The Life of John Marshall Volume 3 of 4

of honor and every good citiz

ced beyond quest

ttempted to execute such a Project as is imputed to him. But if his guilt is as clear as the Noonday S

t grave earnestness so characteristic of him.[754] His remarks produced a curious impression upon the seasoned politicians and statesmen, over whose deliberations he had presided for four years. The explanation is found in Burr's personality quite as much as in the substance of his speech

while the opinions and rulings of Chief Justice Marshall in those memorable controversies are robbed of their color and much of their meaning when considered apart from the pictu

American history is not to be fully grasped without a summary of the events preceding it. Moreover, the fact that in the Burr trial Marshall des

ON

Washington streets toward his lodging. He was a ruined man, financially, politically, and in reputation. Fourteen years of politics had destroyed his once exten

upon him, as it was to the physical being of his antagonist. What now followed was as if Aaron Burr had been the predestined

e country.[755] His superb education went for naught. His brilliant services as one of the youngest Revolutionary officers were no longer considered-his heroism at Quebec, his resourcefuln

to the then critically important post of Minister to France had been urged by the unanimous caucus of his political associates in Congress. None of the notable honors that admirers had asserted to be his due, nor yet his effective work for his party, were now r

believed in Aaron Burr. Particularly in the West and in the South the general sentiment was cordial to him; many Western Senators were strongly attached to him; and most of his brother officers of the Revolution who had

beckoned forward by an untimely ambition, he followed the path that ended amid dramatic scenes

r having received the votes of the Federalists, nor for having missed, by the merest chance, election as Chief Magistrate.[760] Notwithstanding that Burr's course as Vice-President had won the admiration eve

the most Burr could expect was Jefferson's passive hostility. Under these circumstances, and soon after his judiciary vote, the spirited Vice-President committed another imprudence. He attended a banquet given by the Federalists in hon

d not again be Vice-President, but that his bitterest enemy from his own State, George Clinton, should be the Republican candidate for that office; and, in view of Burr's strength and resourcefulness, this made necessar

ose hands he had never suffered defeat-and, in 1804, he became a candidate for the office of Governor of New York. The New York Federalists, now reduced to a little more than a s

and James Hillhouse had even avowed separation from the Union to be desirable and certain; and talk of it was general.[770] All these men were warm and insistent

d that ... the United States would soon form two distinct and separate governments."[771] More than nine months before, certain of the most distinguished New England Federalists had gone to the

the settlers beyond the Alleghanies were much inclined to withdraw from the Union because the Mississippi River had not been secured to them.[774] For many years this disunion sentiment grew in strength. When, however, the Louisiana Purchase gave the pioneers on the Ohio and the Mississippi a free water-way to the Gu

eir interest in separation, why should we take sides with our Atlantic rather than our Mississippi descendants? It is the elder and the y

, their efforts being directed, of course, to the acquisition of the lands adjacent to them and bordering on the Mississippi and the Ohio.[776] In this work more than one American was in their pay. Chief of these Spanish agents was Ja

ction with the American Government, was independence from what they felt to be the domination of the East. In 1796 this feeling reached its climax in t

the Spanish Government. They regarded the Spanish provinces of the Floridas and of Mexico as mere satrapies of a hated foreign autocracy; and this indeed was the case. Everywhere west of the Alleghanies the feeling was

ory, was then burning fiercely in every Western breast. The depredations of the Spaniards had finally lashed almost to a frenzy the resentment which ha

sion; and, in less than ten months after Aaron Burr ceased to be Vice-President, and while he was making his first journey through the West and Sout

uld not return to his practice in New York; there his enemies were in absolute control and he was under indictment for having challenged Hamilton. The coroner's jury also r

e thought of forming a company to dig a canal around the falls of the Ohio and to build a bridge over that river, connecting Louisville with the Indiana shore. He considered settling land

enlist the Government in support of the project of Miranda to revolutionize Venezuela.[783] Aaron Burr had proposed the invasion and capture of the Floridas, Louisiana, and Mexico two years before Hamilton embraced the project,[784] and the des

right falsehood. Although it was unknown at the time and not out of keeping with the unwritten rules of the game called diplomacy as then played, and although it had no effect upon the thrilling events that brought Burr bef

land Senators and Representatives had been to separate their own and other Northern States from the Union; the proposition that Williamson now made to the British Minister was that Burr might do the same thing for the Western States.[786] It was well known that the break-up of the Republic wa

llion dollars be supplied him[788] for the revolutionizing of the Western States, but he did not tell of his dream about Mexico, for the realization of which the money was probably to be employed. In short, Burr lied; and in order to persuade Merry to secure for

ere fully revealed until more than three quarters of a century afterward.[791] Moreover, it has been demonstrated that they had little or no bearing upon the adventure which Burr finally tried to carry out.[792] He was, as has been said, audaciously and dishonestly playing upon Merry's well-known hostility to this co

een days' journey. Before starting he had talked over his plans with several friends, among them form

of Upper Louisiana-one of the favors granted Burr during the Chase impeachment-and was the intimate associate of the fallen politician in his Mexican plan until, in a welter of falsehood and corruption, he betray

