The Armies of Labor: A Chronicle of the Organized Wage-Earners

ortion to its capacity to enlist public opinion. It is not surprising, therefore, to find that labor is eager to take part in politics or that labor parties were early organi

, labor has met only rebuff and defe

nterests of "the working classes." The city was organized, and a delegate convention was called which nominated a ticket of thirty candidates for city and county offices. But nineteen of these nominees were also on the Jackson ticket, and ten on the Adams ticket; and both of these parties used the legend "Working Man's Ticket," professing to favor a shorter working d

alists and three that of the Democrats. The workingmen fared better in this election, polling nearly 2000 votes in the county and electing sixteen candidates. So encouraged were they by this success that they attempted to nom

Every Individual of Each Succeeding Generation, on Arriving at the Age of Maturity. The party manifesto began with the startling declaration that "all human society, our own as well as every other, is constructed radically wrong." The new party proposed to right this defect by an equal distribution of the land and by an elaborate system of public education. Associated with Skidmore were Robert Dale Owen and Frances Wright of the Free Enquirer, a paper a

be equals before the law; that a mechanics' lien and bankruptcy law should be passed; and that by wise graduations all laws for the collection of debts should be repealed. At a meeting held at the City Hall, for the further elucidation of his "pure Republicanism," he was greeted by a great throng but was arrested for disturbing the peace. He received less than o

Infidels." Thoughtful citizens were importuned to go to the polls, and on the second and third days they responded

which he called the Original Workingman's party but which became known as the Agrarian party. The majority endeavored to rectify their position in the community by an address to the people. "We take this opportunity," they said, "to aver, whatever may be said to the contrary by ignorant or designing individuals or biased presses, that we have no desire or intention of distur

e parties disappeared, but not without leaving a legacy of valuable experience. The Working Man's Advocate discovered political wisdom when it confessed that "whethe

n 1830 by the workingmen of Woodstock, Vermont, and their journal, the Working Man's Gazette, became a medium of agitation which affected all the New England manufacturing towns as well as many farming communiti

he character of this class by mental instruction and mental improvement.… Much is said against the wealth and aristocracy of the land, their influence, and the undue influence of lawyers and other professional men.… The most of these objects appear very well on paper and we believe they are already sustained by the good sense of the people.… What is most ridiculous about this party is, that in many places where the greatest noise is m

to local offices, usually with the help of small tradespeople. In 1833 and 1834 the workingmen of Massachusetts put a state ticket in the fi

vote together; and, even if it had so been united, there were not enough labor votes to make a majority. So the labor candidate had to rely on the good will of other classes in order to win his election. And this support was not forthcoming. Americans have, thus far, always

mittent attempts to form labor parties were without political significance. The politician is usually blind to every need except the need of his party; and the one permanent need of his party is votes. A demand backed by reason will usually find him inert; a demand backed by votes galvanizes him into nervous attention. When, therefore, it was apparent that there was a labor vote, even though a small one, the demands of this vote were not to be ignored, especially in States where the parties were well b

men pledged to the interests of labor." The issue then seemed clear enough. But six years later the Labor Reform party struck out on an independent course and held its first and only national convention. Seventeen States were represented. 1 The Labor party, however, had yet to learn how hardly won are independence and unity in any political organization. Rumors of pernicious intermeddling by the Democratic and Republican politicians were afloat, and it was charged that the Pennsylvania delegates had come on passes issued by the president of the Pennsylvania Railr

ional Labor Party Convention a motion favoring gov

between the Labor Reform and Greenback parties and invited all "patriotic citizens to unite in an effort to secure financial reform and industrial emancipation." Financial reform meant the adoption of the well-known greenback free silver policy. Industrial emancipation involved the enactment of an eight-hour law; the inspection of workshops, factories, and mines; the regulation of interstate commerce; a graduated federal income tax; the prohibition of the importation of alien contract labor; the forfeiture of the unused portion of the princely land grants to railroads; and the direct participation of the people

to make extensive campaign journeys into distant sections of the country. His energetic canvass netted him only 308,578 votes, most of which came from the West. The party was distinctly a farmers' party. In 1884, it nominated the lurid Ben Butler who had been, according

nant force. Under the stimulus of the labor unions, delegates representing the Knights of Labor, the Grangers, the Anti-Monopolists, and other farmers' organizations, met in Cincinnati on February 22, 1887, and organized the National Union Labor party. 1 The following May the party held its only nominating convention. Alson J. Streeter of Illinois was named for President and Samuel Evans of Texas for Vice-President. Th

