A History of Sanskrit Literature

Ep

500–5

f the Upanishads, a moralising spirit at the same time breathes through it as a whole. The religion itself which now prevails is very different from that of the Vedic age. For in the new period the three great gods, Brahmā, Vish?u, and ?iva are the chief objects of worship. The important deities of the Veda have sunk to a subordinate position, though Ind

To that doctrine, according to which beings pass by gradations from Brahmā through men and animals to the lowest forms of existence, is doubtless also largely due the fantastic element characteristic

mitra, we are told, practised penance for thousands of years in succession; and the power of asceticism is described as so great as to cause even the worlds and the

to the detriment of the subject, as in the case of law. The only departments almost entirely restricted to the use of prose are grammar and philosophy, but the cramped and enigmatical style in which these subjects are treated hardly deserves the name of prose at all. Literary prose is found only in fables, fairy tales, romances, and partially in the drama. I

e literature is composed in the ?loka, a development of the Vedic anush?ubh stanza of four octosyllabic lines; but while all four lines ended iambically in the prototype, the first and third line have in the ?loka ac

te rules of poetics, while the language is regulated by the grammar of Pā?ini. Thus classical Sanskrit literature, teeming as it does with fantastic and exaggerated ideas,

d the silent ascetic seated at the foot of the sacred fig-tree; he must have experienced the feelings inspired by the approach of the monsoon; he must have watched beast and bird disporting themselves in tank and river; he must know the varying aspects of Nature in the different seasons; in short, he must be acquainted with all the sights and sounds of an Indian landscape, the mere allusion to one of which may call up some familiar scene or touch some chord of sentiment. Otherwise, for instance, the mango-tree, the red A?oka, the orange Kad

uctions of the latest Vedic period, that of the Upanishads and Sūtras, there grew up, on the one hand, the rich Pāli literature of Buddhism, and, on the other, the earliest form of Sanskrit poetry in the shape of epic tales. We have seen that even the Rigveda contains some hymns of a narrative character. Later we find in the Brā

tains, as remnants of an older phase, archaic verses in the upajāti and vam??astha (developments of the Vedic trish?ubh and jagatī) metres, besides preserving some old prose stories in what is otherwise an entirely metrical work. It further differs from the sister epic in introducing speeches with words, such as "B?ihada?va spake," which do not form part of the verse, and which may be survivals of prose narrative connecting old epic songs. The Rāmāya?a, again, is, in the main

lomerate of epic and didactic matter divided into eighteen books called parvan, with a nineteenth, the Harivam??a, as a supplement. The books vary very considerably in length, the twelfth being the longest, with near

gy, and can only be accomplished by the collaboration of several scholars. There are complete MSS. of the Mahābhārata in London, Oxford, Paris

ly been reproduced several times, was printed at Bombay in 1863. This edition, though not including the supplementary book, contains the commentary of Nīlaka??ha. These two editions do not on the whole differ considerably. Being deri

his edition represents a distinct South Indian recension, which seems to differ from that of the North about as much as the three recensions of the Rāmāya?a do from one a

read of the narrative. Entire works are sometimes inserted to illustrate a particular statement. Thus, while the two armies are drawn up prepared for battle, a whole philosophical poem, in eighteen cantos, the Bhagavadgītā is recited to the hero Arjuna, who hesitates to advance and fight against his kin. Hence the Mahābhārata claims to be not only a heroic poem (kāvya), but a compendium teaching, in accordance with the Veda, the fourfold end of human existence (spiritual merit, wealth, pleasure, and salvation), a sm?iti or work of sacred tradition, which expounds the whole duty of man, and is intended for the religiou

the direct statements that the poem at one time contained 24,000 ?lokas before the episodes (upākhyāna) were added, that it originally consisted of only 8800 ?lokas, and that it has three beginnings. The

two tribes already appear united, and in the Kā?haka King Dh?itarāsh?ra Vaichitravīrya, one of the chief figures of the Mahābhārata, is mentioned as a well-known person. Hence the historical germ of the great epic is to be traced to a very earl

