Germany, The Next Republic?

n Diplomati

d the next day. The Foreign Office sent it to the General Staff, but nearly a week passed before Gerard was told he could depart and then he was instructed that the American consuls could not accompany him, but would have to take a special train leaving Munich a week or two later. American correspondents, who expressed a desire to accompany the Ambassador, were refused permission. In the meantime reports arrived that the United States had confiscated the German ships and Count Montgelas, Chief of the American division of the Foreign Office, informed Gerard the American correspondents would be held as hostages if America did this. Gerard replied that he would no

onal experiences which proved to them that the German people were like the Government--there was no respect for public sentiment or moral obligation. Some of the women had upon previous occasions, when they crossed the German frontier, submitted to the most inhuman indignities, but they remained in Germany because their husbands were connected in some way with United States government or semi-public service work. They were delighted to escape the l

ugh France. You are exiles

Paris they said they were not

. The clergy was mobilised to encourage the people. On January 29th I sent the fo

peace in the services marking the Kaiser's birthday, this year his sermon was a fiery defence of Germany's

ment of the German people. His sermon of Satur

ped us, and God will fight for us to-day, through our leaders and our soldiers. We neither willed nor wanted this war--neither the Kaiser nor the people. We hoped

the war with a clear conscience and with trust in God that he will bring

RMIT THE GERMAN

PTE

HARDI OF

tic relations the slogan o

e, we must

destroyed German influence throughout the world; it had lost Germany's colonies and Pacific possessions and it had turned the opinion of the world against Germany. But during the time Germany was trying to impress the United States with its sincerity after the Sussex

ectly what the arguments were which convinced the Kaiser that he could win the war by using submarines. But on the 9th of February there appeared a small book written by Rear Admiral Hollweg entitled: "Unser Recht auf den Ubootkrieg." (Our Right in Submarine Warfare.) The manus

utrality justifies a disre

ging about a crisis in the military a

the Entente, must be harme

can and must

ernhardi's task was to school Germany into the belief in the unbeatableness of the German army. Hollweg's book is to teach the German people

the German song: "Der Gott der Eisen wachsen Liesz," written b

Schrecken, als ein

th Terror than Ter

ne War and Victory" the writer

erchant shi

nk

ed Per

of colonies) 19,256

319,438 3

053,818 1

68,296 31

352,124

08,386 37

r Dec. 1916

at beginning of

by new constru

-----

089

not usea

Germany

ia 1,

ey 1

urkey held enemy

U. S. A.

ltic and Bla

nemy tonnag

-----

13,7

al tonnage (est

-----

685

countries for war pur

nd 9,

e 1,4

1,10

ia 4

um 25

-----

150

-----

835

-----

world freigh

he beginning of 19

rchant ships during war time the author replies by citing Lloyd's List of December 29

..... 1,97

..... 1,72

...... 64

...... 58

r is being harmed the most." Admiral Hollweg cites these figures to show that ship constructi

ear Admiral

the beginning of the war based upon the fundamental principles of the London Declaration and respected the modern endeavours of all civilised states to decrease the terrors of war. These regulations of sea laws were written to decrease the effects of the unavoidable consequences of sea warfare upon non-com

19 he

. May our submarine campaign be an example for them! The clever cruiser journey of U-53 off the Atlantic Coast gave them clearly to understand what this method was. Legally they cannot

n: The New W

d "The Opponent," on p

l policies of our opponents during the war will be given. This account shall serve the purpose of fort

mation of the intentions to rob and conquer us which, caused the individual entente nations to league together and conduct the war. The neutrals will now see the situation

England, our

hose in banking and business circles, felt that Germany was so indispensable to England in peace time tha

fies the ruthless submarine

tion through the Orders in Council and other lawless statements of authority until the declaration was unrecognisable and worthless--especially the spirit and purpose of the agreement were flatly pushed a

ns of marine law in

laration of April 16th, 1855. Blockading of neu

ns by the confiscation of enemy property aboard ne

as a war zone. British Admiralt

d confiscated neutral food en route to neutral states whenever there was a possibility that it wou

