The Life of John Marshall (Volume 2 of 4)

of General Marshall alone has bee

, I am an American. We should make no political connecti

he felt and acted as a Republican

ests as the issues involved. Upon Marshall's return from France and his enthusiastic reception, ending with the Richmond demonstration, the Federalist managers pressed Marshall to take the place of the candidate then run

ation from General Washington," writes Marshall in his account of this imp

om the ardent desire I have to see him that I have not delayed a moment to express it.... The crisis is most important.... The temper of the people in this state ... is so violent and outrageous that I wish to converse with General Marshall and yoursel

ey. With great hilarity each charged this to be the property of the other. Then came a thick twist of tobacco, some corn bread, and finally the worn apparel of wagoners; at some tavern on the way their saddle-bags had become exchanged for those of drivers. The rough clothes were grotesque misfits; and when, clad in t

t at this conference, so decisive of Marshall's future. The time was September, 1798, and the conversations were held on the broad piazza,[860] looking out upon the river

e success of sound opinions was required by the most sacred duty to offer his services to the public." Marshall doubted his "ability to do any good. I told him that I

withdrawn from office with a declaration of his determination never again, under any circumstances, to enter public life. No man could be more sincere in making that declaration, nor could any man feel stronger motives for adhering to it. No man could make a stronger sacrifice than he did in breaking a resolution, thus publicly made, and which he had bel

ngrily expressed command, determined to leave so early in the morning that his host would have no opportunity to press the matter further; but, Washington noting Marshall's

this place later was given to Bushrod Washington, largely on Marshall's advice.[863] Adams had been reluctant to give Marshall up as one of the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court; "General Marshall or Bushrod Wash

y the most decided approbation of the public. He has raised the American people in their own esteem, and, if the influence of truth and justice, reason and argument is not lost in

ecided him against becoming an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. Thus, against his desire, he found himself once mor

nst him was so great that it has become a tradition; and while scarcely any of the personal assaults, which appeared in print, are ex

attacks which, undoubtedly, were launched against Marshall in this bitter political conflict. "John Marshall," says Wood, "was an improper character in several respects; his principles o

c temper. "The whole malignancy of Anti-federalism," he writes, "not only in the district, where it unfortunately is but too abundant, but th

el'd particularly at me. Anything written by me on the subject of French affairs wou'd be ascrib'd to me, whether it appear'd with or without my signature and wou'd whet and sharpen up t

armed that decaying organization with enough strength to enact the most imprudent measures that its infatuated leaders ever

being forever afterwards incapacitated from becoming citizens of the United States. But if the alien could prove to the satisfaction of the President that he was not dangerous, a presidential "license" might be granted, permitting the alien t

ho should write, print, publish, or speak anything "false, scandalous and malicious" against the Government, either House of Congress, or the President "with intent to defame" the Government, Congress, or the Presiden

, on the other hand, saw the danger in the Sedition Bill the moment a copy reached him: "There are provisions in this bill ... highly exceptionable," he wrote. "I hope sincerely the thing may not be hurried through. Let us

in the debate in Congress, that these laws were justified by events; in vain did they point out the presence in America of large numbers of foreigners who were active and bitter against the A

strong, a more powerful counter-current was rising. "Liberty of the press," "freedom of speech," "trial by jury" at once became the watchwords and war-cries of Republicanism. On the hus

d should be separate and distinct; the Sedition Act denied freedom of speech, with which the Constitution expressly fo

ng hard," declared the great Republican. Indeed, he thought them only "an experiment on the American mind to see how far it will bear an avowed violation of the constitution. If this goes down, we shall immediately see attempted another act of Congress declaring that the President shall continue in office duri

scription of men in our country have already driven and seem resolved further to drive matters" and then decide whether these laws are not necessary, against those "who acknowledge no allegiance to this country, and in many instances are

t at least, seems to have been the case. "The Alien and Sedition Laws are now the desiderata of the Opposition.... But any thing else would have done,-and someth