the traces the Mahābhārata has preserved unchanged of the heroic spirit and the customs of ancient times, so different from the later state of things which the Mahābhārata as a whole reflects. To this period also belongs the figure of Brahmā as the highest god. The evidence of Pāli literature shows that Brahmā already occupied that position in Buddh

belongs the representation of the victorious Pā??us in a favourable light, and the introduction on a level w

the Yavanas or Greeks are mentioned in the Mahābhārata as allies of the Kurus, and even the ?akas (Scythians) and Pahlavas (Parthians) are named along with them; Hindu

e on duty (dharma), in which the divine origin and immutability of Brahman institutions, the eternity of the caste system, and the subordination of all to the priests, are laid down. When the Mahābhārata attributes its origin to Vyāsa, it implies a belief in a final redaction,

epic at that date included the very long 12th and 13th, as well as the extensive supplementary book, the Harivam??a, without any one of which it would have been impossible to speak even approximately of 100,000 verses. There are also several land grants, dated between 450 and 500 A.D., and found in various parts of India, which quote the Mahābhārata as an authority teaching the rewards of pious donors and the punishments of impious despoilers. This shows that in the middle of the fifth century it already possessed the same character as at present, that of a Sm?iti or Dharma?āstra. It is only reasonable to suppose that it had acqui

vadgītā was included in the great epic. The same writer mentions that the Mahābhārata was recited in the temple of Mahākāla at Ujjain. That such recitation was already a widespread practice at that time is corroborated by an inscription of about 600 A.D. from the remote Indian colony of Kamboja, which states that copies of the Mahābhārata, as well as of the Rāmāya?a and of an unnamed Purā?a, were presented to a temple there, and that the donor had made arrangements to ensure their daily recitation in perpetuity. This evidence shows that the Mahābhārata cannot h

ed the first book (ādiparvan), but that that book in his time closely resembled the form of its text which we possess. It even appears to have contained the first section, called anukrama?ikā or "Survey of contents," and the second, entitled parva-sam?graha or "Synopsis of sections." Kumārila also knew Books XII. and XIII., which have frequently been pronounced to be of late origin, as we

as a Sm?iti, and in discussing a verse from Book XII. expressly states that the Mahābhārata was intended for the

e Mahābhārata as we have it at present in any other way than two classes of MSS. differ from each other. This poetical epitome shows several omissions, but these are on the whole of such a nature as is to be expected in any similar abridgment. It is, however, likely that twelve chapters (342–353) of Book XII., treating of Nārāya?a, which the abbreviator passes over, did not exist in the original known to him. There can, moreover, be no doubt that the forms of

te of the Mahābhārata is a Javanese translation o

Nīlaka??ha, who quotes him, is Arjuna Mi?ra, whose commentary, along with that of Nīlaka??ha, appears in an edition of the Mahābhārata begun at Calcutta in 1875. The earliest extant commentator of t

m was Duryodhana. On the premature death of Pā??u, Dh?itarāsh?ra took over the reins of government, and receiving his five nephews into his palace, had them brought up with his own sons. As the Pā??us distinguished themselves greatly in feats of arms and helped him to victory, the king appointed his eldest nephew, Yudhish?hira, to be heir-apparent. The Pā??u princes, however, soon found it necessary to escape from the plots their cousins now began to set on foot against them. They made their way to the king of Panchāla, whose daughter Draupadī was won, in a contest between many kings and heroes, by Arjuna, who alo

induced to invite the Pā??us to Hastināpura. Here Yudhish?hira, accepting the challenge to play at dice with Duryodhana, lost everything, his kingdom, his wealth, his army, his brothers, and finally Draupad

nt of their twelve years' life here, and the many legends told to console them in their e

iance with another king, invaded the country of the Matsyas, causing much distress. Then the Pā??us arose, put the en

with the Kurus were, among others, the people of Kosala, Videha, Anga, Banga (Bengal), Kalinga on the east, and those of Sindhu, Gandhāra, Bahlīka (Balk), together with the ?akas and Yavanas