Germany and neutral countries through the violat

German reservists

b. Murdering of submarine crew upon command of British auxiliary cruiser Baralong. c. Violation of Article XX

by English cruiser Highflyer. b. Destruction of German cruiser Dresden in Chinese waters by Br

d her merchant s

ritish merchantmen in violation of Artic

de has been effective and arguing that England by seizing neutral ships

ected and they have protested against it. We may, however, consider that they will henceforth respect our proposals just as they have in the past accepted English interests. England demanded from them that they assist her because England was fighting for the future of neutrals and of justice. We will take this principle also as basis for what we do and even await ther

at Secretary of State Lansing in a note to Count von Bernstorff at fi

ity on international law, Professor Dr. Niemeyer, who said: 'There can be absolutely no question but that the submarine is permitted. It is a means of war simila

ntitled "The Submarine War a

r peace proposal we have only the choice of victory with the use of all of our stre

battle with the greatest possibility and confidence of a final victory which will break the destru

price, they are for example considerably higher in England than in Germany. A world wide c

industrial workers are under arms, the others are working in making war

although most of the time it has been hugging the coasts of the Fatherland. He declares that the

onnection between Germany and Turkey was not established a strong English naval unit would have brought the attack success. The necessity of not withdrawing the English battleships from the North Sea preve

e other Allies by the tongue draws from her industry and thereby her commerce, 3,500,000 workmen. Coal exportation has decreased. During the eleven months from January to November, 1916

3 the auth

submarines in this war are playing. They are serving also

lish Damocles' sword over weak sea powers and that for eternity the

E OF SHIPS SUNK BY GERMAN SUBMARINE

1916, the tonnage of ships destroyed by submarines had fallen to under 100,000 tons. In April, 1916, as Grand Admiral von Tirpitz' followers made one more effort to make the submarine warfare successful, nearly 275,000 tons wer

ffective it was too costly to maintain submarine warfare in belligerent waters. The German Navy had tried all kinds of schemes but none was very successful. After the sinking of the Ancona the Admiralty planned for two submarines to work together, but this was not as successful as it might have been.

for a much stronger submarine campaign which was to begin in August. By this time it was decided, however, not to risk a submarine campaign off the Allied coasts but to operate in th

ne campaign the U-53 was despatched across the

rror off the Atlantic coast. Second, it was to show the naval authorities whether their plans for an attack on American shipping would b

his included big U-boats, like the U-53, with a cruising radius of five thousand miles, and the smaller craft, with fifteen-day radius, for use against England, as well as supply ships and mine

ording to Germany's new method of construction, a submarine can be built in fifteen days. Parts are stamped out in the factories and assembled at the wharves. But it take

o a school was established--a School of Submarine Murder--and for many months the man who torped

non-combatants going down on a passenger liner, sunk without warning, was nothing to be compared to the heroism of aiming the

nt this method would be discontinued until there were sufficient submarines to defy the United States. At once the German navy, which has always been anti

ained men, so it recalled, temporarily, for ed

k the Lusitan

hundreds of other noncombatants was fired by Oberleutnant zur See (First Naval

unished?"

im with the highest militar

s Steinb

that he had just returned from a special trip, having

d he bee

officers and crews in this branch of warfar

o conduct a ruthless submarine warfare throughout the world? Is it surprising that American ships should be sunk, American citizens murdered and the United Stat

e been mobilised for this work, too. Just a few weeks before diplomatic relations were broken a group of American doctors, who were investigating prison camp conditions, went to Danzig. Here they learned that the twelve wharves there were building between 45 and 50 submarines annually. These were the smaller type for

rs are needed. Each man, too, must be a "seadog." Some of the smaller submarines toss like tubs when they reach the ocean and only toughened seamen can stan

ion to warships. The German navy learned this within a very short time, and the military engineers were ordered to perfect a torpedo which would go through a steel net. The first invention was a torpedo with knives on the nose. When the nose hit the net there was a minor explosion. The knives were sent through the net, permitting the to

top of the submarine and used for observation purposes in case the big periscope was destroyed. From time to time there were other inventions. As the submarine fleet grew the means of communicating with each other

