with such demonstration.[781] Fleet

y was reached, the church bells rang, cannon thundered, and amid "the shouts of the exulting multitudes" Marshall was "escorted through the principal streets to the city Tavern." The leading Federalist newspaper, the "Gazette of the United States," records that, "even in the Northern Liberties,[782] where the demons of ana

ect, and on his return the Tories rejoice. This certainly looks as if they did not wish him to succeed.... Many pensive and melancholy countenances gave the glare of parade a gloom much more suited to the occasion, and more in unison with the feelings of Americans. Well may they despond:

"and I concluded to stay & see whether that circumstance would produce any new projects. No doubt he there received more

n his arrival here in the evening, the bells rung till late in the night, & immense crowds were collected to see & make part of the shew, which was circuitously paraded through the streets before he was set down at the city tavern." Bu

calling at his lodgings twice this morning, but was so ^unlucky as to find that he was out on both occasions. He wished to have expressed in person his regret that a pre-engagement for to-day which could not be dispens

e word "lucky" as one time, at least, when Jefferson came near telling the truth

s to Mr. Jefferson with assurances of the regret he feels at b

son's polite billet of yesterday. He sets out to-morrow for Winchester & would with pl

eralist leaders in Congress with Marshall's conduct in the X. Y. Z. mission, and so high their opinion of his ability, that Adams tendered him the appointment to the place on the Supreme Bench,[790] made vacant by the death of Justice Wilson. Marshall promptly de

avern, "as an evidence of their affection for his person and their gratified approbation of the patriotic firmness with which he s

rmy, the Right Reverend Bishops Carroll and White, "and other distinguished public characters attended." Toasts "were drank with unbounded plaudits" and "many of them were

builded better than he knew." He did more than flatter Marshall and bring the enthusiastic banqueters, wildly shouting, to their feet: he uttered the sentiment of the Nation. "Millions for Defense but not a cent for Tribute" is one of the few

, the assemblage drank a final toast to "The

er County, New Jersey, presented the returned envoy a laudatory address. His answer, while dignified, was somewhat stilted, perhaps a trifle pompous. The Grand Jury compliment was, said M

ble as peace is, it "ought not to have been bought by dishonor and national degradation"; and that the resort to the sword, for which the mil

e negotiation may be considered at an end. I will never send another Minister to France without assurances that he will be received, respected, and honored as the representative of a great, free, powerful, and indep

lry," says the "Aurora." "Certainly nothing less was due considering the distinguished services which he has rendered by his mission-he has acquired some knowledge of the French language,"[798] sneers that partisan newspaper in good

. A long procession of citizens went out to meet him. Again rang the cheers, again the bells pealed, again the cannon thundered. And here, to his townsmen and friends, Marshall, for the first time, publicly opened h

"paint the sentiments of affection and gratitude towards" his old neighbors. Nobody, he as

s not mistaken in the opinion I had formed of my countrymen. I rejoice to find, though they know how to estimate, and therefore seek to avoid the horrors and dangers of war, yet they know also how to value the blessings of liberty and national independence. P

a view of [French] despotism," though "borrowing the garb usurping the name of freedom," teaches "the solid safety and real security" existing in America. The loss of these "would pois

the popular body "whose destiny involves their own and in whose ruin they must participate." This is always a good rule, but "it is peculiarly so in a moment of peril lik

ave returned along with you." But if Marshall had not brought peace, he had warned America against a government "whose touch is death." Perhaps he had even preserved "our excellent constitution and ... our well earned liberties." In answer Marshall said that he r

me a household word in the remotest log cabins of Kentucky and Tennessee, as well as in the residences of Boston and New York. "Saving General Wash