ien laws. But," wrote Washington, "I do not believe that ... it ... or ... any other writing will produce the least change in the conduct of the leaders of the opposition to the measures of the general government. They have points to carry from whic

sms of the X. Y. Z. mission "make so little impression that I believe France will be given up and the attack upon the government will be supported by the alien and sedition laws. I am extrem

the same clamor would be made by them on some other account, but," truthfully and judicially writes Marshall, "there are also many

hed in the Richmond newspapers an open letter to Marshall asking him whether he was for the Constitution; whether the welfare of America depended on a foreign alliance; whether a closer connection with Great Britain was desirable; whe

as already begun his electioneering campaign. The following are answers to some queries proposed to him. Whether the queries were propounded with a view of discovering his real sentiments, or whether t

hes everybody to know his "real principles" and not "attribute" to him "those with which active calumny has ... aspersed" him. In this spirit Marshall answers that

exists.... No man in existence is more decidedly opposed to such an alliance or more fully convinced of the evils that would result from it."

n: ... Commercial intercourse with all, but political ties with none ... buy as cheap and

hould also make war on America, "it would be madness and folly" not to secure the "aid of the British fleets to prevent our being invaded"; but, n

and independence of our country." Peace with France was not possible "without sacrificing those great objects," for "the primary object of France is

ed them," although he does not "think them fraught with all those mischiefs ascribed to them." But he thinks them "useless ... calculated

o it." The effort to repeal them "will be made before he can become a member of Congress"; if it fails and is renewed after he takes his seat, he "will obey the voice of his constituents." He th

s; for he seems to have privately expressed, while in Philadelphia on his return from France, a mild disapproval of the wisdom and political expediency of this absurd legislation. His answers to "Freeholder" wer

rst recovering from the stunning force of their fall from Heaven, to see what new ground they could take." They chose, says Ames, "the alien and sedition bills, and the land tax" with which to arouse discontent

name to the base opposers of the law.... This he has done. Excuses may palliate,-future zeal in the cause may partially atone,-but his character is done for.... Like a man who in battle receives an ounce ball in his body-it may heal, it lies too deep to be extracted.... There let it lie. False Federalists, or such as act wrong from false

Marshall in the press, although not over his own name and only as a matter of party tactics. He procured some one to write t

icans]." He should be saved from the "admiration of the seditious"-that much was due to Marshall's "spirit, firmness and eloquence" in the contest with "the Despots of France." As "d

highly venerate soliciting votes at the expense of principles which they deem sacred

moment." Therefore "it was absolutely necessary to take all the ordinary steps" to succeed. This "may appear extraordinary ... to those who are only acquainted with the

spapers had "slandered him"; politicians had called him "Aristocrat, Tory, and British Agent. All this abuse ... would infallibly have

dition Laws. "If Gen. Marshall thought them unconstitutional or dangerous to liberty, would he" be content merely to say they were unnecessary? "Would a man of General Marshall's force of reasoning, simply denominate

am ready to join you as well as Ames in reprobating the publication of Marshall's sentiments on the Sedition & Alien Acts, but I still adhere to my first opinion that Marshall ought not to be attacked in the Newspapers,

es it visionary &, upon the subject of Free Govt., incredibly credulous; but it is certain that Marshall at Phila. would become a most powerful

good federalist, who does not regret his answers to the Freeholder; but I am sorry that it should be imagined to be an 'electioneering trick.'... General Marshall is incapable of doing a dishonorable act." Only Marshall's patriotism had induced

: "I too have lamented that John Marshall, after such a mission particularly, should lend himself thus against a law which the Frenc

art of Virginia who speak of our own government as an enemy infinitely more formidable and infinitely more to be guarded against than the French Directory. Immense efforts are made to induce the legislature of the state which will meet in Dec'r to take some violent meas

contained in a series of open letters first publ

a monarchy or aristocracy upon the ruins of our free constitution. The energy of your mind and the violence of your zeal have exalted you

h an opposition to the administration is confounded with hostility to the government and treason to the country.... The execrations and