sight" for the submarine firing the torpedo. Submarines, which at first were unarmed, were later fit

a month. In January, 1917, over 600,000 tons were destroyed. On February nearly 800,000 tons were lost. The destruction of ships means a corresponding destruction of cargoes, of many hundreds of thousands of tons. When Germany decided the latter part of January to begin a ruthless ca

the Allies have depended upon ships. Germany looked at her own military situation and saw that if the Allies could destroy as many railroad cars as Germany exp

nfiscate even private supplies. The Grand Hotel in Rome, for instance, had to give up 300 tons which it had in its coal bins. In 1915 France had been importing 2,000,000 tons of coal a month across the Channel from England. Because of the ordina

ion. She knew that to manufacture ammunition and war supplies coal was needed. Germany calculated that if the coal importations to France coul

was almost as bad as in Germany. Even Ambassador Gerard had somewhat the same impression. When he left Germany for Switzerland on his way to Spain, he took two cases of eggs which he had purchased in Denmark. One night at a reception in Berne, one of the American wo

eared to be as normal in this respect as Copenhagen or Rotterdam. But I was told by American

d Paris officials publicly stated that this was the kind of aid the Allies really needed. It became evident, too, that the Allies not only needed the food but that they needed ships to car

e upon a fleet of wooden bottom vessels being built in the United States to make up for the losses. Germany did not expect the United States to enter the war with all the vigour and energy of the American people. Germany calculated upon internal troubles, upon opposition to the war and upon the pacifists to have America make as many mistakes as England did during the first two years o

ot affect the German calculations because when the Kaiser and his Generals decided

Military Censor in Berlin, told the correspondents, Germany calculated upon the internal troubles in Russia aiding her. But the Allies and the people won the Russian Revolution. Germany's hopes that the Czar might again return to

nsideration confiscation by the United States of nearly 2,500,000 tons of German and Austrian shipping in American ports. He did not expect the United States t

be able to "come back." Germany thought when she took Warsaw and a great part of western Russia that Russia would not he able to continue the war. Germany figured that after the invasion of Roumania and Servia that these two countries would not need to be considered seriously in the future. Germany believed that her submarine campaign would be successful before the United States could come to the ai

le. He said the Germans, when they figured upon so many tons of shipping and of supplies destroyed by submarines, failed to take into considerat

eared to me would be the object of

r by any other weapon. That side will win which holds o

e a New York financier than a naval officer, leaned forward in his

lies wi

PTE

TLAWED

corate him with the high German military order, the Pour le Merite. Luncheon was postponed until the general returned. The correspondents watched him motor to the chateau where they were and were surprised to see tears in his eyes as he stepped out of the automobile and received the cordial greetings and congratulations of his staff. Von Kirchhoff, in a brief impromptu speech,

llies were more terrible t

, practically every German I knew, could not understand why the Allies di

officer I met why it was that Germany was so hated throughout the world. It was a question I could not easily answer witho

ople in the United States, especially, were so bitter. To get the discussion under way the Captain from the G

e confident. They were satisfied with the progress of the war. They knew the Allies hated them and they returned the hate and did not care. But between February, 1915,

ality, even a majority of those who supported the Entente. The feeling of sympathy which so many thousands of Americans had for Germany I could, at that

LIN "DEUTSCHE TAGES-ZEITUNG" FOR THE BOOK-

n Belgium, although it was evident and admitted by the Chancellor that Germany violated the neutrality of that country, I could not believe that a nat

e I saw performances of Shakespeare, which were among the best I had ever seen. I marvelled at the wonderful modern hospitals and at the efficiency and organisation of the Government. I marvelled at the expert ways in which prison camps were administered. I was

o food problem. German banks and business men were preparing for and expecting peace. The Government was already making plans for after the war when soldiers wou

apers. Previously, the Foreign Office had been extremely frank and cordial and permitted correspondents to send what they observed and heard, as long as the despatches did not contain information which would aid the Allies in their military or economic attacks on Germany. As the hate articles appeared in the newspapers the correspondents were not only prohibited from sending them, but they were criticised by the Foreign Office for writing anything which might cause the American people to be angered at Germany. One day I made a translation of a bitter article in the B. Z. am Mittag and submitted it to the Foreign Offic