Philadelphia Federalist, who happened to be present, ordered them to play "The President's March" ("Hail, Columbia!"). Instantly the audience was in an uproar. So violent did they become that "a considerable riot took place." Marshall was openly insulted. Nor did their hostili

idolized. This, the first formal party organization in our history, was, as we have seen, in sorry case even under Washington. The assaults of the Republicans, directed by Jefferson's genius

o Talleyrand saved the situation for the moment. Those whom Jefferson's consummate skill had

d; a provisional army created; the Navy Department established; arsenals provided; the building of war

and Danton, now howled with wrath at mention of republican France. The pulpit became a tribune of military appeal and ministers of the gospel preached sermons against American "Jacobins."[805]

aty with France was "the completion of our Liberties, the acme of our Independence ... and ... emancipated us from the oppressive friendship of an ambitious, malignant, treacherous ally." That act evidenced "our nation's manhood"; our Government was now "an Hercules, who, no longer am

ent as Commander-in-Chief of the newly raised army. "Huzza! Huzza! Huzza! How transporting the fact! The great, the good, the aged Washington has said 'I am ready again to go

of "the preparation which [we] are making to receive them." They have "made calculations on false ground" in supposing that Americans would not "support Independence and the Government of their country at every hazard." Nevertheless, "the highest possible obl

ent" as well as of "vengeance," France will probably fall upon America. "Yes sir, the moment is come that I see the fortunes, nay, independence, of my country at hazard, and in the hands of the most gigantic nation on earth.... Already, the language of planting new colonies upon the ... Mississippi is the lang

election to the Presidency as the successor of Adams, which until then appeared to be inviting, now jeopardized if not made hopeless. With his almost uncanny understanding of men, Jefferson laid all this to

ase the Republican strength. For, until now, he had utilized so thoroughly the deep and widespread French sentiment in America as his immediate party weapon, and made so emphatic the

connection, between members of what the French politicians felt themselves justified in calling "the French party" in America and the manipulators of French public opinion, existed and was made use of. This is shown by the effect in France of Jefferson's famous letter to Mazzei of April 24, 1796.[815] It is proved by th

ion of Talleyrand is not very apparent.... That the Directory knew anything of it is neither proved nor probable."[817] On June 8, 1798, Jefferson wrote to Archibald Stuart: "It seems fairly presumable that the douceur of 50,000 Guineas mentioned in the former dispatches was merely from X. and Y. as not a word

spatches from our envoys," writes he, "but the contents of these dispatches are now resolved by them into harmless chitchat-mere trifles-less than was or ought to have been expec

build ships and to take other proper measures for the National defense, Adams's Administration would have been saved, the Federalist Party kept alive for at least four years more, the Republican Party delayed in its recovery and Jeffers

X. Y. Z. disclosures. When the envoys were appointed, he asserts, many "suspected ... from what was understood of their [Marshall's and Pinckney's] dispositions," that the mission would not only fail, but "widen the breach and provoke our citizens to

God-send to them & they made the most of it. Many thousands of copies were printed & dispersed gratis, at the public expense; & the zealots for war co-operated so heartily, that there were instances o

rized by "the French government of whose participation there was neither proof nor probability." So "the people ... gave a loose [tongue] to" their an

od, to a nicety, the gigantic task which must be performed to reassemble and solidify the shattered Republican ranks. For public sentiment was, for the time being, decidedly war

e United States and hostile to France."[823] The intimates of Talleyrand and the Directory were "disappointed and chagrined.... Nothing can exceed the rage of the apostate Americans, who have so long misrep

that man's more than infantine weakness. Of it you cannot have an idea, unless you had seen him here [The Hague] and at Paris. Erase all the two

ical audacity, in which one finds much grim humor, peremptorily demands that Gerry tell him the names of the mysterious "X., Y., and Z." With comic self-abasement, the New Englander a

aken."[829] Higginson asserted that "those of us who knew him [Gerry] regretted his appointment and expected mischief from it; but he has conducted himself worse than we had anticipated."[830] The American Minister to Great Britain, bitterly humiliated, wrote to Hamilton that Gerry's "answer to Tall