Conventions and

d Labor party. Its platform was similar to that of the Union party, except that the single tax now made its appearance. This method contemplated the "taxation of land according to its value and not according to its area, to devote to common use and benefit those values which arise, not from the exertion of the individual, but from the growth of society," and the abolition of all taxes on industry and its products. But it was apparent from the similarity of their platforms and the geographical distribution of their candida

nd the South political conditions now were feverish. Old party majorities were overturned, and a new type of Congressman invaded Washington. When the first national convention of the People's party met in Omaha on July 2, 1892, the outlook was bright. General Weaver was nominated for President and James G. Field of Virginia for Vice-President. The platform rehabilitated Greenbackism in cogent phrases, demanded government control of railroads and telegraph and telephone systems, the reclamation of land held by corporations, an income tax, the free coinage of silver and gold "at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one," and postal savings banks. In a series of resolutio

l Government, there are numerous examples of the success of the labor party in state elections. As early as 1872 the labor reformers nominated state tickets in Pennsylvania and Connecticut. In 1875 they nominated Wendell Phillips for Governor of Massachusetts. In 1878, in coalition with the Greenbackers, they elected many state officers throughout the West. Ten years later, when the Union Labor party was at its h

pposed dual cause of all the trouble, were denounced in lurid language. The agitation, however, was formless until the necessary leader appeared in Dennis Kearney, a native of Cork County, Ireland. For fourteen years he had been a sailor, had risen rapidly to first officer of a clipper ship, and then had settle

ected president. The platform adopted by the party proposed to place the government in the hands of the people, to get rid of the Chinese, to destroy the money power, to "provide decently for the poor and unfortunate, the weak and the helpless," and "to elect none but competent workingmen and their friends to any office whatever.… When we have 10,000 members we shall have the sympathy and support of 20,000 other workingmen. This party," concluded the pronouncement, "will exhaust all peaceabl

language became more and more extreme. He bludgeoned the "thieving politicians" and the "bloodsucking capitalists," and he advocated "judicious hanging" and "discretionary shooting." The City Council passed an ordinance intended to gag him; the legislature enacted an extremely harsh riot act; a body of volunteers patrolled

e this coalition of farmers and workingmen an unusual opportunity to assail the evils which they declared infested the State. The instrument which they drafted bound the state legislature with numerous restrictions and made lobbying a felony; it reorganized the courts, placed innumerable limitations upon corporations

nd this they did without scruple. The relation of capital and labor is even more strained than before the constitution was adopted. Capital soon recovered from a temporary intimidation… Labor still uneasy was still subject to the inexorable law of su

History of Californ

tisan matters, and secondarily to the rise of political socialism. A socialistic party deriving its support almost wholly from foreign-born workmen had appeared in a few of t

suggestion that the Presidency, Vice-Presidency, and Senate of the United States be abolished and that an executive board be established "whose members are to be elected, and may at any time be recalled, by the House of Representatives, as

ident, and Job Harriman, representing the older wing, for Vice-President. The ticket polled 94,864 votes. The Socialist-Labor party nominated a ticket of their own which received only 33,432 votes. Eventually this party shrank to a mere remnant, while the Social Democratic party became generally known as the Socialist party. Debs became their candidate in three successive

ns and Platforms. The above figures, to 1912, are taken from Stanwood's

ve Socialist councilmen, thus revealing the sympathy of the working class for the cause. On January 1, 1912, over three hundred towns and cities had one or more Socialist officers. The estimated Socialist vote of these localities was 1,500,000. The 1039 Socialist officers included 56 mayors, 205 ald