Alien and Sedition Laws?[892] "Notwithstanding the magnitude ... of your talents, you are ridiculously awkward in the arts of dissimulation and hypocrisy.... It is painful to attack ... a man whose talents are splendid and whose private character is amiable"; bu

hman," "traitor," "foe of law and order," "hater of government" were the milder of the counter-blasts from the Federalists, all this was too general, scattered, and ineffective to suit the leader of the Republic

a letter to Jefferson concerning the Alien and Sedition Laws, this eminent and disinterested radical suggested that "the right of the State governments to expound the constitution might possibly be made the basis of a move

n, and, not many decades later, gave the battle-cry that rallied heroic thousands to armed resistance to the National Government.[895] On October 5, 1798, Nicholas writes Jefferson that he has delivered to "Mr. John Breckenridge a copy of the resolutions that you sent me."[896] They were passed by the Legislature of Kentucky on November 14, 1798; and the

d distinctly affirm all the important principles they contain so as to hold that ground in future, and leave the matter in such a train as th

and Sedition Laws unconstitutional, the Virginia Resolutions merely appealed to the other States to "co-operate with this st

e of war.... Some of them talked of 'seceding from the Union,'"[901] Iredell writes his wife: "The General Assembly of Virginia are pursuing steps which directly lead to a civil war; but there is a respectable minority struggling in defense of th

overeignty would be perfidious if they did not warn" the people "of encroachments which ... may" result in "usurped power"; the State Governments would be "precipitated into impotency and contempt" in case they yielded to such Na

hich may be forever used," because those who wished National power extended "can ever create national em

by implication" by which "the states will be stript of every right reserved." Such "tremendous pretensions ... inflict a death wound on the Sovereignty of the States." Thus wrote the same Madison who had declared that nothing short of a veto by the National

atim and in italics from Marshall's second letter to Talleyrand in defense of the liberty of the press, without, however, giving Marshall credit for t

ould not possibly get his views before the people so authoritatively or so widely. But they did their best, for it was plain that Madison's Jeffersonized appeal, so uncharacteristic of that former Nationalist, must be answere

will of the majority produced, ratified, and conducts" this constitutional government. It was not perfect, of course; but "the best rule fo

hen it "broke out"; but "they did not possess even a remote influence in its termination." The true American policy, therefore, was in the "avoiding of the existing carnage and the continuance of our existing happiness." It was for this reason that

ity and revenge." But Washington, averse to war, "made his last effort to avert

rican reproaches with French views and French objects"; as a result "our commerce became a prey to French cruisers; our citizens were captured"

" asks Marshall, "could hesitate in the option?" And, "the choice being made, self-preservation commanded preparations for self-defense....-the fleet, ... an army, a provision for the removal of dangerous aliens and t

were the only resort for safety, against the invasion of a veteran army, flushed with repeated victories, strong in the skil

able and constitutional efforts to repeal them," no objection would have been made to such a course; but when "general hostility to o

their nature, which interest all America" and "can only be obtained by the co?peration of the whole ... would be naturally vested in

rotection from hostilities of every kind." Marshall then makes an extended argument in support of his Nationalist theory. Occasionally he employs almost the exact language which, years afterwards, appears in those constitutional opinions from the Supreme Bench that have given him his lasting fame. Th

Thereupon the Federalists printed and circulated it as a campaign document. It was so admired by the supporters of the Administration in

blican ridicule and derision. It contained, said Callender, "such quantities of words ... that you turn absolutely tired"; it abounded in "barren tautology"; some sentences

t the country were greatly pleased. The address was, said Sedgwick, "a masterly performance for which we are indebted

been weak enough to declare against those laws that might be against the policy or necessity, etc.,

multitude. And the Republican spirit was running high. The Virginia Legislature provided for an armory in Richmond to resist "encroachments" of the National Government.