up wrote: "We have seen and read with the greatest contempt the correspondence between Talleyrand and Mr. Gerry relative to Messrs. X. Y. and Z.... I can say nothing honorable to [of] him [Gerry]. De mortuis nil nisi bonum is a maxim as applicable to him as if he was in his grave."[834] Washington g

pacific views but for the purpose of dividing the people of this country and separating them from their government."[836] The peppery Secretary of State grew more and more intolerant of Gerry. He tells Marshall that

t which Hottenguer, Bellamy, and Hauteval were present and of their corrupt proposition to Gerry in Talleyrand's presence.[839] Pickering urged Mars

ngness proceeds from a repugnance to give him the vexation which I am persuaded it would give him." Nevertheless, Adams did read Marshall's Journal, it appea

arshall, declaring that Gerry "ought to be impeached."[842] It "astonishes me," replies Marshall; and while he wishes to avoid altercation, he thinks "it is proper for

red" to use Gerry in any way "which can be applied to their purposes"; and are ready "to receive him into their bosoms or to drop him entirely as he may be French or American." He is so exasperated, however, that he contemp

ons ... I wish if it be possible to avoid appearing in print myself." Also he makes the excuse that the courts are in session, and t

hall, publications to mollify public opinion toward France and to irritate it against England "

. Y. Z. dish cooked up by Marshall, where the swindlers are made to appear as the French government," wrote Jefferson to Pendleton. "Art and industry combined have certainly wrought out of th

apitulating the whole story ... short, simple & levelled to every capacity." It must be "so concise as omitting nothing material, yet may be prin

ll replies in a personal letter to Gerry, which, considering Marshall's placid and unresentful nature, is a very whiplash of rebuke; it closes, howe

r wrote severely of any man. Although the unfriendliness between Jefferson and himself grew through the years into unrelenting hatred on both sides, Marshall did not express the intensity of his feeling. While his courage, physical and moral, was perfe

he has "scarcely had time to look into any business yet, there are so many persons calling every hour to see me.... The hot and disagreeable ride" to Richmond had been too much for him, but "if I co

substitute for her lovely sister. She talks in a way not easily to be understood tho she comprehends very well everything that is said to her & is the most coquettish

perfect recollection of. I expect he has been taught to look at the picture & had some confused idea of a likeness. He is small & weakly but by no means an ugly child. If as I hope we have the

this pleasure you have only to take the cold bath, to use a great deal of exercise, to sleep tranquilly & to stay in cheerful company. I am sure you will do everything which can contribute to give you back to yoursel

rshall

he writes to the Secretary of State, "produc'd by my absence and the dispersion of my family oblige me to make either sales which I do not wish or to delay payments of money which I ought not to delay, unless I can receive from the treasury. This sta

h. "I will lose no time to place the balance in your hands,"[853] says Pickerin

rably more than three times as much as Marshall's annual income from his law practice. It was an immense sum, considering the compensation of public officials at that period-not much less than

ublic life for him-no more waste of time in the Legislature. There never could, of course, come another such "God-send," to use Marshall's phrase as reported by Jefferson,[855] as the French mission; and few public offices, National or State, yielded so much as he could make in the practice of his profession. T

TNO

mary in McMas

s to the Secretary of State were sent by as many ships,

ison, Jan. 25, 1798; W

ison, Feb. 15, 1798; W

erson, Paris, March 17

For. Rel., ii, 152

her. It merely stated that there was no hope that the envoys would be received and that a new d

ardson, i, 264; and

ison, March 21, 1798;