. The account of it extends over five books (vi.–x.). Then follows a description of the obsequies of the dead (xi.). In the next two books

tināpura for fifteen years, at length retired, with his wife Gāndhārī, to the jungle, where they perished in a forest conflagration (xv.). Among the Yādavas, who had taken different sides in the

Arjuna, to rule over Hastināpura, retired to the forest, and dying as they wandered towards

instituted a great sacrifice to the serpents. At that sacrifice the epic was recited by Vai?ampāyana, who had learnt it from Vyāsa. The latter, we are told, after arr

divided into three sections. The first of these describes the history of K?ish?a's ancestors down to the time of Vish?u's incarnation in

ook I.), supplied Kālidāsa with the subject of his famous play. Episodes are specially plentiful in Book III., being related to while away the time of the exiled Pā??us. Here is found the Matsyopākhyāna, or "Episode of the fish," being the story of the flood, narrated with more diffuseness than th

āya?a, which deals with the same subject at much greater length. The myth of the des

the princess ?āntā, and performed that sacrifice for King Da?aratha which brought about the birth of Rāma. This episode is peculiarly important from

again in another part of Book III. about ?ibi himself, as well as in Book XIII. about V?ishadarbha, son of ?ibi. Distinctly Budd

identally seen when alone by King Jayadratha of Sindhu, who was passing with a great army, and fell in love with her at first

e see the mighty warrior-god of the Vedas transformed into a glorified king of later times, living a life of ease amid the splendours of his celes

ce is fated to live but a single year, she persists in her choice, and after the wedding departs with her husband to his father's forest retreat. Here she lives happily till she begins to be tortured with anxiety on the approach of the fatal day. When it arrives, she follows her husband on his way to cut wood in the forest. After a time he lies dow

orming hand of an editor from introducing ?iva and Vish?u, or from effacing the simplicity of the manners it depicts-the prince, for instance, cooks his own food-or from changing the character of Indra, and other o

s of happy married life with her. Then, possessed by the demon Kali, and indulging in gambling, he loses his kingdom and all his possessions. Wandering half naked in the forest with Damayantī, he abandons her in his frenzy. Very pathetic is the scene describing how he repeat

iant, kno

aithful, lo

t within t

hee in thy

ar the voi

he draught

eep and ge

of the thu

ughter of

clear and b

Vedas murmu

stroying a

s. At last she finds her way back to her father's court at Ku??ina? Many and striking are the similes with

ng moon's sl

black clouds

otus-flowe

and withered

allid nigh

ed up the d

tion of his driving the distance of 500 miles to Ku??ina in a single day. Nala, acting as his charioteer, accomplishes the feat, and is rewarded by the king with the secret of the highest skill in dicing. Recognised by his wife in spite o

ur in fairy tales are found in the episode of Nala, they are not suffici

Purā

n the Harivam??a, mention is even made of eighteen Purā?as, which, however, have not been preserved; for those known to us are all, on the whole, later than the Mahābhārata, and for the most part derive their legends of ancient days from the great epic itself. Nevertheless they contain much that is old; and it is not always possible to assume that the passages they have in common with the Mahābhārata and Manu have been borrowed from those works. They are connected by many threads with the old law-books (sm?itis) and the Vedas, representing probably a development of older works

heroes, accounts of the Avatārs of Vish?u, the genealogies of the Solar and Lunar race of kings, and enumerations of the thousand names of Vish

ant Agni Purā?a, practically constitute abst

ābhārata, but is more closely connected with the Harivam??a, the passage which deals with the

f which the tortoise or kūrma is one), of the genealogies of gods and kings, as well as other matters, contains an extensive account of the world in accordance with the accepted cosmological notions of the Mahābhārata and of the Purā?as in general. The

is related by the sage Mārka??eya to explain difficulties suggested by the epic, such as, How could

rinity, that Brahmā, Vish?u, and ?iva are only one being. This doctrine, already to be found in the Harivam??a, is not so prominent in post-Vedic literature as is commonly supposed. It is interesting to note that the story of Rāma, as told in

. It is to be noted that both here and in the Padma Purā?a an important part is played by K?ish?