tral in Germany could be either pro-German, pro-Ally or neutral. Now, however, it was impossible to be neutral, especially if one were an American, because the very statement that one was an American carried with it the implication that one was anti-German. The American colony itself became divided. There was the pro-American group and the pro-German government group. The former was centred at the American Emb

countries. I recall one time learning at the American Embassy that a man named Wulf von Igel had asked Ambassador Gerard for a safe conduct, on the ground that he was going to the United States to try and have condensed milk shipped to Germany for the children. Mr. Gerard refused to ask Washington to grant this man a safe conduct. I did not learn until several months afterwards that Herr von Igel had been asked to g

tories. And plots which Captains Boy-Ed and von Papen instigated here were done with the approval and encouragement of the German Government. If any proof is needed for this statement, in addition to that already published, it is that both of these men upon their re

ish blockade and thought only about the German submarine war. So as food difficulties developed the people blamed the United States and held President Wilson personally responsible for the growing shortages within Germany. The people

were implicated in spy plots. Nothing was ever published in the German newspapers about Herr von Igel. The newspapers always published despatches which told of the destruction of ammunition factories by plotters, but never about the charges against and arrests of German reservists. Just as the German Government has never permitted the people to know that it prepared for a war against nine nations, as the document I saw in the Ch

and in the long run defeated what they set out to accomplish. Had the German Government not been assured by some German-Americans that they would never permit President Wilson to break diplomatic relations or go to war, had these self-appointed envoys stayed away from Berlin, the relations between the

s here were not only interfering with the diplomatic negotiations but that the German-Ameri

the United Press, endeavoured several times while I was in Berlin to get unadulterated American news in the German newspapers, but the German Government was not overly anxious to have such information published. It was too busy encouraging the anti-American sentiment for the purpose of frightening the United States. It was difficult, too, for the United Press to get the necessary co-o

ral of the leading newspapers only to be notified in less than an hour afterward by the Foreign Office that I was to send no information to the German newspapers without first sending it to the Foreign Office. Two days after the blockade order was published I received a telegram from Mr. Howard saying that diplomatic relations would be broken, and giving me a summary of the press comment. I took this despatch to the Foreign Office and asked permission to send it to the newspapers. It wa

luding medicines and dye-stuffs, to the United States, the German Government replied that these could not leave the country unless an equal amount of goods were sent to Germany. Then, when the State Department arranged for an equal amount of American goods to be shipped in exchange the German Foreign Office said all these goods would have to be shipped to and from German ports. When the State Department listened to

the war to purchase all foreign oil properties "within the German Customs Union." The bill was examined by Mr. Gerard, who, for a number of years, was a Supreme Court Judge of New York. He discovered that the object of the bill was to put the Stand

ate Bryan would ever protect such a corporation as the Standard Oil Company was supposed to be. Mr. Gerard replied that the very fact that these two officials were known in the public mind as having no connection with this corporat

State Railways charge this American corporation twice as much to ship oil from Hamburg to Bremen as they charge th

And the bill was never b

mber, 1916, Adolph Barthmann, an American citizen, who owned the largest shoe store in Berlin, desired to close his place of business and go to the Unite

ff and that he could call for it within eight days. At the appointed day Barthmann appeared at Police Headquarters where he was informed by the Police Captain that upon orders of the General Staff he would have to sign a paper and swear to the statement that neither he nor the American firms he represented had sold, or w

s which I have narrated, are in the posses

d the United States. These threats were not disguised. Ambassador Gerard was informed, indirectly and unofficially of course, by German financiers and members of the Reichstag that Germany "would be forced" to make such an alliance if the United States

the women examined at the border what the authorities had done to her. I saw her before and after the ordeal and when I heard of what an atrocious examination they had made I understood why she was in bed ten days afterward and under the constant care of physicians. Knowing what German military officers and German women detectives had done in some of the invaded countries, one does not need to know the details of these insults. It is sufficient to state that after the wives of sever