Monroe, March 21,

o Madison, March

Pendleton, April 2,

ora, Apri

on, March 22, 179

; ib., 93. And see the valuable New England

the Aurora began the publication of a series of ably written articles excusing

ublic expense. Eighteen hundred were sent to Virginia alone. (Pickering to Marshall, July 24, 1798; Pickering MSS., Mass. Hist. S

ement, April 3, 1798;

ison, April 5, 1798; W

0]

ay, April 9, 1798; J

rd, viii, 411. Among the Republicans who deserted the

o Madison, April

pril 12, 179

r, April 12, 1798; Wor

rson, April 15, 1798;

ering, April 16, 1798; W

Hamilton, May 27,

King, May 1, 179

Dec. 18, 1798; Wor

ing, June 3, 179

dison, May 3, 1797, W

Monroe, March 7,

ing, June 26, 1798; Picke

to Otis, May 28, 17

ing, June 3, 179

apers of the time, McMaster has drawn a brilliant picture of the thrilling and dramatic scenes which

in America than the Marseillaise Hymn in Fran

(Va.) Herald,

ing, June 23, 17

return from diplomatic service in England

y Republican envir

20, 1798; see also Claypoole's American D

the United Stat

ne 21, 1798; and

son, June 21, 1798; Wor

Eller's Hotel, June 23, 1798

n Bag, vii

Jefferson; Jeffers

ll, Sept. 20, 1798; Picke

But it was first used at the Philadelphia banquet to Marshall. Pinckney's nearest approach to it was his loud, a

r to Marshall illustrate the popular spirit at that particular moment. They also furnish good examples of the vocabu

tes-'free, soverei

the Government-'o

found to sign the ignominious deed' that wo

he Knowledge that he lives a bulwark against m

in mortals to command success:

rmy. 'May glory be their Theme, Victory their

ts infant efforts, like those of Hercules

se to combine the Valor of the Soldi

disdain to hold as Tenants at Will, the In

. 'May their memory never be dishonored by a surr

y it regard with disdain the

fallible Antidotes aga

Defense but not

citizen-Reverence for the Laws

issolution of whose partnership

stitution-'E

ral Marshal

om his country delights to H

r, Monday, June 25, 1798; and Gazette of t

e 25, 1798; an

1798; Works: Adams, ix, 158; and R

nfra, c

shington, June 22, 1

ora, June

the United Stat

Centinel, Boston

(Va.) Herald,

98; King, ii, 465; and see same

ted States Record

i, 380-85; Hildre

aster, ii

ng Men of Boston," July 17, 1799; in Works

rray, Aug. 10, 1798; W

(Va.) Herald,

, 1798; Writings: Ford, xiv, 71. "I ... hope that ... when the Despots of France find how much they ... hav

ing, July 10, 17

fferson, March 17, 1

pra, cha

fferson, March 17, 1

ams, July 4, 1798; Wri

infra, c

v, footnote to 743; Hildreth,

rr, April 12, 1798; W

to Stuart, June

y, May, 1798; Writings: Fo

rry, Jan. 26, 1799; W

ing, July 10, 17

lton, London, July

bon, Aug. 14, postscript Au

oup, July 31, 17

ckering, July 19

. Adams, June 8, 178

ing, July 10, 17

to King, July 1

King, July 2,

Wolcott, Sept. 11,

on, London, July 14,

y to King, July 18,

15, 1798, quoting Pinckney; i

King, Oct. 2, 1

kering, Oct. 26, 1798;

ng, Aug. 11, 1798; Picker

Beauma

ll, Sept. 4, 1798; Picker

ecretary of State,

to Marshall, O

ing, April 26, 1

Marshall, Nov. 5, 1

to Pickering, N

ee next

ng, Oct. 15, 1798; Picker

g, Oct. 22, 1798; ib., Mas

dleton, Jan. 29, 1799;

g, November 12, 1798; Pick

Secretary of State

born January 15, 1798, during

rown much worse during Marshall's absence. Mrs. Carrington had been "more than usual occupied with my poor sister Marshall ... who fell into a deep melancholy. Her husband, who might by hi

ugust 11, 1798; Pickering MSS.

to Marshall, S

ie and the remainder by letter of credit on governments and European bankers. (Marshall to Secretary of State, July 10, 1797; Pickering MSS. Also Archi

nas"; Works: