Jailed for Freedom

frage W

lled the War Sessio

on Apri

te House, but another picket line was inaugurated at the Capitol. Returning senat

THEIR WOMEN IN WAR-TIME. HOW LONG MUS

rough the buildings pacifists from all over the country wearing white badges, and advocates of war, wearing the national colors. Our sentinels at

war on Germany and President Wilson voiced his memorable, "We shall fight for the things we have always carried nearest

8

ur fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spen

e question, which we had considered at the convention the previous month, when war wa

se their influence to persuade the organization to abandon its work for the freedom of women and turn its activities into war channels. Although war was then only rumored, the hysterical

rded with a vote out of the nation's gratitude," were some of the appeals made to our women by government officials high and low and by the rank and file of men and women.

pointed out editorially, in its issue

8

vigorous military policy. Between these, every shade of opinion was represented. Each was loyal to the ideas which she held for her country. With the character of these various ideals, the National Woman's P

for women and for that alone, believing as the convention stated in its resolutions, that in so doing the organization "serves the highest interest of the country." They were also unanimous in the opinion that all service which individuals wished to give

at this held "as the policy of the Woman's

e country. Europe, then approaching her third year of war, was increasing democracy in the midst of the terrible conflict. In America at that

8

luded in the legislative program, and announced that no subjects would

time on, to make nationa

difficulty of waging a war for democracy abroad while democracy was denied at home. But the government was not willing to pr

weapons to which a powerless class which does not take up arms can resort. We could not and would not fight with men's weapons. Compare the methods women adopted to those men use in the pursuit of democracy;

did w

-a banner. A little more fiery, perhaps; pertinent to the latest polit

ed to use its power to free women, so now our military strategy was based on the military doctrine

8

ial of democracy at home. This was the untenable position of President Wilson and the Democratic Administration, from w

President, suddenly elevated to the position of a world leader with the almost pathetic trust of the peoples of the world. Here was the champion of their demo

us in that it made our attack more dramatic. One supposed to be impeccable was more vulnerable. It was a disadvantage to have to ov

d the French mission headed by M. Viviani, visited the W

THINGS WE HAVE ALWAYS C

SHOULD BEG

AND SELF-GOVERNM

. In our capacity to embarrass Mr. Wilson in his Administration, lay our only

8

ere so precious as to demand the nation's blood and treasure for

nwh

n, we cannot any longer postpone justice

oice in it, and if he doesn't listen to my advice, I am going to make it as unpleasant a

federal action. The chairman, Senator Andreas Jones of New Mexico, promised an early report to the Senate. There were scores of gains in Congress. Representatives an

et in convention in St. Louis on April 12, 13 and 14 and adopted a suffrag

tering into an international war for democracy" and instructing the chairman of the convention "to request a committee consisting of represent

8

the United States constit

and Vice President of the New York Evening Mail; Mr. John Spargo of the Socialist Party; Mr. Virgil Hinshaw, chairman of the Executive Committee of the Prohibition Party; and Miss Mabel Vernon, Secretary of the National Woman'

o Congress . . . . To every woman who reads that message must come at once this question: If the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own government is so sacred a cause to foreign people a

econsideration. He added, however, that the program for the session was practica

of the Rules Committee of the House, expressing himself as favoring the crea

8

n was to be followed by the passage of the amendment. The President could as easily have written the Senate Committee on Suffrage or the Judiciary Commi

he had in previous interviews, and the Committee of Progressive

ommittee continued to

ee steadily refused

mit

ge the Judiciary Committee from further consideration of the suffrage amendment. No matter if the discussion which followed did revolve about the authorization of an expenditure of $10,000 for the erection of a monument to a dead President as a legitimate war measure. It was clear from the partisan attitude of those who took part in the debate that we were

8

eously sponsored by

rry in the House the snail-like Rules Committee suddenly met in answer to the call of its chairman, Mr. Pou, and by a vote of 6 to 5 decided to

ickets . . . . "We can't possibly win as long as pickets guard the White House and

to the purposes of

e moved to fu

usan B. Anthony amendment." This action which in effect reversed the plank in the Democratic platform evidently aroused protests from powerful quarters. Also the Republicans quickly subsided when they saw the Democrats making an advance. And so the De

they were moved from their own true and noble motives. The fact was that the

8

idly than their opponents. Behind this matching of political wits by t

up everywhere, at which resolutions were passed backing up the picket line and urging the President and Congress to act. Even the South, the Administration's stronghold, se

n, college women, federations of labor; various kinds of organizations sent protests to the Administration leaders. The picket line, approaching its sixth month of duty, had aroused the country to an unprecedented interest in suf- frage; it had rallied widespread public support to the amend- ment as a wa

ontroversial Conscription and Espionage Bills, then pending, and did not relish having our question so

9

more for American enthusiasm in the war than a settlement of the Irish question, we took pains to ascertain the extent of the belief in liberty at home of these easy champions of Irish liberty. When we found that of the 132 men only 5

me of having women begging at its gates, could result in only one of two things. The Administration had little choice. It must yield to this pressu

to remove t

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