ly to the Indian definition of a Purā?a, as treating of the five topics of primary creation, secondary creati

the Vish?u, which it presupposes, probably dating from the thirteenth century. It exercises a more powerful influence in India than any other Purā?a. The most po

e Nāradīya, the Vāmana, and the Varāha, the latter two ca

havishya or Bhavishyat Purā?as. The latter two contain little narrative matter, being rather

econdary works of the same class called Upa-purā?as, in which the

Rāmā

sumed shape at a time when the Mahābhārata was still in a state of flux, we have deferred describing

āvya or artificial epic, a fate which the Mahābhārata escaped because it early lost its original character, and came to be regarded as a didactic work. These two later recensions must not, however, be looked upon as mere revisions of the Bombay text. The variations of all three are of such a kind that they can for the most part be accounted for only by the fluctuations of oral tradition among the professional reciters of the epic, at the time when the three recensions assumed definite shape in different parts of the country by being committed to writing. After having been thus fixed, the fate of each of these recensions was of cour

ofessor Jacobi shows, all these additions to the original body of the epic have been for the most part so loosely attached that the junctures are easy to recognise. They are, however, pervaded by the same spirit as the older part. There is, therefore, no reason for the supposition that they are due to a Brahman revision intended to transform a poem originally meant for the warrior caste. They seem rather to owe their origin simply to the desire of professional rhapsodists to meet the demands of the popular taste. We are told in the Rāmāya?a itself that the poem was either recited by professional minstrels or sung to the accompaniment of a stringed instrument, being handed down orally, in the first place by Rāma's two sons Ku?a and Lava. These names are nothing more than the inventions of popular etymology meant to explain the Sanskri

ge in his hermitage, where her twin sons were born, brought up, and later learnt the epic from his lips; and lastly, the statement is made in the first book (canto 5) that the Rāmāya?a arose in the family of the Ikshvākus. In Ayodhyā, then, there must have been current among the court bards (sūta) a number of epic tales narrating the fortunes of the Ikshvāku hero Rāma. Such lege

VII. of the Mahābhārata, which cannot be regarded as a later addition, two lines are quoted as Vālmīki's that occur unaltered in Book VI. of the Rāmāya?a. The poem of Vālmīki must, therefore, have been generally known as an old work before the Mahābhārata assumed a coherent form. In Book III. (cantos 277–291)

urn in the forest, it might at first sight seem to be the older of the two. There is, however, at least an indication that the second part of the story, the expedition to Lankā, was also known to the author of the Jātaka; for while Vālmīki's poem concludes with the reunion of Rāma and Sītā, the Jātaka is mad

t, as a matter of fact, these Pāli works on the whole observe the laws of the classical ?loka, their metrical irregularities being most probably caused by the recent application of Pāli to literary purposes as well as

vidently interpolated. Hence the balance of the evidence in relation to B

m this is that the additions to the original poem were made some time after 300 B.C. Professor Weber's assumption of Greek influence in the story of the Rāmāya?a seems to lack foundation. For the tale of the abduction of Sītā and the expedition to Lankā for her recovery has no real correspondence with that of the rape of Helen and the

at Vai?ālī about 380 B.C.), and which by the time of Megasthenes (300 B.C.) had become the capital of India. Yet Rāma is in Book I. (canto 35) described as passing the very spot where that city stood, and the poet makes a point (in cantos 32–33) of referring to the foundation

ld that Rāma's son, Lava, fixed the seat of his government at ?rāvastī, a city not mentioned at all in the old part of the epic; and in Buddha's time King Prasenajit of Kosala is known to have reigned at ?rāvastī. All this points to the conclus

cities under separate rulers, while we know that by Buddha's time they had c

the Mahābhārata to the dominions in Eastern India ruled by a powerful king, Jarāsandha, and embracing many lands besides Magadha, reflect the political conditions of the fourth century B.C. The cumulative evidence of

d be more archaic than the popular dialect of wandering rhapsodists; and he would naturally have ignored the latter. Now at the time of the A?oka inscriptions, or hardly more than half a century later than Pā?ini, Prākrit was the language of the people in the part of India where the Rāmāya?a was composed. It is, therefore, not at all likely that the Rāmāya?a, which aimed at popularity, should have been composed as late as the time of Pā?ini, when it could not have been generally understood. If the langua