had no poor, which took better care of its workmen than any nation in the world; the nation, which was considered in the advance of all countries in dealing with economic and industrial problems, no longer exists. The Germany which produced Bach, Beethoven, Schiller, Goethe and other great musicians and poets has disappeared. The musicians of to-day write hate songs. The poets of

rld and which believes that its organised might can defend it against every and all nations. The Germany I saw in 1915, composed o

reparation had diffused throughout the nation. President Wilson believed that he could rely upon the Chancellor as a leader of democracy against von Tirpitz and von Falkenhayn, as leaders of German autocracy. The Chancellor knew the Presid

or fighting Germany there would still be so many American indictments against the German

nd killed over 100 Americans

a, killed more America

Arabic and torp

erchant ships before torpedoing them and then in practice thre

nti-American prop

the German people suspect

and ammunition and criticised America for per

d against Amer

to stir up a r

estroy American am

reasons the pork supply was exhausted and there was no sugar was because Minister of the Interior Delbr

ed German-Americans in their

can contributions to German newspapers and f

s associations from printing un

and blacklisted American fir

ents from sending true despatches fro

the wives of American consular officia

a Russian-Japanese-German-Mexican allian

tary observers at the front and the U.

Sam's indictment

lawed herself a

PTE

ED STATE

ngland could not be maintained was because Germany did not have sufficient submarines. But by December the Kaiser, who receives all the figures of the Navy, undoubtedly knew that submarines were being built faster than any other type of ship and that the Navy was making ready for the grand sea offensive

rmy and

replete with hard fighting and sacrif

sted. All their assaults in the East and West were

ania has, by God's decree, again pinned

k victory, and the bold exploits of the U-boats have

all theatres of war, a

arlike spirit dwelling in your ranks, your tenacious, untiring will to victory, your love for th

be with u

arters, Dec

LH

YEAR ORDER TO T

1917 so the United States must have known several months before the official announcement came. But Washington probably w

HEAVEN'S SAKE, GREAT LITTLE LEADER, THE WH

ed Congress to declare war to say that the United States did not desire to go to war with the German people but with the German Government. One of these citizens was a Prussian nobleman by birth but he had been one of the leaders of the democratic forces in Germany and exiled himself in order to help the Li

serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither rig

of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach eithe

at passenger boats should not be sunk, and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair c

hought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latt

in in the attempt to set up some law, which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage ha

weapons which it could use at sea except these, which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the

ction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of

ave been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been no discrimination. The challenge is to all mankind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and a temperateness of

ssert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right t

as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence i

efence of rights which no modern publicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed gu

sions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is pract

ion and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrong

ss declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the Government and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upo

with the governments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to those governments o

f the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the

ve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States, already provided for by law in case of war, at least 500,000 men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the p

. I say sustained so far as may be by equitable taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty,

own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty--for it will be a very practical duty--of supplying the nations already at war with Ge

for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very

t our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy

3d of February and on the 26th of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and the justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic

d the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organised force which is

s of conduct and of responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and

e of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government

s were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasti

ng about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest

ept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind the carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class

a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government c

its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they woul

honour steady to a common end and prefer the inter

ope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartenin

heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of

ussian in origin, in character or purpose, and now it has been shaken, and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their native m

very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies, and set cri

ce, that the intrigues, which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country, have been carried on at t

or purpose of the German people toward us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a government that did what it pleased and told its people

our very doors the intercepted note to the Ger

ethods, we can never have a friend, and that in the presence of its organised power, always lying in wait to ac

ns and its power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretence about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberatio

cy. Its peace must be planted upon the t

rial compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind.

wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without pass

rine warfare adopted now without disguise by the imperial Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the imperial and royal Government of Austria-Hungary, but that Government has not actually eng

hout animus, not in enmity toward a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only in armed o

mutual advantage between us--however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts. We have borne with their pr

gst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it toward all who are in fact loyal to their neighbours and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true an

tern repression; but if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here

re are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peace

r the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a univ

e pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the pri

rst in excerpts and then as a whole in a few

olled by the Army published violent articles

waerts took advantage of Wilson's stat

North German Gazette said at the end of a long editorial th

their satisfaction with America as an enemy. The Rheinisc

us. This is a surprise only to those who have been reluctant to admit that America was our enemy from the beginning. The voice of America does not sound diffe

