The Birth of Yugoslavia, Volume 1
he Treaty of London, April 1915-How Bulgaria came into the War-Attempt to buy off the Serbs-Greek transactions-Flight of the Serbs-The faithful Croats-How the Serbs came to their Patriarch's town-The
the Magyars treated their Serbian subjects-The Southern Slavs pay part
USTRIANS
hospitals. Ivo Stani?i? of the Bocche di Cattaro had fought with the Montenegrins and, in consequence of Nikita's capitulation, had fallen into the Austrians' hands. He was warned by his friends not to go into hospital, where his twelve gold teeth, which he had acquired in the United States, might prove his undoing. He did, as a matter of fact, die there, and the overdose of morphia-witnessed by the well-known architect, Matejorski of Prague-may have been accidental, and the Austrians who took his teeth out may have thought it foolish to leave so much gold in a corpse. Another Bocchesi who underwent the same treatment was one Risto Lije?evi?. Perhaps the Austrians do not deny these incidents, and considering the trouble which they gave themselves to have a long series of open-air brutalities officially photographed and made the subject of picture postcards, one presumes that the dental operations were omitted on account of the bother of indoor photography. The postcards, of which I have a large collection, place on record the procedure used in the wholesale hanging and shooting of Bosnian and Serbian civilians, young and old, men and women. More trouble was taken over the photographs, which are sometimes minute and sometimes artistic in depicting a row of gallows on an eminence with gloomy clouds behind them, than was taken with the manufacture of these gallows, for in many cases they were no more than a seven-foot stake, to the top of which the victim's throat was firmly fastened, holding his or her feet a short distance from the ground. We have in the London Press and in the House of Lords a number of reactionary persons who do not cease regretting the disappearance of Austria-Hungary. The new States, such as Yugoslavia and Czecho-Slovakia, they argue, are very unsatisfactory, if only for the reason that they substitute a lower civilization for a higher. Austrian culture, in their opinion, is so different from that of the new States that you cannot compare them. And when they talk of the Habsburg dynasty it is after the fashion of old Francis Joseph who, in 1891, when the four hundredth anniversary of the great Czech teacher Comenius was being officially celebrated in all the schools of Prussia, commanded that nothing of the sort was to be done in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, because his attention had been drawn by Archbishop Schwarzenberg of Prague to a Latin letter in which the great man uttered some sharp words concerning the dynasty. One is prepared to overlook a great many things which happened in the stress of war, but the postcards
on the Danube. After the Emperor had signed the declaration of war in this form, Count Berchtold struck out the reference to a fight at Temes-Kubin, and sent a letter to Francis Joseph explaining that he had taken it on himself to eliminate this sentence as the reports had not been confirmed. "It is clear," said the Arbeiter-Zeitung,[82] commenting on the Austrian Red-book which revealed
he Imperial and Royal army, according to certain "Instructions for the conduct of troops" which were found on a wounded officer of the 9th Army Corps, had resolved-irrespective of success or failure in the War-to massacre the Serbs without compunction: "Any person encountered in the open, and especially in a forest, must be regarded as a member of a 'band' that has concealed its weapons somewhere, which weapons we have not the time to look for. These people are to be executed if they appear even slightly suspicious"; and another paragraph says that "I will not allow persons armed, but wearing no uniform, whether encountered singly or in groups, to be taken prisoners. They must be executed without exception." The Austrians knew very well that the Serbs had not received their new uniforms, and that at least one-third of their army was obliged to take the field in ordinary peasant's dress.[83] The fact that the Austrian invasion of north-western Serbia came to such an ignominious end before September is no
ssessed only 2500 rifles. The armed soldiers went into action, while the unarmed waited in reserve, springing forward as their comrades fell, and taking up the weapons of the fallen to continue the fight. Here occurred an incident of which the hero was a boy. He had run away to the army and, to his vast delight, been made a standard-bearer. When an officer perceived that he
RBIAN
a George; he dislikes making a secret of his opinions. King Peter, who was present at the inauguration of the Belgrade synagogue, always refrained from entering the Roman Catholic Church, since it was included in the buildings of the Austrian Legation. His elder son was not averse, when relations were strained, from taking an enthusiastic part in anti-Austrian demonstrations, so that the Austrians were delighted to spread a report that this ebullient youth had killed his orderly and must be set aside from the succession. The truth was that George happened to catch this orderly reading a private letter of his; in a sudden fit of rage he struck him a blow, even as Kara George would have done-unluckily the man rolled down some steps and from the resulting injuries he died. A good many Austrian and Ge
hamber). You can see him in his thick brown homespun with black braiding, breeches very baggy at the seat and closely fitting round the legs; as he comes in he knocks the snow from off his sandals, and strides, perfectly at ease, across the Turkish carpets. With such a man the King loves greatly to go hunting; last winter in the Rudnik region the inhabitants were being plagued by wolves, so the King went down there with some officers and peasants. Though he is so short-sighted that he constantly wears glasses-if you met him casually you would suppose that this keen-faced young officer was probably a writer of military books-though he is short-sighted he is one of the best shots in Europe. On the Slovenian mountains he has brought down many chamois and, before he succeeded, at a summer resort in Serbia he was always first at target practice. Nor is he less skilled at cards, particularly bridge. He gathe
e first time in the War, was worsted. Then troops in Bosnia, just before the grand attack on Sarajevo, were thrown into confusion by an order from the Montenegrin King who, without vouching any reason, called his army back. The Serbian troops had no other course than to retreat as well; and their enemies delivered, all the rest of September and throughout Octo
OF THE MON
frontiers, ready to die in the defence of our national independence." While his ill-equipped warriors pushed on to Budva, arrived before Kotor, seized Fo?a, Rogatica and other towns, pressing on until they stood before the forts of Sarajevo, the disreputable Royal Family, jealous as ever of Belgrade, were plunging deeper and always deeper into treachery. The Serbian officers, General Jankovi? and Colon
S AND THEI
"-and his subordinates, Sergeants Rosner and Herzfeld, would claim that they did their best, they have some excuse in the fact that although the 10,000 interned people began to arrive in July, the first two doctors-who were also captives-did not appear until January 1915. In the absence of medical advice the sergeants may have thought it was an excellent plan, in November, to drive the prisoners into the Maro? for a bath and then to walk them up and down the bank until their clothes were dry; Hegedüs may have thought it was most sanitary to have dogs to eat the corpses' entrails and sometimes the whole corpse. Dr. Stephen Pop, a Roumanian lawyer in Arad (afterwards a Minister at Bucharest), displayed his humanity by drawing up a terrible indictment of the conditions. "You should be glad," said Tisza, the reactionary Premier, to him, "very glad that you can breathe the free air of Hungary." The casemates were provided with less than three centimetres of straw, which was not removed for months. Spotted fever, pneumonia and enteritis were the chief epidemics: those who were guilty of some offence, such as receiving a newspaper, would be put among the spotted fever cases. Sometimes the dead were left for two or three days with the living. Such was the state of the bastions and their underground passages that the Magyar soldiers came as rarely as they could manage. It was, said Hegedüs, a provisional arrangement to have about a thousand people in one of these passages or lunettes, with no lavatory. But it was not only the nonagenarians-several of whom were at Arad-that found their life was a very provisional affair. You could be kille
ether with another man had been accused of theft, had killed their escort and thrown his body into the Danube-none of these culprits could remember having heard of such punishments as the Bosniak civilians had to bear. The iron ring from which people used to be suspended for a couple of hours could still be seen on a large tree. If the relatives or friends could pay a fine this penalty was discontinued. Another method was to fasten a man's right wrist to his left ankle and the left wrist to the right ankle. He would then be left for a week; every night a blanket was thrown over him. But there is something very strange in the composition of the Magyars. When the revolution broke out and the prisoners, after all the years of horror, were gaining their freedom, an acquaintance of mine, a certain Gavri?, whose job for three and a half years had been the comparatively pleasant one of cleaning boots, was on the point of leaving the prison. There he was met by the director's daughter. "And you an intelligent person!" she said. "Are you not ashamed of yourself?" The Hungarian newspapers wrote that Hegedüs was dead, which may or may not have been true; and in another paper, The Hungarian Nation, printed in English, in February 1920, the Rev. Dr. Nally said: "May we not still cling to the h
SLAVS IN AU
perated by the Southern Slavs within the Empire. A few extracts from the archi
A
the Commander of the Balkan Ar
His Excellenc
, Zgb. [
, 387, 146
Szurmay I urgently request that all male inhabitants over fifteen years of age shall be evacuated from this place and from all others in which similar incidents have occurred, that measures be taken without delay in the interior of Croatia, and a stern examinati
mmissary Baron Tallian and, for his information, to Lieut.-Field-M
, Field-
B
d Royal Arm
s and T
No.
l Governmen
he 12th Sep
ko
rmy, which would be almost incredible without signals made by the local population, and moreover that between Ruma and Indjija-that is to
ry to take the most energetic steps, as indicated in the orders of the I
Royal 5th Arm
s and T
No.
C
yal Military Co
ureau,
er Command
and of the
itary Pre
November
is exm
ainst our enthusiastic, brave and heroically fighting army. It is evident from all the reports of the wounded that no one has been afraid of t
als, so that it can direct upon us a fire that falls like lightning. Light signals, smoke signals, positions of church tower clocks, herds of cows
ieut.-Fiel
D
yal Military Co
ureau,
ng of Disqu
he Popu
llency the
et Council
cz, Ban of t
lavonia an
November
e news of our troops being defeated," but also as to the attitude of neutral States and of our own tried and excellent commanders, who are said to "have practised treachery, followed by suicide." The Ban's attention is directed to t
E
yal Military Co
ureau,
aving agitated. The Government is asked by the military command to have all such reports assembled, together with an appeal to loyal citizens, in an article which every newspaper should print twice, in successive numbers. At the sam
F
yal Military Co
ureau,
Februa
ve any special significance. "When," says the writer, "I happened to express my astonishment that Croats should desert to Serbia, I received the following answer: 'The Croats are loyal, but the Emperor does not care for us; the Magyars do not understand us and we also do not wish to become Magyars. Therefore the
nd the local government, since the former acted without taking into account the po
GED IN THE WIN
" would soon be heard. Even the army, unaccustomed to defeat, was losing its self-possession. Putnik, the revered old strategist, declared that he could do no more. No longer in his over-heated room, struggling with asthma, could the famous marshal evolve a plan. And then it happened that General Mi?i?, placed in command of the first army, determined, after studying the situation, to risk everything on a last throw. Mi?i? was a quiet, methodical little man, whose optimism was always based on knowledge-in the intervals between Serbia's former campaigns he had won distinction as Professor of Strategy. He now caused 1400 young students, the flower of the nation, to be appointed non-commissioned officers; he likewise produced a most brilliant scheme of operations, so that the whole army was fired with enthusiasm, and so irresistibly did they attack that by December 13 not a single armed Austrian remained in the country. Ernest Haeckel, the great professor, had said at Jena that the native superiority of
erbs of all ages and 106 Serbian and Allied doctors, were now to succumb to the plague of typhus, which the Austrian troops had carried from Galicia. Hospitals were hurried out from France
eir ragged uniform under a blanket. Gangrenous limbs and septic compound fractures were common, the stench being overpowering; yet every window was closely shut." He tells how seven out of the members of the British staff went down with typhus. At U?ice he found over 700 patients crammed into rooms containing about 500 beds; many were lying on the bare floor; others were on sacks of straw; others on raised wooden platforms in series of six men side by si
OF LONDON
n was signed and the Italians had become our Allies. By this Treaty we and France and Russia undertook to give them, if
ut in his closely reasoned monograph[89]-we may concede that belligerents can by way of anticipation allot enemy land among themselves, yet such a compact cannot properly be exercised by them so as to work injustice to another ally who was not a party to the division of territory. From the first it was well understood that the Treaty of London could only be imposed in direct defiance of the wishes of the populations most immediately concerned, so that the Italian Cabinet insisted that the whole transaction should be kept from the knowledge of the Serbian Government. As an illustration of the domineering and extortionate nature of Italy's demands (to which the Entente submitted) one may mention that part of the proposed boundary was traced over the high seas beyond the three-mile limit, which of course was a proposition entirely at variance with international law. We should not forget, says the Spectator,[90] the whole Italian record of idealism and liberal thought. And Mr. G. M. Trevelyan, an Italian exponent,[91] remarks that the terms of the Treaty of London were unknown to the people who paraded the streets of Rome impatient for their country to enter the War, and threatening with death the Minister Giolitti who had hitherto succeeded in keeping them out of it. The grandiose bargain which the Government had made was unknown to them; but surely Mr. Trevelyan is paying meagre tribute to their idealism and liberal thought when he implies they would have been elated by a knowledge of the details of the Treaty. Ought not, rather, a people imbued with the afore-mentioned virtues to have threatened with death a Minister who should attempt to carry through so scandalous an instrument? "The broad reason why the Italians joined our side," says Mr. Trevelyan, "was because they were a Western, a Latin and a Liberal civilization." Mr. Bartlett, who ponders his words w
IA CAME IN
t in the back. The Dobrudja is a land whose people cause it to resemble a mosaic-Greeks, Turks, Roumanians, Tartars, Bulgars, Armenians and gipsies are to be found-but the southern parts are undoubtedly Bulgarian. After the great outcry which the Bulgars had raised over the surrender of one town, Silistra, it can be imagined that the loss of the whole land came as an unendurable sentence. Quite apart from Bulgaria's Macedonian aspirations, it was felt in Belgrade that Ferdin
se with Bulgaria's opponents. They were also forgetting, rather inexcusably, that the Bulgars were averse to the idea of the Russians securing Constantinople. On the other hand, the old pro-Russian sentiments of the people still survived: the Russian Legation at Sofia received numerous applications to serve in the army; large contributions were made to the Russian Red Cross, and public prayers were offered for the success of the Russian arms. But the Muscovite Minister at Sofia was a man unfitted for the post, and Ferdinand's task was made easier. The Allied diplomats could argue, later on, that they failed by a narrow margin, since Radoslavoff only succeeded in gaining a majority by means of the help of the Turkish deputies; but if the Sobranje had been hostile to Ferdinand and Radoslavoff they would simply have dissolved it. As a pattern of morals Dr. Radoslavoff is not worth quotation
umours for the most part entirely without foundation.... It was inevitable that we should have important losses in men and material." So it was on this occasion-at Belgrade, for example, thousands were killed as they struggled to the shore-in a broad street leading down to the harbour a brigade of Skoplje recruits plunged through the Austrians with their knives. But in the end, on October 10-and in spite of heroic work on the part of some French and British naval detachments-Belgrade fell. On October 12 the Bulg
O BUY OFF
way of Roumania and Bulgaria, to Ni?; but as he had connections in Serbia he was resolved to see them, and he travelled at his own expense, although the German Consul-General at Buda-Pest, acting apparently for the Deutsche Bank, had spoken of 18 million crowns for distribution among the politicians at Ni? and five millions for the old stockbroker himself. His suggestion was that Serbia should make certain small modifications in the Bucharest Treaty in favour of the Bulgars, that Albania should be hers up to and including Durazzo, that she should be joined to Montenegro, and that her debts to the Entente should be shouldered by Germany, which would likewise give a considerable loan, and request
TRANSA
ng the Bulgarian mobilization in the bud, the then Russian Foreign Minister, M. Sazonov, supported in this by Sir Edward Grey, warned Serbia not to take the initiative. Serbia yielded to the demands of her great Allies, only to see herself abandoned by the Greeks. King Constantine and probably the greater part of his people were anxious to remain outside the war. And to free himself from the embarrassing Treaty with Serbia he declared that it would only have applied if Serbia had been attacked by the Bulgars. [We may say that it was doubtful whether the casus f?deris arose when
Athena!
en of might, th
.[92
able to tolerate the presence of Serbian soldiers on his territory; if they found themselves obliged to leave their country and retreated by way of Greece he gave orders to have them disarmed. This was the attitude imposed upon a neutral. And thousands and thousands of them had unfortunately died in consequence while passing over the Albanian mountains. "Our alliance with Serbia," quoth the King while opening the Chamber in 1921-"our alliance with Serbia now drawn closer as the result of so many sacrifices and heroic struggles...." The son of the eagle, as his people call him, stopped a moment, but could hear no laughter. As for his policy in 1915, he had been perhaps a neutral lacking in benevolence. If he and his Ministers did not actually refuse to receive the non-combatant young Serbs they very certainly did not go out
OF TH
ile. It is said that several of the Ministers contemplated suicide-the Minister of War had so far lost his head that, after reaching Salonica by way of Monastir, he refused to join his colleagues at Scutari-but the venerable Pa?i? did not lose his jovial humour. He may have laughed in order to encourage those who were despairing. On the other hand, he may have known that Serbia would r
ITHFUL
the Cabinet being consulted, were by this time public property, and it was seen that the Italians had succeeded in persuading the Entente to promise them the reversion of a great slice of Yugoslav territory, very large portions of which were as completely Yugoslav as the island of Scedro (Torcola), whose population consists of one Slav woman called Yaka?, over eighty years of age. Save for their sentiments towards the Itali
G
Royal Milit
b. Se
of S
ep.Arm
on the S
.O.
H.Q.F.
C. F.P
O. Vie
N. to be written on the one inside and
July 1
y been an alarming increase in the number of cases of grossest insult to the person of H.M. the Emperor and King; outbreaks of deeply felt, only forcibly controlled hatred against everything fr
H
e return to the su
n 42nd Infantr
o. 13
erial and
d in S
, August
ront, as he is mentally deficient, having even gone away without a cap and being a Roman Catholic); likewise four men of the 12th company
e for the present instituted a most thorough and severe examination, wherein I am already myself participating; for I am inflexibly determined, at the very smallest sign of a recurrence, to apply to these traitors the military judicial procedure and, if necessary, to have the men decimated, as I was unfortunately compelled to do with the Bosnian-Herzegovinian line regiment No. 4 last winter, wh
serted from the middle of June, this year. I beg that I may be supported to the uttermost, without the sli
ieut.-Field
d Royal Cor
12/8, 19
with three
I
s a study of the way in which the secret police was hampered and its patriotic activities watered down; the Colonel al
yal Military Co
the Gener
o. 1
they received no answer, while the mayor-so the wrathful writer hears-has been removed from his post at the internment camp and restored to his former office and dignity. The colonel asks how it is that in Croatia the crimes of "Majest?tsbeleidigung" and high treason are seldom punished with more than three or four months' incarceration, while in other parts of the Empire they are visited with death or at least a sentence of several years. (The answer is that in Croatia the Government was obliged, on account of the language, to employ Croatian judges.) He mentions that Professor Arshinov, alleged to have come to Zagreb in order to carry on an anti-Habsburg and pro-Serbian propaganda, is indeed under arrest, but is being far too well treated at the hospital, where he receives his Serbian
CAME TO THEIR
orosa stretched away precariously, at first a winding path of ice and then a track across the snowdrifts of the barren uplands. The Serbian Government had offered to construct this very necessary road to Andrievica; the engineer, one Smodlaka, undertook to build it in three months, but Nikita's Minister replied that the Austrian prisoners, whom it was proposed to use, were mostly in the grip of spotted fever. This was not the case, and one of the results of there being no road was that nearly all the supplies from Russia for the Montenegrins were abandoned at Pe?. Cold, starvation and exposure took a fearful toll among the straggling wanderers-between 1000 and 1500 were cut off and murdered by savage Albanians (whose considerate treatment of the Serbs is highly praised by their champion, Miss Edith Durham. Reviewing in the Daily Herald a book of Serbian tales that have precious little to do with Albania, she goes out of her way to laud, in those days of the terrible retreat, the kindliness of her protégés.) As we have mentioned, of the 36,000 boys who accompanied the army in order to escape the Austrians, only some 16,000 reached the Adriatic, where it was said that there was nothing human left of them except their eyes. They had lived on roots and bark of trees, they drank the water into which decomposed corpses had been thrown. Of the 50,000 Austrian prisoners-many of them Yugoslavs-about 44,000 died in the course of their eight weeks' retreat; none of them were heard to co
ilence; from time to time, indeed, one heard them say 'hleba' (bread)-that was the only word they had the strength to pronounce. For several days the majority of them had had nothing to eat, and in the cantonments where they were lodged outside the town their Government could only provide a meagre ration." A hundredweight of maize cost 300 francs in gold.... But what of the women who had remained in Belgrade? Miss Annie Christi?, whose unflagging work for her people is so well known in this country, has told us how the Austro-Hungarians started paying out relief money to the families of State officials. They advertised their generosity on a
called up until 1919-when they hoped to reach the Adriatic at Valona, they were told that this route was barred to them. Having eluded the Austrians, the Germans and the Bulgars, they were left by the Italians to die of starvation and fatigue. It may well have seemed to them, as to Bedros Tourian, the Armenian poet, that "All the world is but God's mockery." When King Peter, worn out by the journey and his ailments, reached Valona by way of Durazzo, he was ordered by the commandant of that place to depart with his suite-which consisted of four persons-within twenty-four hours.... In the middle of December a French relief mission arrived on the Albanian coast, General
OW OVER
tenegrins for demanding eleven Serbian dinars in silver for ten Montenegrin perpers-the exchange was at par, but the people were acting under orders-"If I had ten sons I would give them to King Peter," was the usual reply, "but money is money." Yet the Austrians were not as grateful as they might have been. Nikita was intending, after the annihilation of the Serbs, to conclude a separate peace w
mi
mi tr
e at Danilovgrad. When General Gajni? received this he marched all night with his brigade and reached Cetinje in the morni
negrins, in exchange for it, have Scutari. The great picture of "The Storming of Lov?en," which Gabriel Jurki?, the Sarajevo artist, was commissioned by the Austrians to paint, was never painted; and when Nikita motored out from Cetinje to meet the men who were retiring from Lov?en he had the hardihood to rebuke them as traitors. "It is not we who are traitors," shouted a colonel, "it is you and your sons!" "Oh! that I must hear such words!" groaned the King, "I want to die!" But he did not die; on the contrary, he went to Paris. His eldest son had announced, early in the campaign, that he was unwell, and he had gone to France by way of Athens. There he was very accurately told by Constantine in which month Mackensen and the Bulgars would descend upon Serbia. When the Prince arrived at Nice he mentioned this to his friend, Jovo Popovi?, the former Montenegrin Minister at Constantinople, and to Radovi?. They advised him to inform the Entente, in order to rehabilitate himself. But when he telegraphed to his father the reply was "Be quiet." Prince Danilo has never denied the allegations that while he was at Nice, Signor Carminatti, the Montenegrin Consul-General in Milan, conducted negotiations on his behalf at Lugano with a certain Herr Bernsdorf of the Deutsche Bank, with a view to a separate peace by Montenegro. The amount of the financial consideration is not known. And the business-like Prince, realizing that it would be impossible for him to return to his native land, secured himself against the future by selling, through a couple of confidential agents, his real estate to the Austr
re to see those aeroplanes which permitted them to enter in and enjoy a bounteous meal. When the senior Italian officer complained to his Serbian colleague, "Surely," said the latter, "you have a sentry at the door. He can prevent anyone from going in." At some distance inland a Serbian major, a friend of mine, was resting on the side of the road; he had eaten nothing for four days. A spick-and-span Italian lieutenant of gendarmerie paused in front of him and was clearly interested. The major wondered whether he would have some f
endeavoured for some time to rid himself of the diplomats, who were inconvenient witnesses of what was in progress. On December 31 a telegram was sent by the Ministers of France, Great Britain, Italy and Russia, in which they said that "Apparently our presence is displeasing to the King and he is trying to disengage himself from us. He has begged us on several occasions to depart and last night he insisted, with the asseveration that in forty-eight hours it would be too late. We suspect that His Majesty is playing a very ambiguous game...." And on January 9 the French Minister telegraphed, among other things, that "My Russian and English colleagues are of opinion that the King is merely performing a comedy with us and that this comedy will end in a tragedy for the belligerents." Nikita, on his arrival in France, proposed to settle down at Lyons, but the French authorities did not care for him to be so close to Switzerland, which was one of his intriguing centres. So they placed at his disposal a chateau near Bordeaux and it was not until he had made repeated requests that they permitted him to come to Neuilly, a suburb of Paris. He replaced Miu?kevi? as Premier by Radovi?, the former victim of the Bomb Trial, hoping by this move towards the Left to silence his critics. But in August 1916 Radovi? presented a memorandum in favour of the formal union between Montenegro and Serbia, under King Peter's son and King Nicholas' grandson, Prince Alexander. The Montenegrin monarch was enraged at this and, after Radovi? had resigned, one after another all the Montenegrins of any standing withdrew from Nikita, who was openly working against the Serbs. He and the Princess Xenia conducted all the Government business, though he distributed among his tiny clique of adherents various empty titles. An aged friend of his, Eugene Popovi?, a native of Triest and a naturalized Italian, was made Premier, to give pleasure to Italy; a more active person was the War Minister, Hajdukovi?, a former shipping contractor in Constantinople, where a long time ago he had been one of those young Montenegrins who, to the number of twenty, the Sultan used to educate-a process which, in the case of idle boys, was not very irksome. During