ork mayoralty elections in 1917 these Socialists cast nearly one-fourth of the votes, and in the Wisconsin senatorial election in 1918 Victor Berger, their standard-bearer, swept Milwaukee, carried seven counties, and polled over one hundred thou

the more radical trades unions, but from the American Federation of Labor they have met only rebuff. A number of state federations, especially in the Middle West, not a

ed local and state branches to scrutinize the records of legislative candidates and to see that only friends of union labor receive the union laborer's ballot. In 1897 it "firmly and unequivocally" favored "the independent use of the ballot by trade unionists and workmen united regardless of party, that we may elect men from our own ranks to write new laws and administer them along lines laid down in the legislative demands of the American Federation of Labor an

rk daily lamented that "Congress is a subordinate branch of the American Federation of Labor… The unsleeping watchmen of organized labor know how intrepid most Congressmen are when threatened with the 'labor vote.' The American laborites don't have to send men to Congress as their British brethren do to the House of Commons. From the ga

f the Seamen's Union and reputed a

ation has been active in seating union men in Congress. In 1908 there were six union members in the House; in 1910 there were ten; in 1912 there were seventeen. The Secretary of Labor himself holds a union card. Nor has the Fe

eing lobby which it maintains at Washington is a prototype of what one may discern in most state capitals when the legislature is in session. The legislative programmes adopted by the various state labor bodies are metamorphosed into demands, and well organized com

it has found itself matched against such powerful organizations of employers as the Manufacturers' Association, the National Erectors' Association, and the Metal Trades Association. In fact, in nearly every important industry the em

itself. Workshops, mines, factories, and other places of employment are now minutely inspected, and innumerable sanitary and safety provisions are enforced. A workman's compensation law removes from the employee's mind his anxiety for the fate of his family if he should be disabled. The labor contract, long extolled as the ?gis of economic liberty, is no longer fr

they play, and what motion pictures they see. The city, in co?peration with the State, now provides nurses, dentists, oculists, and surgeons, as well as teachers for the children. This local paternalism increases yearly in its solicitude and receives the eager sanction of the labor members of cit

are not merely the concern of the two parties to the labor contract. Society has finally come to realize that, in the complex of the modern State, it also is vitally conce

ilanthropist, the statistician, and the sociologist have become potent allies of the labor-legislator; and such non-labor organizations, as the American Association for Labor Legislati

the government to its will, organized labor has fought a persistent and aggressive warfare. Decisions of the courts which do not sustain union contentions are received with great disfavor. The open shop decisions of the United States Supreme Court are characterize

in origin and intent a high and rarely used prerogative of the Court of Chancery. What was in early times a powerful weapon in the hands of the Crown against riotous assemblies and threatened lawlessness was invoked in 1868 by an English court as a rem

ing Company vs. Ril

intains, on the other hand, that he is placed unfairly at a disadvantage, when an employer can command for his own aid in an industrial dispute the swift and sure arm of a law originally intended for a very different purpose. The imprisonment of Debs during the Pullman strike for disobeying a Federal injunction brought the issue vividly before the public; and the sentencing of Gompers, Mitchell,

art of the labor unions. Already opposition to the militia has proceeded so far that some unions have forbidden their members to perform militia service when called to do strike duty, and the military readjustments involved in the Great War have profoundly affected the relation of the State to organized labor. Following the signing of the armistice, a movement for the organization of an American Labor party patterned after the British Labour party gained rapid momentum, especially in New York and Chicago. A platform of fourteen points was formulated at a general conference of the leaders, and provisional organizations were perfected in a number of cities. What power this latest attempt to enlist labor in partisan politics wi

onopolistic eagerness of the socialists to absorb these activities, is clearly indicated in Gompers's narrative of his ex

cards which were intended to be the credential cards for our delegation to sign and hand in as our credentials. The card read something like

There was a young lady at the door. When we made an effort to enter she asked for our cards. We said we had no cards to present. "Well," the answer came, "you cannot be admitted." We replied, "That may be true-we cannot be admi

oung lady to permit us to pass in. We entered the hall and presented our credentials. Mr. James Sexton, officer and representative of the Docker's Union of Liverpool, arose and called the attention of the Conference to

ally regrettable that such an error should have been made. It was due to the fact that the old card of credentials which

se former conferences, but at this conference the importance of Labor was regarded as so insignificant that everybody took it for granted that it was

tionist, January,

society to safeguard more carefully the individual needs of all its parts. Labor has awakened the state to a sense of responsibility for its great sins of neglect and has made it conscious of its social duties. Labor, like other elements of society, has often been selfish, narrow, vindictive; but it has also shown itself earnest and constructive. The conservative trades union, at the hour of this writing,

GRAPHI

d, in the foregoing pages, has been the Documentary History of American Industrial Society, edited by John R. Commons, 10 vols. (1910). The History of Labour in the United States, 2 vols

scussions of various phases of the hi

Problems (1905). Contains several ref

lem of Organized Labor (1911). A su

86). Though one of the earliest American wor

udy of Organized Labor in America (191

United States (1917). A suggestive

Trade Unionism and

sm (1905). These two volumes are collections of contemporary studies of ma

ovides the most complete analysis of trade-union policies an

of the greater labor groups and of the development of the more important issues espoused by them. For many years it was the most compr

Industrial Workers of the World (1913).

ican Syndicalism:

on of the principles of Unionism by a distinguished labor le

or (1889). A history of the Knights

nited States (rev. ed., 1918). A concise an

tion of Industri

ndustrial Evolution of t

(1909). A collection of readings. The brief introductory essays to each c

N

. D.), I. W

railroad law), 133 (no

an Par

rike in rubber

rade unio

nical Societ

-hour controversy i

ation of Iron and

ed Labor

od Workers' As

uctors' Union orga

for Labor and De

tion for Labor L

n Cossac

07; attitude toward socialism, 108, 111, 245, 256; tendency toward amalgamating allied trades, 109-110; and unskilled labor, 109; importance, 110-111; Mitchell and, 128; and Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, 133 (note); and Buck'

rgan of American Federati

arty, movement f

er Publishers A

and strikes, 158, 159;

13, 129-130, 174; Commission cro

tt Associa

polist Pa

Strike, 129-130; Board to deal with railway problems (1912), 146-150; Erdman Act (1898), 146, 162;

hobo" labo

ard, invents roller

, F. W

P. M.,

of Longsho

ladelphia n

' strike (1795), 22; early unions in, 34; Baltimore

. H., quote

tates, as poli

., and eight-

ism in, 189; gene

, and the t

sidential candidat

eremy, Pla

Victor,

nd), labor confe

treatment of I. W.

, I. W. W. str

s attitude toward, 10

?perative movement, 46-47; strikes because of cost of living

sociation circulates S

rades Un

n, Char

Captain,

ict labor, 37; union label as weapon, 1

l.), Mitchell

D. J., on stri

s and control

e, Albe

ng of the Industrial Workers o

rm exper

acter, 134; supervision of members, 135-136; excludes firemen, 136; attitude toward nonmembers, 136-

of the Foo

od of Tra

and electric

ompany of St. Louis, boy

convention of Federation of Labor (1917), 101; rai

, Joh

neral B. F

rn Federation of Min

ng, 57; "hobo" labor in, 190; political labor movement,

, J. G

itish industrial conditions

W. S.,

dquarters of Order of R

ard, eight-hour d

Michael,

ers" winter in, 190; conferences organize I. W. W., 193-194; revolutionary branch of I. W. W. in, 196;

eeley and, 52-53; Paris peace trea

ced in Califor

ernational Union,

nions in, 34; co?perative movement in, 45, 46; Railway str

on of the United S

E. E.

ct, 100,

ssage (1886), 85; and

rs own building in, 140; Firemen's Magazine

, De Wi

ining, trade uni

74, 193; "hobo" labor in, 19

ddlers' stri

bor established (1886), 89; Order o

of trade, origin of doct

A. H. Simons

of Great

, J.R.,

, Owen's attempts, 4

k, Russ

n Général du

Clayton bill (1914), 100, 184, 247; eight-hour railroad law, 133 (note), 160, 164-

ordwainers' convention (1836), 35; labor

strikers tried for, 23; trials in New York Cit

36; boycott u

, Pete

e movement

law

39; Mooney on (1850), 43-44; in 1853, 57;

ational Defe

el, and spinni

New York, on str

, DeLeon edi

rs' Boycott,

s, New

udge Dav

., 154, 19

risonment

n of Indep

domestic system of

national cordwainers'

, Dani

arty and ten

alist factions of I. W. W., 19

action,

mill girls' st

, Jame

, T. A

ssue with labor, 36, public school impr

proclamation

z, O.

ue, 70; see als

nstructors'

W., and Go

T., qu

on communistic

organizat

Act, 14

iremen organize

rish landlord

J. J.

G. H.

Samue

of mass meeting in New

t, Edw

sh.), and I

' Association

reaty and, 107; as political issu

3; and Knights of Lab

es and Labor Unions of the U

ustry Asso

Reform Asso

J. G.

-65; reform as a political issue, 231; People's

Magazine

," see Knig

E. G.

, Pet

r Movement, the Problem

Marti

ism in, 188; gen

nquire

Societi

h, Andr

, A. B.,

' Union of New

234; Evans pr

wers' Un

Nev.), I. W

ndicalism, 198; on g

Council of Defense, 102; heads American labor mission to Europe (1917), 104-105; and Berne labor conference, 105-106; contribution to Paris treaty of peace, 106-107; and Socialism, 107-108; pe

public utilities, Peop

railroads, Brotherhood

p, National Labor p

ffice, Roosevelt espo

l Union party, 233; join Workin

arly morning strikes i

ers' Nationa

(Wash.), I.

ial system, 2 et seq.; ten-hour law in, 53; British Trades Union as model for Ameri

, 100 et seq.; and railroads, 166-167; I. W

bill, 52; on child labor law

I.), potters' st

party, 68,

ystem,

ard, on I.

, Keir

es, invents spi

an, Jo

Dennis,

B., procla

, 195, 197, 20

on, Art

on, Joh

ew York,

, A. S

), Home for Disable

rector-General o

d Act (1

trike (1892

eaders

h.), sabota

, 52; as issue, 69-70; eight-hour day, 70-72, 74, 129, 152; Paris peace treaty and eight-hour day, 106; eight-

ditions abo

Joseph

ndustrial Worke

"hobo" labor in, 190; violen

(1867), 71; I. W. W. and draft in, 216; Un

ilroad, conductors

26; adds to armies of labor, 69; I.

hoemakers' strike (1880), 6

, McNamara t

tes, 152; report quoted, 168; on

al Revol

anecdote for, 101; and American Federation of Labor, 109; history of movement,

entralizati

" party,

see Factor

ident Insurance Association, 138-139; Order of Railw

Conference, Londo

ssociation of M

Steam, Hot Water and Power

Firemen's Un

phical Union of North

e, regulation as p

age increases, 145; Clark on, 151; Wi

, meeting again

nion of North A

sm in, 189; gene

drew, and m

on wages

nited States Circuit Court

ddlers' strik

tters' Association o

, F. K

d draft, 216; labor

nvents flyin

, Denni

D. J.,

Thomas

United States Com

of Indus

tchell and, 127, 128; and Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, 133 (note); help organize Na

St. Crispin,

Baltimore (1866), 73; Bureau of, established (1884), 85; and corporations, 87; and Paris peace treaty, 106-107; leaders, 121-123; Department of, and Brotherhoods, 163; "floaters," 189-190; special report of United States Commissione

form Lea

rm party,

rty in En

ad Act (1862), 50; forfeiture o

ployment (1857), 62; s

W. G.

Y.), Clar

), strike in textil

ngressman from

gineers' Jour

al Life and Accident Insur

alias Daniel

ed Labor Conferenc

esponding S

namiting of Tim

men factory workers (1846), 44-

trial Reform and Mu

J. M.

, W. G

ch, J.

ld, Ram

sts' Un

ons and Platforms, cited

(Penn.), I. W

J. B., q

a, Jame

a, J. J

tics, 227, labor

Hora

ers' Assoc

by domestic, 4; introduction of mac

Harriet, ci

ower addresses meet

distinctions,

omen factory workers, 56; Bureau of Labor and collective bargaining, 1

on of Trade As

N. J.), elect

ile sys

on and Buck's Stove

es Associa

l Railway, Gar

bor in, 190; labor

during strike

es, Place

St. Crispin in, 74; an

abor in, 190; labor

ght-hour law (1867), 71;

ter, 127-128; and Anthracite Coal Strike, 129-130; quoted, 131-132; on compulsory member

in, 190; violence in,

Years in America (1

, Ely

, Frank,

. H., 146, 1

ivic Feder

n of Journeymen Pr

ctors' Assoc

nvention, 230 (note); se

bor Union,

al Trade Ass

tective Asso

ssociation of Ha

Trades

pographical

Union p

ion Law

abor ticket

and I. W

wick, uni

in, 25; women in textile mills, 55; cotton weav

n of Farmers, Mechanic

Protective

kingmen's Assoc

e, first ten

cordwainers' convention (1836), 35; ten-hour law (1851

istic colonies, 41; cotton weavers' strike (1880), 67; eight-hour law (1867), 71;

oycotter q

Statistics and Labo

ailroad, Arthur as

55; Female Industry Association organized (1845), 56; strikes (1853), 57; national meeting of carpet-weavers (1846), 60; demonstration in 1857, 61-62; unemployment, 62; ribbon weaver' strike (1880), 67; stablemen's strike (1880), 67; tailors' strike (1880), 68; Third Avenue Railway strike (1886), 83; Brotherhood of Locomotive En

sons Societ

rotective

f Journeymen Shipw

pographical

. J.), un

ds Law

Knights of Labor, s

fic Railroad,

yndicalis

ll, Jam

arles, of N

r law (1852), 54; strikes, 66, 67; in elec

. W. W. and

(1880), 67; People's part

rhood of the Trainmen o

Hatters' Union

lway Conduct

abor in, 190; an

rking Man's

), Garretson

.), Kidd arr

ce and, 17; in Am

R. D.,

50-51; (1857), 61-62; (18

n International Labor Legislation, 1

Governor of Ne

ers' strike (1880), 67; silk

r law, 53; coal miners (1873), 66; strikes, 67; labor party (1878), 232

ailroad, Broth

s Counc

235, 236; see al

(1835), 37; sabotage in, 38; strike benefits, 39; co?perative movement, 45-46, 47; strikes, 57; unemployment (1857), 62; ribbon weavers' strike (1880), 67; Knights of Labor in, 81; co

ent, 53; and eight-hour day, 71; nomi

ves opposed by Pe

4; strikes, 57; riots, 67; Federation of Organized Trad

and Chicago Railroad,

Francis

perations, see Governmen

es, Senator, an

or and, 68, 7

235, 242; see al

Firemen's Brotherho

re.), I. W.

ks, advocated by P

nd Master of Knights

refor

sive pa

ve Labor

e, 172, 174,

, Patri

therhoods,

nductor, T

lway strike

, communistic ex

onal Labor party

new epoch for lab

our law (1853), 54;

and Brook Farm

ailroad, Ston

ners' strike, 129, 130; and Clark, 151; and Sargent, 154; defeate

, and labor

eneral st

38, 201 et

ials (1919), 217; Workingman's

Labor in, 82, 83; meeting of Knights

al Trades and L

I. W. W.

loaters" winter in, 190; labor situation (1877),

t, F.

general str

, Theodo

ady, uni

enn.), Powd

ct (1915),

's Uni

, Jame

Albert

sachusetts, opinion in Com

Law, Gompers and, 9

free coi

, A. M

24; The Rights of M

, 18; The Wealt

dney, quo

, Phill

mocratic

estruction, 62; organiz

Labor part

y becomes known as, 243; in Milwaukee, 244;

erican Labor

ture of the Trade Unions, 188-18

ndicalism

icalism, Industrial Uni

I. W. W

blican, on labor

of the Presidency,

rdianship

Laborers

nder of Knights of L

k, Governor of Id

day, 70-71; A Reduction of Ho

S., 143-14

imony before Senate Co

s, O.