t-lotus") with much skill, and also occasionally employs other ornaments familiar to the classical poets, besides approximating to them in the style of his descriptions. The Rāmāya?a, in fact, represents the dawn of the later artificial poetry (kāvya), which was in all pro

al account of the intrigues of a queen to set her son upon the throne. There is nothing fantastic in the narrative, nor has it any mythological background. If the epic ended with the return of Rāma's brother, Bharata, to the capital

realm in the Dekhan, nor is any such intention on his part indicated anywhere in the epic. Weber subsequently expressed the same view in a somewhat modified form. According to him, the Rāmāya?a was meant to account for the spread of Aryan culture to the South and to Ceylon. But this form of the allegorical theory also lacks any confirmation from the statements of

earth when her father Janaka was once ploughing, and at last she disappears underground in the arms of the goddess Earth (vii. 97). Her husband, Rāma, would be no other than Indra, and his conflict with Rāva?a, chief of the demons, would represent the Indra-V?itra myth of the Rigveda. This identification is confirmed by the name of Rāva?a's son being Indrajit, "Conqueror of Indra," or Indra?atru, "Foe of Indra," the latter being actually an epithet of V?itra in the Rigveda. Rāva?a's most notable feat, the rape of Sītā, has its prototype in the stealing of the cows recovered by Indra. Hanumat, the chief of the monkeys and Rāma's ally in the recovery of Sītā, is the son of the wind-god, with the patron

fil whatever she may desire, Kaikeyī requests him to appoint Bharata his successor, and to banish Rāma for fourteen years. The king, having in vain implored her to retract, passes a sleepless night. Next day, when the solemn consecration of Rāma is to take place, Da?aratha sends for his son and informs him of his fate. Rāma receives the news calmly and prepares to obey his father's command as his highest duty. Sītā and Lakshma?a resolve on sharing his fortunes, and accompany him in his exile. The aged king, overcome with grief at parting from his son, withdraws from Kaikeyī, and passing the remainder of his days with Rāma's mother, Kau?alyā, finally dies lamenting for his banished son. Rāma has meanwhile

wounds the vulture Ja?āyu, which guards her abode. Rāma on his return is seized with grief and despair; but, as he is burning the remains of the vulture, a voice from the pyre proclaims to him how he can conquer his foes and recover his wife. He now proceeds to conclude a solemn alliance with the chiefs of the monkeys, Hanumat and Sugrīva. With the help of the latter, Rāma slays the terrible giant Bali. Hanumat meanwhile crosses from the mainland to the island of Lankā, the abode of Rāva?a, in search of Sītā. Here he finds her wandering sadly in a grove and announces to

had in his arrogance forgotten to ask that he should not be wounded by men, they implore Vish?u to allow himself to be born as a man for the destruction of the demon. Vish?u, consenting, is born as Rāma, and accomplishes the task. At the end of the seventh book Brahmā and the other gods come to Rāma, pay homage to him, and proclaim that he is really Vish?u, "the glorious lord of the discus." The belief here expressed t

rations and impossibilities, is the legend, told in Book I., of the descent of the Ganges. It relates how the sacred river was brought down from heaven to ea

ng to take away his miraculous cow by force. Vi?vāmitra then engages in mighty penances, in which he resists the seductions of beautif

Vālmīki, deeply touched by the grief of the bereaved female, involuntarily utters words lamenting the death of her mate and threatening vengeance on the wicked murderer. But, strange to tell, his utterance is no ordinary speech and flows in a melodious stream. As he wanders, lost in thought, towards his hut, Brahmā appears and announces to the poet that

llowing verse foretellin

mountain

flow upon

will thi

pon the l

many other Sanskrit poems as well as plays, and still delights, from the lips of reciters, the hearts of myriads of the Indian people, as at the great annual Rāma festival held at Benares. It has been translated into many Indian vernaculars. Above all, it