hall, "can moderate the leaders of the opposition.... However I may regret the passage of one of the acts complained of [Sedition Law] I am firmly persuaded that the tempest has not been raised by them. Its cause lies much deeper and is not easily to be removed. Had they [

eclared and ... views were developed of a very serious and alarming extent.... There are men who will hold power by any means rather than not hold it; and who would prefer a dissolution

ome a candidate, for the step I have taken. The exertions against me by" men in Virginia "and even from other states" are more "active and malignant than personal considerations would

atures in a direct resistance to certain laws of the Union can be considered in no other light than as an attempt to change the government"; and he notes the "hostile declarations" of the Virginia Legislature; its "actual preparati

le subject be referred to a special committee of Congress which should deal with the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions and justify the laws at which they were aimed. "N

ed so well. His enemies declared that he carried these to the extreme; at a rally in Hanover County he "threw billets into the bonfires and danced around them with his constituen

bout the bonfire. Marshall's answers to "Freeholder" dispose of the second; his pressing need of money for the Fairfax purchase shows that he could have af

x, worse things were charged or intimated by word of mouth than were then put into type. Again it is the political hack, John Wood, who gives us a hint of the baseness of the slanders that were circulated

is brother a short time before election day he briefly refers to the Republican assau

at it are despicable in the extreme and yet they succeed. Nothing I bel

N MARSHALL TO HIS BROTH

csi

military force, the high taxes, together with the reckless charges and slanders against the Federalists and the perfect discipline exacted of the Republicans by Jefferson-all were rapidly overcoming t

move which saved him at the very last. They circulated the report that Patrick Henry, the archenemy of "aristocrats," was against Marshall because the

tion, wrote Henry; if that was not the purpose of the Republicans "they have none and act ex tempore." As to France, "her conduct has made it to the interest of the great family of mankind to wish the downfall of her present government." For the French Republic threatened to "destroy the great pil

thus prepared, Henry discharges all his guns against Marshall's enemies. "General Marshall and his colleagues exhibited the American charact

Very far from it indeed. Independently of the high gratification I felt from his public ministry, he ever stood high in

But when you add the particular information and insight which he has gained, and is able to communicate to

oting for him is too stale, childish, and foolish, and is a French finesse; an appeal to prejudice, not reason and good sense.... I rea

l followers, but it contained large numbers of his close personal friends. His letter was passe

g from a letter of Bushrod Washington, who had no more political acumen than a turtle, a Federalist newspaper declared: "We hear that General Marshall's election is placed beyond all doubt. I was firmly convince

A long, broad table or bench was placed on the Court-House Green, and upon it the local magistrates, acting as election judges, took their seats, their clerks before them.

declare his choice in every county in which he possessed the necessary real estate. The voter did not cast a printed or written ballot, but merely stated, in the presence o

or John M

the lank, easy-manner

" shouted the compact

lopton," cried an

d years, my friend," sa

on!" roared the crowd o

a body." Each party had a business committee which attended to every practical detail of the election. Not a voter was overlooked. "Sick men were taken in their beds to the polls; the halt, the lame, and the blind

ck-down and drag-out affrays became so general that the county justices had hard work to quell the raging partisans. Throughout the day the shouting and huzzaing rose in volume as the whiskey sank in the barrel. At times the uproar was "perfectly deafen

breaking of heads there were in plenty. "The crowd rolled to and fro like a surging wave."[931] Never before and seldom, if ever, since, in the history of Virginia

in Marshall's victory. He hastened to write his political protégé: "With infinite pleasure I received the news of your Election. For the honor of the Dis

ds had published the fact of Marshall's refusal to accept the various offices which had been tendered him by Washington. They had drawn a l

rgue a littleness of mind at which I ought to blush." Marshall tells Washington that the person who published the report "never received it directly or indirectly from me." If he had known "that such a publication was desig

on you allude to should have given you a moment's disquietude. I can assure y

"has reduced us to eight in the legislature of the Union"; that the Republicans maintained their "majority in the house of Delegates," which "means an antifede

lists and Republicans. Pickering, after writing King of the Federalist success in New York City, declared that "the other d

er and the situation he has been in, will combine to give him an influence, which will be further aided by the scene which he immediately represents. He may

ion Laws angered and troubled them when it was made; and, now that Marshall was elected, his opinion on this, to the Federalists, vital subject, his admitted power of mind and character, and his w

deed, I do not expect, conform his political conduct generally, to what seems indicated by his public declaration relative to the alien & sedition acts, it would have been better that his

were the Federalist politicians at home: "If M[arshall]'s silly declaration on the inexpediency of the Sedition law does not entangle him he may be very useful."[942] But Murray was uneasy: "Marshall, I fear, comes

specially irritated by Marshall's election: It "marks a taint in that part of the State which I had not expected." He was venomous toward H

ngressional elections have astonished every one," he informs Tench Coxe. "This result has proceeded from accidental combinations of circumstances, & not from an unfavorable change of sentiment.... We are not inc

enry: "As to the effect of his name among the people, I have found it crumb

men to be appointed as officers in the provisional army; and his letters to the Commander-in-Chief show a wide

criticisms,-some of them trivial and even amusing,-as well as for false and slanderous attacks on public officers. President Adams himself had begun to urge these prosecutions. He was particularly bitter against

ome of these prosecutions, they were not so extravagant as the horrors which Repu

ion. He writes to Wilson Cary Nicholas to prepare an answer to the States that had opposed the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions; but, says Jefferson, "As to the preparing anything [myself] I must decline it, to avoid suspicions (which we

ind on politics, that "a visit to an aged & rever'd Father" prevented an earlier answer to a letter from Pickering; and, although Marshall has much to say, not one word is written of the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions. He is obsessed with the French q

never send another minister to France without assurances that he will [would] be received, respected, and honored as the representative of a great, free, powerfu

6] It was a frail assurance, indirect, irregular, unacknowledged to the world; and from men who had insulted us and who would not hesitate to repudiate Murray's statement if their purposes so required. Yet the President grasped by the forelock this possibility

! said they, kiss the hand that had slapped our face! "The new embassy ... disgusts most men here," reported Ames from New England.[958] Cabot confirmed Ames's dole

eralists were sorely disappointed at the failure of his prediction. "Genl. Marshall unfortunately held the decided opinion that France would declare war when the Dispatches should appear; and T. Sewell with other good men were so strongly impressed with the advantage of such a declaration by them that they could not be persuaded to relinquish the belief

was "a policy that threatens ... to revive the Jacobin faction in our bosom."[962] Federalist members of Congress threatened to resign. "I have sacrificed as much as most men ... to supp

hat the army was a wicked and needless expense. What answer could the Federalists make to these Republican charges now? Adams's new French mission, the Federa

th France? That would make Federalist success more certain. The country would not turn out a party in charge of the Government when cannon were roaring. Even more importa

hout one word to the men who reluctantly had made him President,[966] had not only prevented a rupture which would have accomplished every Federalist purpose, but had delivered his party into the hands of the "Jacobins." He had robbed the Federalists of

hip of the sense, and worth, and property of the United States, and get in exchange the prejudice, vice, and bankruptcy of the nation,"[968] wrote Ames to Pickering. "In Resistance alone there is safety,"[969] was Cabot's

ivateers, defeating French men-of-war, and retaliating with pike, cutlass, and broadside for the piratical French outrages upon American commerce.[971] As things stood, it was certain that this would continue until after the election, and with each glorious victory of

it."[973] And now Adams's second mission might spoil everything. "The Jacobins will rise in consequence of this blunder,"[974] was the doleful prophecy. Indeed, it was already in fulfillment even with the utterance: "Already the Jacobins raise their disgraced hea

sy of the "infamous X. Y. Z. plot." "This renders their [Federalists'] efforts for war desperate, & si

ch agitation here, has met the approbation of so good a judge as Mr. Marshall," Lee reported to the President.[978] Marshall's support cheered the harried C

n Pennsylvania. He had been finally taken prisoner, tried, and convicted of sedition and treason, and sentenced to death. Against the unanimous written advice of his Cabinet, formally tendered,[980] the President pardoned the "tra

stice had clutched! What was to become of "law and order" when the Nation's head thus sanctioned resistance to both?[984] In his charge to the Federal Grand Jury, April 11, 179

army.[986] If Adams was right in pardoning Fries, then Washington was wrong in suppressing the Whiskey Rebellion. The whole Federalist system was abandoned.[987] The very roots of the Federalist philosophy of government and administration were torn from their none too firm hold upon the

meet his Cabinet and dispatch the second mission to France. That done, he hastened back to the bedside of his sick wife. But the politicians made no allowances. Adams's absence "from the seat of government ... is a source of much disgus

ralists, the House was a very "cave of the winds," with confusion, uncertainty, suspicion, anger, and all the disintegrating p

TNO

April 4, 1835; Lippincott's

d Washington, Aug. 27, 179

vaguely. (Washington to Langhorne, Oct. 15, 1797; Writings: Ford, xiii, 428-30.) John Nicholas discovered that the Langhorne letter had been posted at Charlottesville; that no person of that name lived in the vicinity; and that Washington's answer was called for at the Charlottesville post-office (where Jefferson posted and received letters) by a person closely connected with the master of Monticello. It was suspected, therefore, that Jefferson was the author of the fictitious let

g: Washington

all to Paul

r to one from Paulding asking Marshall for the facts as to

ll, Sept. 20, 1798; Picke

3]

ng, Sept. 14, 1798; Wo

ng, Sept. 26, 1798; Wo

June 25, 1807; Old

deralists. Jefferson's friends charged that Burr suppressed it because of his friendship for the Federalist leaders. (See Cheetham's letters to Jeff

his campaign was unusually acrimonious everywhere. "This Electioneering is wor

r Alien Acts of June 18, June 25, and July 6,

not made a campaign i

ii, 417; and to Monroe, May 21, 1798; ib., 423. Jefferson

cott, June 29, 1798;

rson, May 20, 1798; Wr

fication of the Alien and Sediti

efly caused by their belief that the Alien and Sedition Laws were

. Mason, Oct. 11, 1798;

swood, Nov. 22, 1798; Wr

rray, Dec. 26, 1798; W

s assailed and ridiculed this very effectively in the presidential campaign of 1800. "Alexander Addison has published in a volume a number of his charges to juries-and precious c

ng, Aug. 11, 1798; Picker

dly, written with Marshall's knowledge. Indeed a careful study of

" questions. The Columbian Centinel, Boston, October 20, 1798, prints both questions and answers, but makes several errors in the

Dec. 18, 1798; Wor

ng, Oct. 23, 1798; Picker

Centinel (Boston

ing, April 26, 1

fax embarrassment, alone, caused

ck, Nov. 6, 1798; Pickeri

. Murray had been a member of Congress and a minor Federalist p

ng, Oct. 22, 1798; Picker

ms: Galla

Marshall what he thought of the

alents and fate of young John Thompson and those of Francis Walker Gilmer. Both were remarkably intellectual and learned; the characters of both were clean, fine, and high. Both were uncommonly handsome men. Neither of them had a s

eir feeble physical basis and their early passing seem like the last effort of that epoch

; as quoted in Branch Historical Papers,

and Virginia Resolutions see Von Holst: Constit

d by Channing in "Kentucky Resolutions of 1798";

hat his draft of the "Kentucky Resolutions" was the result of this conference; and that he "strictly required" their "solemn assur

lace; and that Jefferson sent the resolutions to Nicholas, who placed them in the hands of Breckenridge for introduction in the Kentucky Legislature; and that Breckenridge and Nicholas both thought

resolutions as the Kentucky Legislature passed them on Nov. 10, 1798; Works: Ford, viii,

ison, Nov. 17, 1798; W

ngs: Hunt,

; quoting from a Virginia informant-v

. Iredell; Jan. 24,

1, 1799; quoting Marshall to Sykes,

ngs: Hunt,

he liberty of the press, quoted b

o the People of the Commonwealth of Vir

vi, 392-93; and to King, March 20, 1799; King, ii, 581. A

al, H.D. (Dec., 1798), 88-90. Also p

nal, H.D.

er: Prospect

b., 112

King, March 20, 17

Adams, April 5, 1799

Sedgwick to King, Nov. 1

14, 1799; Works: Ford, ix, 46; and

shop James Madison, F

ngton, Jan. 8, 1799; Wa

the month is not given, but it certainly was early in January. Mr

wick, Feb. 2, 1799; Wo

ic and fits in perfectly with his well-authenticated conduc

: Prospect Befo

th, v, 104, 210,

of the methods employed in political contest

and "party" were at that time used interchangeably; and both words were terms of reproach. (See supra, chap. ii.) If stated in the vernacular of t

leton, April 22, 1799;

ir, Jan. 8, 1799;

air, Jan. 8, 1799

ald (Fredericksbur

in most of the Sta

iption of a congressional election in Virginia in 1855; Wise: The End of An Era, 55-56. And see Professor S

d, 208-10. For another fairly accurate but mild description of a congressional el

enry, i

andall,

rshall, May 5, 1799; W

y of State if Washington had believed that he would accept the portfolio. (See supra, 147.) The assertion t

, 1799; Writings: Ford, xiv, footno

rshall, May 5, 1799; W

ngton, May 16, 1799; Wa

o King, May 4, 17

King, July 26, 1

King, July 26, 1

Adams, June 25, 1799

. Q. Adams, July

tuart, May 14, 1799;

oxe, May 21, 1799; W

] Ib

etters, see Marshall to Washington, Jun

s, as a matter of course, in every political campaign much more violent than those for which editors and citizens were fined and imp

ring, July 24, 1799;

. 1, 1799; ib., 5; and same t

ves a blank after "apostle." Mr. Ford correctly prints Marshall's name

Cary Nicholas, Sept. 5, 17

ss. Hist. Soc. Marshall had not yet grasped the deadly signifi

] Su

f Works: Adams, viii. For familiar account of Pichon's conferences with Murray, see Murray's letters to

than he is by going to France," was Gallatin's shrewd opinion

7]

t, Feb. 27, 1799; W

ng, March 10, 179

King, Feb. 16,

ing, March 12, 1799;

ckering, Oct. 19

o McHenry, Sept. 2,

ing, Nov. 5, 1799; W

ing, March 12, 1799;

for the station, yet ... they thought it better to indulge their hopes than to listen to their fears, [and] ... determine

t, Feb. 27, 1799; W

ckering, Nov. 5,

ng, March 10, 179

; Pickering MSS., Mass. Hist. Soc., printed

is important episode in our history

King, March 6, 1799

ing, March 12, 1799;

wight, Oct. 20,

ckering, Oct. 19

Ames, Aug. 10, 18

ndleton, Feb. 19, 179

March 14, 1799; Work

Lee, March 29,

1799; Works: Adams, ix, 21-23; and sa

. For account of Fries's Rebellion see Mc

Cabot, June 15, 180

dams"; Hamilton: Works: Lodge, vii,

Fries pardon in "Public Conduct, etc.,

cRee, i

ted to collect the tax; 3. The marshal; 4. The witnesses on the part of the United States; 5. The juries who tried the prisoners; 6. The court, both in their personal conduct and in their judicial decisions. In short, every individual who has had

ercy to villains, is cruelty to all the good & virtuous. Our people in this State are perfectly astonished, that cost must continually be incurred for insurrections in Pennsylvania for which they say they are taxed & yet no punishment is inflicted on the offenders. I am fatigued & mortified tha

., John Adams"; Hamilton:

ing, Nov. 23, 1799;

ing, May 6, 1799

ome, now Quincy

ing, June 5, 179