r, A. J

850), 46-47; New York tailors, 47-48; Dover mill girls (1829), 55; Lowell womens factory workers (1836), 55; in 1853, 57; Baltimore and Ohio, 57, 67, 133; become part of economic routine, 66; increase in number and importance, 66-68; in 1880, 67-68; of 1886, 68, 82-84; Anthracite Coal Strike, 113, 129-130, 174; O'Connell leads, 125; New York City railway (1905), 138 (note); railroad, 1

Hatters' case, 183; o

nical Order of

Europe, 188; I

exemption bill for

ny Ha

m, Frank,

and for pro

former

tax, 234, 235; in

d.), convention

W. W. and

enator, report o

es, dynamiting o

ce of Labor Reform and

erization of different trades, 116-117; disputes as to authority, 117-118; adjustment to changing conditions, 117-118; advantages of amalgamation, 119; and labor leaders, 121 et seq.; purpose, 168; and co

e City and County o

on, demand f

W. E., 195;

Y.), unio

treatment of I.

874, 66; "floaters," 190; among immigra

3, 237; see also Nati

en, Marine and Tran

lumbers, Gas Fitters, Steam Fitter

erhood of Ca

f Carpenters and Joi

rs of North

bor party

ers, 112, 117, 1

executive order f

e, C. R

labor pol

lass distin

issue, 69-70; Paris peace treaty and, 106; United Mine Workers and, 129; Arthur and engineers', 142; Stone and, 144; Eastern engineers demand standardization of, 145; Ga

g, W.

"hobo" labor in, 190

nights of Labor, 84; headquarters of

neral J. B

atrice, History of

Thurlo

s.), Brook Farm e

on of Miners, 17

and ten-h

on, S.

Daniel,

Garretson, 152; and threatened strike of Brotherhoods

hour law for women and children (1867), 71; labo

labor, 44-45; in factories, 54-55; organizations, 55-56; Paris p

n shipbuilding

Internation

Box Mak

ck meeti

s Advocate,

an's Gaze

n's party

arty of Califo

and Labor Union of

's compens

D., report

Frances,

n, A. B

(O.), I. W.

cles of Am

Man's

worth H

nish Co

g Berdin

ethan

m Charles

ders of N

am Benne

of the

ry Jo

ers of N

es McLea

English on

Wilder

aker C

ey Geor

ial F

es McLea

uest of

e McKinn

of the R

l Lotu

and His Com

e McKinn

s of the C

ax F

n and His

ry Jon

and his

len J

ll and the

rd Samu

t for a

h Delah

of the Ol

nce Linds

ld No

eric Au

of Andre

eric Au

of Inlan

r Butler

rers of

nce Linds

nish Bo

bert E

d the Me

el Wright

orty-

art Edw

ng of the

erson

tton K

liam E

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: one in the bibliography, one in the index, and one on page 231. Also, footnotes were changed in two instances due to the way we transcribe footnotes. There were some incons

o ways. There are multiple uses of "cigar-maker" (see Page 113, Page 116, and Page 118 for a few examples). There is one lone usage o

e same paragraph. We could transcribe the word two ways. The hyphen was employed on Page

nscriber a choice. Only one other usage of the word was found in the text: trade-mark was hyphen

Democratic party," only to omit the hyphen a few sentences later, on the same pag

footnotes. In the book, 1 appears on page 195 and 2 appears on page 196, but both footnotes must be placed after the paragraph on page 196 due to the way that we transcri

note, and a second paragraph on page 97 had a footnote. In the book, 1 appears on page 96 and 2 appears on page 97, but both footnotes

ion to overcome the text formatter is to write "I.W.W.", but the cramped phrase reads awkwardly. Modern history books use "IWW". I used the

y-three occurrences of c?peration or co?perate or co?perate and even co?rdinate. The six occurrences of "coop" were either the name Cooper

in parenthesis with a period after the right parenthesis when the period

x after "Industrial Workers of the W