the Great War Hajdukovi? was invited by the Allies to quit Salonica, as they had certain suspicions against him. He had also, on behalf of his King, urged the Montenegrin volunteers who had managed to get to Salonica not to allow themselves to be commanded by Serbian or French officers, but to demand Montenegrin officers, of whom there was no adequate supply. These men had ultimately to be sent to Corsica and kept there till the end of the War. What Hajdukovi? performed at Salonica, another royal agent, one Vukovi?, a bootmaker, attempted at Marseilles, where he continually went on board the vessels that were bringing Montenegrins and, to a smaller extent, other Yugoslavs from the United States and South America to the Salonica front. These travelled men were less easily influenced than those who obeyed Hajdukovi?; but 300-400 did refuse to proceed. They were installed in a factory at Orange, where the Montenegrin Government fed them and paid them. Now and then they were encouraged by being told that if they had gone
EN SERBS
of Vido where they were deposited the tents were few, the beds were fewer, wood was lacking, so that fires could not be made, and thousands died where they sank down, amid the olive groves and orange trees. The doctors nursed as many as they could in that one empty building; but
ent friends of the Southern Slavs, the brilliant Mr. Wickham Steed and Dr. Seton-Watson, than whom no publicist is more conscientious, had to face a determined opposition on the part of M. Pa?i? before it was agreed that the Roman Catholic religion should in the prospective State have equal rights with the Orthodox. One would be disposed to criticize the Serbian Premier on account of a narrow policy dictated by his excessive wish for self-preservation-he saw very well that these clauses of equality might undermine the long reign of the Radicals-but it must be acknowledged that if the Southern Slavs had limited themselves to a Greater Serbia, in which the Radical party had been supreme, they would not have wasted so much of their energy, after the War, in domestic political conflict. They would also, very probably, have gained more favourable terms from the Entente; and the union with the Croats and Slovenes might have been effected later. But against this is the opinion of those who argue that the separation
SLAVS IN THE
zechs, Ruthenians and Magyars, were employed in munition factories, and the Austrian Embassy, in concert with the German, hoped to see them on the land. After a time the Yugoslavs took an office in Washington and attacked this propaganda, their example being followed by the Czechs and the Poles. When the United States entered the War these Austrophil papers no longer wrote in favour of Austria, but confined themselves to animadversions against the Serbian leaders, suggesting likewise that Croatia and Slovenia should be independent.... The patriotic Yugoslav papers-three dailies in New York, three in Chicago, and over twenty weekly organs-were not subsidized by the Yugoslav Committee in London or by the Government in Corfu; and some of the editors did not display a very prosperous appearance. But the poor Yugoslav workers contributed 20 million dollars to the first three Liberty loans, and when the National Council at Pittsburg in Novemb
MONTENEGRIN
in asking for the King of Spain's good offices-since the Italians (presumably in concert with Nikita) fought against the plan-and when the letter to the King of Spain was drafted it produced another one from Nikita to his Ministers-written by Nikita, but signed by his aide-de-camp. "The King," he said, "considers that the letter to the King of Spain should stand over, so long as one cannot be sure that Italy will permit the transit of foodstuffs destined for the people." He desired no mediation between himself and the Italians. Perhaps the most audacious act of spoliation was the sale of the State stores at Gallipoli, just when the Allied offensive on the Salonica front was leading to the collapse of the enemy. Instead of forwarding the 25,000 greatcoats, the 20,000 kilos of leather, and great quantities of material, medical and other stores, to Montenegro and rendering first aid to the liberated population, the managers of the Royal Treasury deemed it wiser to transfer the value of all these stores into their own pockets, disposing of more than 2-1/2 million francs worth of goods to trusted figureheads for a few hundred thousand Italian lire. Fortunately t