President Wilson's attempt to inveigle the German people into a revolt again

nment but the German race, hates this Anglo-Saxon fanatic, who has stirred into flame the

ated America. The Lokal Anzeiger was one of the means the Gov

s only editorials dictated, or author

r people who are engaged in a severe struggle for their existence and liberty. What slave soul does he believe exists in the German people when it

sen the bonds between the people and princes of Germany so that we may become an easier prey for our enemies. We

s January, 1916, he said the same thing to the German people in his address from the throne to the Prussian Diet. Why did the Kaiser feel that it was necessary to again call the attention of the people to the fact that he would be a democra

. At Ostend, the famous Belgian summer resort, the Kaiser was walking along the beach one day with Admiral von Schroeder, who is in command of the German defences there. The movie operator followed him. The soldier had been following the Kaiser several days so H

ere shocked by the section of the Kaiser at Ostend. They ordered it cut out of the film because the

the Big War broke out the Kaiser had a chance to make real what had been play for him for forty years. Is it surprising the

itself shows that the Kais

in bitter self defence has exercised a wonderful reconciling power, and, despite all sacrifices on the battlefield and

o was pleased with the progress o

ong years of peace and amid many internal struggles. This was certainly worth fighting for," the Emperor's order continued. "Brightly before my eyes stand the

assist in obtaining the fulfilment of the demands of this hour by right means and at the right time, and in this spiri

e developed in this respect h

form, typically fulfilled as his monarchial obligations, thereby creating conditions by which the German people, in united and wrathful perseverance, will overcome this sanguinary ti

rchy to serve the welfare of the whole, I am resolved to begin building up our i

ch a far-reaching change of constitution, must be postponed in the highest interests of the Fatherland until the time of the hom

ts should hail this declaration of t

ds and best forces in the nation have worked. Resurrection day of the third war year--will go down

promise which is more hopeful and certain than all former announcements tog

addition to a reform of the Prussian Upper House. In the coming new orientation the Govern

on by the Kaiser was not made in such a definite form, until the United States had declared war. As the United States ent

just as the submarine notes had. The German people really did not begin to think during this war until President Wilson challenged them in the notes whic

y the democratic press began to give more serious consideration to Americans alliance with the Allies. Dr. Ludwig Haas, one

ept this message [President Wilson's address before Congress] without a protest,

ntries. But the President seems blind to the fact that a handful of men have made it their secret and uncontrolled business to direct the fate of the European democracies. With t

. LONG LIVE AMERICA! LONG LIVE PEACE!

merican campaign in Germany which the Navy started a

realise it and Washington knows it. Mr. Lloyd-George, the British Prime Minister, realised what a decisi

e assurance of victory, has to be found in one word, 'ship

l have a tremendous effect as time goes on upon the German people. As days and weeks pass, as the victory which the German Government has promised the people becomes further and further away, the people, who are now doing more thinking t

d in spite of itself. The New York World editorial on April 14th, discussing Mr. Lloyd-George'

racy in Prussia, the army had its way. The democracies of Great Britain and France, like the democracy of the United Sta

Prussia the army which disregards international law. It is Prussia the army, represented by the General Staff and the Admiralty, which sets at naught the engagements of the Foreign Office. It

agooned by Prussia. There is no law in Germany but military law. There is no obligation in Germany except to the army. It is not Germany

our economic and financial resources, and our determination will have the decisive influence. We enter at t