Blennerhassett, who happened to be away. While inspecting the grounds Burr was invited by Mrs. Blennerhassett to remain for dinner. Thus did

Smith, then a Senator from Ohio, who had become attached to Burr while the latter was Vice-President, and who was now one of his associates in the plans under

ntucky he conferred with General John Adair, then a member of the National Senate, who, like Smith and Dayton, had in Washington formed a strong friendship for Burr, a

that Burr should try to go to the National House from Tennessee,[800] for Burr asked and received from Senator Brown letters to friends in that State who coul

nized in his honor. From miles around the pioneers thronged into the frontier Capital. Flags waved, fifes shrilled, drums rolled, cannon thundered. A great feast was spread and Burr addressed the picturesque gathering.[801] Never in the brightest days of his political success had he been so acclaimed. Jackson, nine years before, when

hrough the wilderness; the frontier newspapers were just printing Burr's farewell speech to the Senate, and descriptions of the effect of it upon the great men in Washington we

, the killing in fair fight of the man it had been taught to believe to be democracy's greatest foe. Here, said these sturdy frontiersmen, was the captain so long sought for, who could lead them i

e remained for four days, talking over the Mexican project. Soon afterward he was on his way down the Mississippi from St. Louis in a larger boat with colored sails, manned by six sold

e favor. So perfervid was the welcome to him that the Sisters of the largest nunnery in Louisiana invited Burr to visit their convent, and this he did, under the conduct of the bishop.[803] Wilkinson had given him a letter of introduction to

lso the leading members of the Mexican Association, a body of three hundred Americans devoted to effecting the "liberation" of Mexico-a design in which they accurately expressed the general sentiment of Loui

.[806] Burr's vision of Spanish conquest seemed likely of realization. The invasion of Mexico was in every heart, on every tongue. All that wa

y Daniel Clark. Everywhere he found the pioneers eager for hostilities. At Natchez the people were demonstrative. By August 6, Bu

the headway that was being made regarding the projected descent upon the Spanish possessions, thrilled Jackson; and his devotion to the man whom all Westerners and Southerners had now come to look upon as their leader knew no bounds.[808] For days Jackson and Burr talked of the war with Spain whic

se the standard of revolution in the Western and Southern States. Daniel Clark wished to advise Burr of these reports and of the origin of them, but did not know where to reach him. So he hastened to write Wilkinson that Burr might be informed of the Spa

actical matter, the separation of the Western country from the Union, his intimate contact with the people of that region had driven such a scheme from his mind and had renewed and strengthened his long-cherished wish to invade Mexico. For throughout his travels he had he

th and West were impatient to attack the Spaniards, and that in a short time an army could be raised to invade Mexico.[814] According to the story which the General told nearly two years afterward, B

all see, the avaricious General had begun to doubt the financial wisdom of giving up his profitable connection with the Spanish Government. At all events, he there and then began to lay plans to desert his associate. Accordingly,

on of the country, the common talk east of the Alleghanies that this was inevitable, the vivid memory of a like sentiment formerly prevailing in Kentucky,

cres, were to be offered as inducements for young men to leave the Atlantic section of the country for the land of promise toward the sunset; Burr's new government was to repudiate its share of the public debt; with the aid of British ships and

hington, they subsided for the time being. The brushwood, however, had been gathered-to burst into a raging c

f the hostility of American feeling toward them, learned of Burr's plan to seize the Spanish

on that slow-witted diplomat and repeated his overtures. But Pitt had died; the prospect of British financial assistance had en

zuela. He was welcomed by the Administration, and Secretary of State Madison gave him a dinner. Jefferson himself invited the revolutionist to dine a

n and Madison by the revolutionist personally. Before his departure, the Spanish filibuster wrote to Madison, cautioning him to keep "in the deepest secret" the "important matters" which he (Miranda)

estive letter, not inviting him, however, to engage in the adventure;[823] the eager Irishman promptly responded, begging to be admitted as a partner in Burr's enterprises, and pledging th

delay.[825] If only Jefferson would act-if only the people's earnest desire for war with Spain were granted-Burr could go forward. But the President would make no hostile move-instead, he proposed

Secretary of War ordered General Wilkinson to drive the Spaniards back. The demand for war throughout the country grew louder. If ever Burr's plan of Mexican conquest was to

27] William Eaton. Truxtun and Decatur were writhing under that shameful treatment by which each of these heroes had been separated, in effect removed, from the Navy. Eaton was cursing t

tried to induce Truxtun to join him, suggesting that he would be put in command of a naval force to capture Havana, Vera Cruz, and Cartagena. When Burr "positively" informed him that the President was not a party to his enterprise, Truxtun declined to associate himself

Eaton the same statements he had detailed to Truxtun and Decatur, with the notable difference that he had assured Eaton that the proposed expedition was "under the authority of the general govern

" by confidences which grew ever wilder and more irrational: Burr would establish an empire in Mexico and divide the Union; he even "meditated overthrowing the present Government"-if he could secure

ent and thus get him out of the country, declaring that "if Burr were not in some way disposed of we should within eighteen months have an insurrection if not a revolution on the waters of the Mississippi." The President was not

anged"; but they refused to be alarmed-Burr's schemes were "too chimerical and his circumstances too desperate to ... merit of serious consideration."[833] So for twelve long months Eaton said

o avowed themselves ready to follow Burr's invading standard into Mexico; and with Jackson he had freely consulted about that advent

fine materials for an army, and I have often said a brigade could be raised in West Tennessee which would drive double their number of Frenchmen off the earth." From such men let Jackson make out and send to Burr "a list of officers from colonel down to ensign for one or two regiments, com

s was in answer to a letter which Burr had just received from Wilkinson, dated May 13, 1806, the contents of which never have been revealed. Burr chose, as the messenger to carry overland one of the copies, Samuel Swartwout, a youth then twenty-two years of age, and bro

d too deeply in the adventure for that to be thinkable. Moreover, the imminence of war appeared to make it certain that when the General received Burr's ciphe

o his cupidity, his ambition, his vanity, his fear. Dayton wrote that Jefferson was about to displace him and appoint another head of the army; let Wilkinso

eady but on his way, and tried to strengthen the resolution of the shifty General by falsehood. He told of tremendous aid secured in far-off Washington and New York, and intimated that England would help. He was coming himself with money and men, and details were given. Bombastic sentences-entirely unlike any language appearing in Burr's v

clad in these habiliments, to denounce his associates in the Mexican adventure as traitors to America. Soon, very soon, Wilkinson was to use Burr's letter in a fashio

nce more journeyed down the Ohio. On the way he stopped at a settlement on the Monongahela, not far from Pittsburgh, where he visited one Colonel George Morgan. This man afterward declared that Burr talked mysteriously-the Administration was contemptibl

statements,[842] and detected a purpose to divide the Nation. Deeply moved, he laid his deductions before the Chief Justice of Pennsylvania an

ot come to pass, Burr's other plan was the purchase of the enormous Bastrop land grant on the Washita River. Blennerhassett avidly seized upon both projects.[844] From that moment forward, the settlemen

separation of the Western States from "Eastern domination" would be a good thing. These foolish communications were merely repetitions of similar articles then appearing in the Federalist press of New England, and of effusions printed in Southern newspapers a few years before. Nobody, it seems, paid much attention to the

er of operations. Soon a few young men from Pittsburgh joined the enterprise, some of them sons of Revolutionary officers, and all of them of undoubted loyalty to the Nation. To each of the

t Cincinnati, Burr held another long conference with his partner, Senator John Smith, who was a contractor and general storekeeper. The place which the Washita land speculation had already com

ate purpose, Burr said, now was to settle the Washita lands. Of course, if war should break out he would lead a force into Texas and Mexico. Burr kept bac

et was given to the hero by whom the people expected to be led against the enemy. Soon afterward Jackson issued his proclamation to the Tennessee militia calling

Colonel Charles Lynch, the owner of the Bastrop grant, several hund

rily support Burr's attack upon the enemy; if hostilities did not occur, the "Government might overlook the preparations as in the case of Miranda."[854] It is hard to determine whether the project to invade Mexico-of which Burr did not inform them, but which t

bverting the Spanish government in Mexico-be ready & join me; we will want little more than light armed troops.... More will be done by marching than by fighting.... We cannot fail of success.[856] Your military talents are requisite. Unless you fear to join a Spanish intriguer [Wilk

end me a force to support our pretensions ... 5000 mounted infantry ... may suffice to carry us forward as far as Grand River [the Rio Grande], there we shall require 5000 more to conduct us to Moun

brother-in-law of John Marshall-appointed at the latter's instance by President Adams as United States Attorney for the District of Kentucky[860]-had been writing Jefferson

a expedition, Daveiss and his relative, former Senator Humphrey Marshall-both leaders of the few Federalists now remaining in Kentucky-welded together the rumors of Burr's

rom a union of the West with the Spanish dominions, to the establishment, by force of arms, of an independent trans-Alleghany Government.[862] The Federalist o

these tidings, Burr's partner, Senator John Smith, demanded of his associate an explanation. Burr promptly answered that he was "greatly surprised and really hurt" by Smith's letter. "If," said Burr, "there ex

ferson was complacent, Daveiss would act and act officially; thus the President, by contrast, would be fatally embarrassed. Another motive, personal in its nat

heard of this at Lexington and sent word that he would appear voluntarily. This he did, and, the court having denied Daveiss's motion because of the irregularity of it, the ac

ne who had just been appointed to the National Senate. Thus Henry Clay entered the drama. Daveiss failed to produce a sing

Burr promptly furnished.[866] Clay was so convinced of Burr's integrity that he declared in court that he "could pledge his own honor and innocence" for those of his client. Once more no witnesses were produced; once more the grand jur

war between the United States and Spain, I shall head a corps of volunteers and be the first to march into the Mexican provinces. If peace should be proffered, which I do not expect, I shall settle my Washita lands, and make society as plea

it immediately was, ignited all the rumors, reports, accusations, and suspicions that had been

putation.[871] The faithful and unsuspecting young Swartwout, Burr's messenger, was persuaded to remain in Wilkinson's camp for a week after the delivery of the

med to levy & rendezvous eight or Ten Thousand Men in New Orleans ... & from thence ... to carry an Expedition against Vera Cruz." Wilkinson gave details-dates and places of assembling troops, methods of invasion, etc., a

us consequences with which it seems pregnant, stagger my belief & excite doubts of the reality, against the conviction of my Senses; & it is for this reason I shall forbear to commit Names.... I have never in my whole Life fou

ustify it." If this were not true, "then I have no doubt the revolt of this Territory will be made an auxiliary step to the main design of attacking Mexico." So he thoug

t the delirium of the associates, and by a pitiable appeal to their patriotism to engage them in the service of their Country. I merely offer the suggest

e John Marshall to issue a subp?na duces tecum directed to Presi

nable plans; and the newspapers, of which he was a studious reader, had advised the President of every sensation that had appeared. Jefferson and his Cabinet had nervously debated the situa

urr, contained "not one word ... of any movements by Colonel Burr. This total silence of the officers of the Government, of the members of Congress, of the newspapers, proves he is committing no overt act against law," Jefferson wrote in h

action was taken. Orders were dispatched to military commanders to take measures against Burr's expedition; Wilkinson was directe

sons engaged in it to withdraw, and directing the ferreting out and seizure of the conspirators' "vessels, arms and military stores."[879] Graham preceded th

had joined the adventure. There were a half-dozen rifles among them, and a few fowling pieces. With these the youths went hunting in the Ohio forests. Blennerhassett, too, had his pistols. This was the

med might upon the embattled "traitors," capture and deliver them to the vengeance of the law. The Wood County men, unlike those of Ohio, needed no act of legislature to set their loyalty in motion. The Presidential Procl

f vigilance had got thoroughly drunk and were sound asleep. Next day, however, the militia invaded the deserted island and, finding the generously stocked wine cellar, restored their strength by drinking all the wine and whisk

Burr, still ignorant of Jefferson's Proclamation, proceeded to Nashville, there to embark

ded an explanation. Burr, "with his usual dignified courtesy, instantly complied."[883] It would seem that Jackson was satisfied by his reassurance, in spite of the President's Proclamation which reached Nashville three days before Burr's departure;[884] for not only did Jackson permit him to proceed, but, when th

ted at treason; all that Jefferson charged was a conspiracy to attack the hated Spaniards, and this was the hope and desire of every Westerner. Nevertheless, the public intelligence penetrated what it believed to be the terrible mea

on one whose only crime was the gathering of men to strike at Spain with which power, up to that very moment, everybody supposed war to be impending and, indeed, almost begun. This was unthinkable. Burr must be guilty of a greater crime-the greatest of crimes. In such fashion w

cunning of a bribe-taking criminal. By swiftest dispatch another message was sent to Jefferson. "My doubts have ceased," wrote Wilkinson, concerning "this deep, dark, wicked, and wide-spread conspi

ourage"; indeed, declared he, "I shall glory to give my life" to defeat the devilish plot. But the numbers of the desperadoes were so grea

om that martial patriot sent to the Spanish Viceroy at Mexico City to advise him of Wilkinson's latest service to Spain in thwarting Burr's attack upon the royal possessions, and in averting war between the United States and His Catholic Majesty. For these

xico, and had long been ready to repel a much larger force than Wilkinson stated Burr to be leading. "I thanked him for his martial zeal and insinuated that I wished him happiness in the pursuit of

lars to pay that investigator's expenses.[890] The sole object of Burling's journey was, Wilkinson informed the President, to observe and report upon the situation in the great Spanish Vice-royal

My God! what a situation has our country reached. Let us save it if we can.... On the 15th of this month [November], Burr's declaration is to be made in Tennessee and Ken

burst in New Orleans, where I shall meet it and triumph or perish."[894] Otherwise "the fair fabric of our independence ... will be prostrated, and the Goddess of Liberty will take her flight from the globe forever." Again and again, Wilki

he possessed the power. The desperadoes were in larger force than he had at first believed-"by all advices the enemy, at least 2000 strong," would soon reach Natchez. They meant, first, to sack New Orleans and then

rted down the Mississippi with his n

their arms, on their way to take New Orleans, capture Mexico, destroy the Union! And this mighty force not now far away! How could that be and no tidings of it except from Wilkinson

onstitutional limitation enforced by fearless and unprejudiced judges! Men were arrested and thrown into prison on Wilkinson's orders, wholly without warrant of law. The first thus to be seized were Samuel Swartwout and Dr. Justus Erich Bollmann. Their pa

ng overland journey in quest of Wilkinson. Public-spirited lawyers swore out writs of habeas corpus for these three men. Not a syllable of

f the Army of the United States," he said, he took on himself "all responsibility ... resulting from the arrest of Erick Bollmann, who is accused of being guilty of the cri

the court, "arrest, without respect to class or station, all those against whom [he had] positive proof of being accomplices in the machinations against the state."[899] This defiance of the courts was acc

mann, Swartwout, and Ogden. In his report to the President, Wilkinson accused the judge who had released Ogden of being an associate of Burr in his "treasonable combin

military prison. Judges, leading lawyers, prominent citizens-all protested in vain. New writs of habeas corpus were issued and ignored. Edward Livingston sued out a writ of attachment[901] against Wilkinson. It was defied. The civil governor was appealed to; he was cowed and declined to act in this "delicate as well as dangerous" state of things. In

ome on business, having sent three thousand gallons of whiskey and two boatloads of provisions to be sold in the city, and ex

"altho the provision was ready on the table"; he was denied medicine, which on account of illness he wished to take with him; he was refused extra clothing and was not even allowed "to give directions respec

altimore ... in the custody of Lt. Luckett." Wilkinson ordered the lieutenant to keep Adair in close confinement and

and disgraced, he could convict Wilkinson of the very conspiracy with which Burr was being charged.[905] During his reign of terror to put down "tr

playing despot and secretly serving Spain, the

in another part of the United States, a great number of private individuals were combining together, arming and organizing themselves contrary to law, to carry on a military expedition against the territories of Spain [he] thought it necessary to take measures ... for suppressin

ction. Everybody was in suspense. What were the facts? Nobody knew. But the air was thick with surmise, rumor, conjecture, and strange fancie

e, and in a speech of sharp criticism both of Spain and of the President, demanded that the President lay before

inted in stronger colors than there is reason to think it deserves." There was no real evidence, said Campbell; nothing but "newspaper evidence."[910] Finally that part of the resolution calling f

m of letters, often containing such a mixture of rumors, conjectures, and suspicions, as renders it difficult to sift out the real facts." On November 25, said Jefferson, he had received Wilkinson's letter exposing B

tract of country on the Washita." But "this was merely a pretext." Burr had soon found that the Western settlers were not to be seduced into secession; and thereupon, said Jefferson, the desperado "determined to seize upon New Orleans,

inst the oncoming plunderers. Among these was the seizure of Bollmann and Swartwout who were "particularly employed in the endeavor to corrupt the General and the Army of the United States," and who had been sent ove

Congress that his "guilt is

of Wilkinson's version of Burr's letter to him from which the General had carefully omitted the fact that the imprudent message was in answer

It sounds more like Wilkinson's letter than Burr's," Senator Plumer records in his diary. "There are ... some things in it quite irrelevant.... Burr's habits

aught and held the attention of the public, which took for granted the truth of it. From that moment the popular mind was made up, and the popular voice demanded the life of Aaron Burr. No mere trial in court, no adherence to r

TNO

tears." (Plumer to his wife, March 2, 1805, Plum

(Burr to his daughter, Marc

nxiety, the expectation, and the interest which I saw strongly painted in th

had been extremely abusive of Burr, "was said to be the mos

reat force and propriety." (Plumer to

, J. Q. A.: Adams, i, 367.) Burr made a profound impression on John Quincy Adams. "There was not a member present but felt the f

ore extended except to a President of the United States and Mrs. Was

ent of Princeton. His maternal

n so transcendently great as Hamilton-easily the foremost creative mind in American statesmanship-shou

wever, first showed itself when Burr, then but thirty-five years of age, defeated Hamilton's father-in-law, Philip Schuyler, for the United States Senate. The very next year

lf of their colleagues, twice formally urged Burr's appointment. Hamilton used his influence against it, and the appointment was not made. At the

ovisional army raised for the expected war with France. Hamilton objected so strenuously that the President was forced to

rr, notwithstanding his refusal to do anything in his own behalf (ib. 539-47), would pro

i, 185 et seq.; and Private Journal of Aaron Burr, reprinted from manuscript in the library of W. K. Bixby, Introduction, iv-vi.) So prevalent was dueling that, but for Hamilton's incalculable services in founding the Nation and the lack of simila

dolph, Jackson, and Benton, fought on "the field of honor." In 1820 a resolution against dueling, offered in t

Burr Conspiracy, 19

ii, 545, of

ams: U.S

met my approbation," testifies the super-critical Plum

sulated man." (Sedgwick to King

sent session of Congress.... He has been not a little abused ... in

ii; Adams: U.S. i, 280

, 230-33; Channing:

r, but notwithstanding this, he is looked up to ... as the Gog and Magog of his par

ng: Jeff. Sy

ams: U.S

ams: U.S

of his never to refute charges against his name.... It is not shown that Burr ever lamented or grieved over the

an possibly hate another who is aiming to rival him, yet Burr does not come forward in an open and manly way

dams: U.S. i, 332-33; McCaleb,

-52, and vol. iv, ch

Plumer

iking out one article of that Convention. They did this, records the British Minister, because, as they urged, such action by the British Government "would prove to be a great ex

eetings on this subject, and ... their plans and calculations respecting the event have been long seriously resolved.... They naturally look forward t

nts in their way as they now do, should hold out lures for their trade and alliance.... The western settlers (I speak now from my own observations) stand as it were, upon a pivot. The tou

arshall

idge, Aug. 12, 1803, Works:

Hist. Rev. viii, 501 et se

ilkinson, 11-12, 16, 18-24, and documents therein ref

asa Yrujo, Spanish Minister, to Cevallos, Jan. 28, 1807, as quoted in Adams: U.S. iii, 342.) An

I assured him for his satisfaction." (Folch, Spanish Governor of Florida, to the G

urr, 383; see a

o took so unworthy a part in the "Conway Cabal" against Washin

ee Cox in Am. Hist Rev. xix, 794-812; also Cox i

5, and Special Message, Dec. 6, 1

rs, J. Q. A.: A

"you will not ... conclude that I have become disposed to submit tamely to the ma

] 17

lton, 212-15; and see Turne

vis, ii,

York City but two banking institutions, and both were controlled by Federalists. These banks aided business men of the Federalist Party and refused

eased. Thus was established a new bank where Republican business men could get loans. Burr, in committee, frankly declared that the surplus was to establish a bank, and Governor Jay signed the bill. Although the whole project appears t

Aug. 6, 1804, as quoted

leb, viii-

, "most secret," March 29, 1805,

ams: U.S

, 381; also Par

and for the first time made public, in 1890, the dispatches of the British, Spanish,

o has been accepted as history. His book, the Aaron Burr Conspiracy, may be said to be the last word on the s

not get any money from the

nd Casa Yrujo was but a consummate

nally Speaker of the House; a delegate to the Constitutional Convention; a Representative in Congress for four terms, during the last two of which he was chosen Speaker o

. xix, 801; also in Southweste

illiam Henry Harrison on the 24th of that month. The act-entitled "An Act to Incorporate the Indiana Canal Company"-is very elaborate, authorizes a capital of one million dollars, and names as directors George Rogers Clark, John Brown

ildreth

Kentucky Constitutional Convention, Speaker of the House of Representatives of that State, Registrar of

ition into Mexico, predicated on a war" between Spain and the United States; "without a war he knew

leb, 25; Parto

arton: Life of Andre

on: Jackso

lightful. "I will ask Saint A. to pray for thee too. I bel

b, 27; Parto

McCale

ishop appointed three Jesuits, but there was no bishop in N

aughter, May 23, 18

kson in warmth of devotion to Col

ckson, i, 311-12

directed to do this by Casa Yrujo himself

7, 1805, Wilkinson: Memoirs of M

mes Bruff, Annals, 10th Con

that Burr urged Western revolution, during

McCale

stimony, Annals, 10t

b, 35; Parto

cCaleb,

190; and

McCale

ring. This fed his alarm, first awakened by the rumors set afloat by Spanish agents of which Clark had advised him. Accordin

, together with the public money, arsenals, and ships. If, thereafter, he could not reconcile the States to the new a

n Florida and Texas, as well as America, of Burr's intended descent upon Mexico. (See McCaleb, 54-58.) It should be r

urr in the art of getting money by

s: U.S. ii

assett Papers:

urr, Dec. 21, 1805, ib. 1

cCaleb,

348; Parton:

le during his African career

ith the approval of the Administration, Eaton undertook to overthrow the reigning Pasha of Tripoli and restore to the throne the Pasha's brother, whom the former had deposed. In executing this proje

e Tobias Lear, American Consul-General to Algiers, compromised the dispute with the reigning Bey whom Eaton's nonde

way responsible for the African débacle, and demanding payment of large sums which he alleged ha

un's testimony,

at the house of Sergeant-at-Arms Wheaton, where

ton: Prentiss, 396-403; 4 Cranch

ee Eaton's testimony, Annals, 10th Cong. 1s

capable of anything may be granted; but his mind was highly practical and he was uncommonly reserved in speech. Undoubtedly Eaton had heard t

was the most temperate of all the leading men of that period) an explanation might be that he and Ea

on: Prent

McCale

March 24, 1806, Parto

lic attention than all our collisions with foreign powers, or than all the great events on the theatre of Europe." He closed with the statemen

from there to Vienna, where he practiced medicine as a cover for his real design, which was to discover the prison where Lafayette was confined and to rescue him from it. This he succeeded in doing, but both were taken soon afterward. Bollmann

, July 24, 1806, Annals,

, John Brokenbrough, and Joseph C. Cabell. (

cipher dispatch

ong. 1st sess. 424-2

shows that they had been in questionable land transactions and, at this moment, were

gan's son, Annals, 10t

sonable' designs would not comport himself, unless he were mad or intoxicated." (Parton: Burr, 415.)

that "to give a correct written statement of those [Burr's] conversations [with the Morgans] ... would be difficult ... and indeed, accordi

, 78-79; Part

83-84; Parton

B. H. Latrobe calling their attention to his Bastr

ny of Dudley Wood

McCale

ton: Burr

McCale

see Parton: J

d States who did not think war with Spain inevitable,

Jackson, Dec. 3,1806, a

d that of Thomas Bodley, Clerk of the Circuit Court, ib. 655-56. The statements of th

cCaleb,

ose trade was valuable; its forests were wholly unexplored; it was on the Spanish border, and therefore an

d in open letter of Adair to the Orleans Gazette,

806, as quoted by Plumer, Feb. 20, 18

1806, as quoted by Plumer, Feb. 20, 1

Sept. 28, 1806, "Letters i

l. ii, 560,

od was of the same type of irresponsible pamphleteer and newspaper hack as Callender and Cheetham. His so-called "history" was a dull, untruthful, scandalous diatribe; and it is to Burr

cCaleb,

er. But he knew that no one else could have knowledge of his plot with Merry. It is both interesting and importan

of Henry Clay: Colton, iv, 206; also Private

ning himself Joseph Hamilton Daveiss and requiring everybody so to address him. "Chiefly moved ... by his admiration of Colonel Hamilton and his hatre

ms: U.S.