PTE

DENT

win it. By May 1st, 1917, the situation so changed in Europe that it was apparent to observers t

venting the flames from spreading. Unlimited submarine warfare, however, is something new. It is militarism spreading to the high seas and to the shores of neutrals. It is Ruthlessism--the new German menace,

as to arouse the whole world to the almost indefinite possibilities of this means of fighting. The real crisis of the war has not been reached. We are approaching it. The Allies have attempted for two

s have done during the war to present clearly, fairly and accurately not only the great issues but the problems of organisation and military tactics. The people of the United States are better informed about the war as a whole than are the people in any European country. American newspapers have not made the mista

re one of his classes in philosophy that there was a new "will"

this new will; the White House corroborates the results of the laboratory. To Roosevelt, Wilson seems weak and vacillating; but that is because T. R. knows nothing about t

volition, and it remains to be seen whether the political world, at home and abroad, is ready for it. Here it is significant to obser

of note writing more than they would have dr

bserved what we saw to be the effe

ILSON

ological moment with a capable and determined president, a united

gerents have made the Swiss people feel that they are in the centre of the war itself. In France, although Paris is gay, although people smile (they have almost forgotten how to smile in Germany), although streets are crowded, and stores busy, the atmosphere is earnest and serious. Spain is torn by internal troubles. There is a great army of unemployed. The submarine war has destroyed many Spanish ships and interrupted Spanish trade with belligerents. Business houses are unable to obtain credit. German propaganda is sowing sedition and the King himself is uncertain about the future. But in the United States there is a gigantic display of energy and potential power

American ships like all other belligerent vessels, it began to dawn upon people here that this country was very closely connected to Europe by blood ties as well as by business bonds. It has taken the United States two years to learn that Europe was not, after all, three thousand miles away when it came to the vital moral issues of live international policies. Before Congress declared war I found ma

CARD OF ADMISSION TO THE R

, in an editorial on "Who willed American participation?" cast an int

rican participation would be the munition-makers, bankers and in general the capitalist class, that the chief sufferers would be the petty business men and the wage-earners. They have consequently considered the former classes to be conspiring in favour of war,

minority to impose its will on the rest of the country. But the numerically insignificant class whose influence has been successfully exerted in favour of American participation does not consist of the bankers and the capitalists. Neither will they be the chief beneficiaries of American participation. The bankers and the capitalists have favoured war, but they have fav

ilitary and diplomatic policy made plausible opposition to American participation very difficult, but still more because of the overwhelming preponderance of pro-Ally conviction in the intellectual life of the country. If the several important professional and social groups could have voted separately on the question of war and peace, the list of college professors would probably have yielded the largest majority in favour of war, except perhaps that contained in the Social Register. A fighting anti-German spirit was more general among physicians, lawyers and clergymen than it was among business men--except t

counselled neutrality. They were revolted by the hideous brutality of the war and its colossal waste. Participation must be purchased with a similarly colossal diversion of American energy from constructive to destructive work, the imposition of a similarly heavy burden upon the future production of American labour. It implied the voluntary surrender of many of those advantages which had tempted our ancestors to cross the Atlantic and settle in the New World. As against these certain costs there were no equally tangible compensations. The legal rights of American citizens were, it is true, being violated, and the structure of international law with which American security was traditionally associated was being shivered, but the nation had weathered a similar storm during the Napoleonic Wars and at that time participation in the conflict had been wholly unprofitable. By spending

tage than that of Turkey. She betrayed her dream by attacking France through Belgium and by threatening the foundations of European order. The crucifying of Belgium established a strong presumption against Germany, but the case was not complete. There still remained the dubious origin of the war. There still remained a doubt whether the defeat of German militarism might not mean a dangerous triumph of Russian autocracy. Above all there remained a more serious doubt whether the United States in aiding the Allies to beat Germany might not be contributing merely to the establishment of a new and equally unstable and demoralising Balance of Power in Europe. It was well, consequently, to wait and see whether the development of the war would not do away with some of the ambiguities and misgivings, while at the same time to avoid doing anything to embarrass the Allies. The waiting policy has served. Germany was driven by the logic of her original

ervention the full allegiance of the American national conscience. His achievement is a great personal triumph, but it is more than that. It is an illustration and a prophecy of the part which intelligence and in general the 'intellectual' class have an opportunity of playing in shaping American policy and in moulding American life. The intimate association between action and ideas, characteristic of American political practice at its best, has been vindicated once more. The association was started at the foundation of the Republic and was embodied in the work of the Fathers, but particularly in that of Hamilton. It was carried on during the period of the Civil War and was embodied chiefly i

al who has had to transmit, interpret and fight for our policies in Berlin. Mr. Gerard had a difficult task because he, like President Wilson, was constantly heckled and ridiculed by those pro-German Americans who were more interested in discrediting the Administ

ondents when they went there," said Ambassador Gerard in an address to t

elieve the President--they must not believe the American people--but believe these people, and to a great extent this war is due to the

ss, frankness and a kind of "news instinct" which caused him to regar

lly do. Gerard began at the beginning of the war a policy of keeping the United States fully informed regarding Germany. He used to report daily the political developments and the press comment, and the keen understanding which he had of German methods was proved by his many forecasts of important developments. Last Sept

BASSADOR GERARD A

dor Gerard did everything he could to give the opposite impression. He tried his best to keep Germany from driving the United States into the war. That he did not succeed

if it could be arranged. The Ambassador waited two weeks. Nothing was done. From his friends in Berlin he learned that the Navy was opposed to such a conference and would not give its consent. Mr

Exce

d for an audience with

I repeated

t trouble you

pect

W. GE

Chancellor's palace. Three hours later he was told that von Bethman

ed as special courier from the Embassy in London to Berlin. At the frontier he was arrested and imprisoned. The Ambassador heard of it, went to the Foreign Office and demanded Cochran's immediate release. The Amba

's signature off the bottom, or some one

t was learned and proved by the State Department that

in prison camps, transmitting money and letters about German affairs in Entente countries, and other matters which were under discussion between Berlin and Washington. At one time an American woman instructor

erlin, living in a box stall similar to one which his riding horse had occupied in peace times. This so aroused the Ambassador that he volunteered to furnish funds for the construction of a new barracks in case the Government was not willing to do it. But the Foreign Office and the War Ministry and other officials shifted authority so often that it was impossible to get changes made. The Ambassador deci

stigated various newspapers to attack the Ambassador so that Germany might be justified in asking for his recall, but the attack failed for the si

ccomplished in Germany during the war. Suppose the Kaiser were to grant certain reforms, wo

we accomplished during two years. Americans must remember that at the present time all the leading men of Germany are preaching to the people the gospel of submarine success, and the anti-American campaign there is being conducted unhindered and unchallenged. The United States a

this (though it might please the German people) cannot, must not, satisfy us. Only a firm refusal of the Allies will accomplish what we have set out to do--overthrow the present rulers and dictators of Germany. This must include not only the Kaiser but Field Marshal von Hindenburg and the generals in control of the army, the Chancellor von Be

t pointing out some of the possibilities which can develop from the policy which Pres

has defeated itself. It is doubtful whether there ever will be another world war because the opinion of all civilised people is mobilised against war. After one has seen what war is like, one is against not only war itself but the things which bring about war. This great war was made possible because Europe has been expecting and preparing for it ever since 1870 and because the governments of Europe did not take either the people or their neighbours into their confide

POST-CARD FROM GE

l be based upon a full discussion of all international issues. The object of diplomacy will be to reach an understanding to prevent wars, not to

ment in international affairs by saying that "the

s: How can this world opinion

e world to-day the most important influence in the development of opinion is the daily press. By a judicious interpretation of affairs the President of the United States frequently may

ts intentions in a political campaign. Parties in Europe may demand a statement of the foreign intentions of their governments. If there was this candidness between the governments and their citizens there would he more frankness between the nations and their neighbours. Public opinion would then be the decisive force. International steps of a

opinion of the world may be such a force that every nation will respect and fear it. The opinion of the world may

t the Germany which would come out of this war would be nothing like the Germany which went into the war and the Kaiser has already promised a "people's kingdom of Hohenzollern." The Kaiser's government will be

PE

l Univ

ca,

R S

early during the war, to the effect that a Spanish vessel supposed to carry munitions for Spain was just leaving Germany, I asked the Foreign Office that the vessel be searched before leaving, my purpose being not only to get such incidental information as possible regarding the contraband

ssel, after a brief visit, proceeded on her way, and our agents at Hamburg informed me later that during the entire war vessels freely carried ammunition from German ports both to Spain and to the United States, and that neither of the belligerents made any

in, de

pectfull

ANDREW