from the residue. I have neither published a line on this subject nor has any one, through my agency, or with my knowledge. I have no d

any purpose. I do not own a musket nor a bayonet, nor any single article of mi

I believe, are well understood by the administration and seen by it with complacency. They are such as every

btedly knew ... that he was going to settle in the western country, and that i

w be ascertained. The moment the tide really turned against this fated man, a surprising ignorance overspread many mi

y. There were shouts of applause from an audience, not one of whom ... would have hesitated to level a rifle against Colonel Burr, if he believed that he

282-83; McCaleb, 192-93

mith, as quoted

rton: Bu

ed to his home Government the motives that no

ability of success in case of making the attempt would leave him like the dog in the fable with the piece of meat in his mouth; that is, that he would lose [both] the honorable employment ... [as American Commander] and the generous

onduct on this occasion as an extraordinary service, either

ary service of the United States, and covers him with a popularity which may p

Burr in order to obtain, on the ruins of Burr's reputation, the advantages I have point

N[ew] O[rleans] Territory" until Wilkinson mentioned it-"I first heard of such a project from Wilkinson"; that Burr never had spoken of attacking Mexico except "in case o

h him. (See testimony of Tazewell, Cabell, and Brokenbrough, Annals, 10th Cong. 1st Sess. 633.) "Swartw

person. Thirty years later, when Collector of the Port of New York, he embezzled a millio

" MSS. Lib. Cong. Wilkinson's dispatch to Jefferson was based on

tment; the "personal and confidential" communication

n, Oct. 21, 1806, "Letters

infra, c

randum, Oct. 22, 1806, as quot

1806, as quoted in

27, 1806, Works, Ford, x, 301-02; W

in the interests of Burr's enterprise, and from there made his way to Blennerhassett's island. Tyler always maintained that the sole object of the expeditio

v, 619; Parton

ov. 12, 1806, Parton: Jackson

iii, 287; Parton:

Proclamation reached Nashville after Bur

iii, 288; Parton

nic occurred: three merchant scows loaded with dry goods were believed to be a part of Burr's flotilla of war vessels about to attack t

on, Nov. 12, 1806, Wilkins

1807, as quoted in McCaleb, 169; and see

passport through the posts he must pass. ("Le

's friends, Stephen Minor of Natchez, the man who had first set on foot the rum

in every way possible. (Herrera to Corder

llos, March 12, 1807, as

] Ib

, March 12, 1807, "Letters i

, Nov. 7, 1806, Wilkinson:

eman, Wilkinson: Memoi

o Claiborne, Nov.

ne, Dec. 6 and 7, 1806, as

Ib.

fs, 150; also McCaleb, 212; and see Wilkinson to Cla

d watch, and afterward refused to return it. When the soldiers seized Swartwout they "hurried" him across the r

had as well die here as in the woods," whereupon "the Lt drew up his file of six men & ordered them to shoot him. The soldiers directed their guns at him & snapt them, but owing to the great rain,

altimore; and the officer in charge of him was under orders from Wilkinson to put his priso

s quoted in McCaleb, 217. It does not appear what return was made in the m

ed in National Intelligencer, Jan.

r the celebrated litigation between these men and the effect of

cCaleb,

ildreth

rom Adair to Clay. (Feb. 20, 1807,

isonment. This was bitterly fought for ten years, but finally Adair secured judgment

lamed public mind. He slowly recovered, however, rendered excellent service as an officer in the War of 1812, and under Jackson commanded the Kentucky troops at the battle

nversation with Adair immediately after the latter's arrival which showed that nobody had reason to fear Burr: "He [Adair] observed ... that the bubble would soon burst & signified that the

Wilkinson's summary arrest of Adair was to pr

correspondence with me, in which he has laid before me not only the information which he acquired, but also his intentions for the various e

. 2, 1806, Annals, 9th Cong. 2

ve him capable of committing the hundredth part of the absurd & foolish things that are ascribed to him.... The president of the United States, a day or two since, informed me that he knew of no evidence sufficien

ate the general opinion of public men, especially Fed

ve "no more regard to Truth than the Devil.... I suspect that this Lying Spirit has been at Work concerning Burr.... But if his guilt is as clear as the Noon day Sun, the first Magistrate ought not to have pronounced it so b

common judgment, as his conduct

, 9th Cong.

] Ib

Ib.

39-41. Jefferson's Message, Jan

Cong. 2d Sess. 43;

ng. 2d Sess. 40. (It

no de Armado the second." (J. Q. Adams to L. C. Adams, Dec

2, 1807, "Diary," Pl

am satisfied he has not accurately decyphered it. There is more of Wilkinsonism