bija. The tone of these papers was so pleasing to the Austrians that they bought up large numbers and distributed them throughout the Southern Slav lands they were occupying. We are, therefore, not astonished that the British subsidy came to an end in the course of 1917; to be resumed, however, in 1918 and finally stopped in June 1919, much to the indignation of Nikita and his partisans, who pointed out that it had been decided in Paris in the beginning of the War that the little nations participating in it should be helped pecuniarily. France stopped her payment four months after England and said, in answer to a Montenegrin Note, that if Great Britain resumed payment they would follow her example. Pa?i? asked that the subsidies should be discontinued, thus reducing "this little country to such a state of despair," said Mr. Ronald M'Neill in the House of Commons in November 1919, "and to strip it so naked before the world that it will be compelled, having no other course to take, to accept union with Serbia, as the only way out of hopeless misery and bankruptcy." It is possible that Mr. M'Neill is referring to some subsidy other than that given to Nikita, but I have my doubts. In the same speech he alluded to American Relief work in Montenegro, saying that 70 per cent. of it was consumed by Serbian troops and the rest sold to profiteers. He confused the American Red Cross, which maintained four hospitals and distributed vast quantities of clothing and food among the inhabitants of Montenegro, and those American supplies which the Yugoslav Government purchased, mainly for the troops. But Mr. M'Neill, M.P.,
AUSTRIA'S SOUT
nt to the Army High Command at Baden (near Vienna). [This message is No. 974. It concerns itself with the Austrian navy, in whose
t only have anti-dynastic ones been raised, but a N.C.O. has torn off his two Austrian decorations and has stamped on them, whi
ian propaganda in Dalmatia, the military command at
Royal Army: H
the Gener
o. 10
August
Slav officers, educated at the Academy, and their men. He finds that Spalato is particularly given to these Southern Slav ideas, wh
tress of Peterwardein. The judgments of the two Zagreb courts, where Croat officers were able to make their influence felt, did not appear to the authorities of Vienna and Buda-Pest to be sufficiently drastic. No death sentences were pronounced, although these had been demanded; and on June 24, 1918, it was decided that any further trials for high treason or for offences against the
AND ROY
Orders. Offences against the State: High Treason, Espionage, Insults against the Emperor, Offences against Public Order. Number of Persons charge
2 233 5
30 1,688
0 2,737 3
75 7,782
5 19,838 5
IAN AND HONV
154 257 7
779 1,471 1
926 1,223
3,248 727
8,039 1,00
on upon their homes. In 1914, opposite the Montenegrins at Gora?da, all the plans were worked out, but at the last moment Dr. Count Gozze (of Dubrovnik) said he had just thought of what would happen to their families, and they refrained. After the battalion had gone over in 1916 General Seidler told them he would do his best to have the regiment dissolved and the men divided among other regiments, but that not all the officers would go. This was an ominous hint that he intended to decimate them, after the fashion of Field-Marshal Liposcak. A fortnight later, in the presence of Field-Marshal Boroevi?, General Wurm and General Seidler, they were highly praised; and when they, in company with a Magyar regiment, took Hill No. 166, it was announced that this had been achieved by the "fame-covered regiment," which was done to throw dust in the eyes of the Italians and the Entente. Various other methods were used to escape service at the front. A Slav doctor, whose hospital at Konjica could hold 400 patients, used to have 4000-5000 on the books; those whom he was unable to keep he gave convalescent leave. In thi
giment, and of others, may be seen from a report dated
formation regarding movements of troops and the course of the fighting near Gorica. Quite recently a lieutenant, two reserve officers, two N.C.O.'s and two soldiers deserted from the 37th Regiment, as did three soldiers from the 23rd Regiment. Since April, 244 deser
t to do. However, they proceeded, and from the second-line trench their whispered calls were answered. They were made to pass in single file, holding up their hands, and with all the available weapons held in readiness against the
ntly engaged in the most arduous positions and had such enormous losses that it was regarded as having been wiped out. When the Roumanian troops retreated these Yugoslavs found themselves encircled by the Bulgarian and German armies; they hacked a way out with their bayonets. The higher officers had come from Serbia, the rest of them had previously been enrolled i
THFUL I
e post-war declarations of some Istrian, Trentino and Dalmatian Italians than upon the official A
Royal Army: S
z. 3
reatment of
alian
ial and Roya
erior,
June 2
myself
der this gentleman Zadar was a very model of a place, never allowing an occasion to pass by when it was possible to show that, in grief and in gladness, the sentiments of the glorious House of Habsburg were its own. Thus on the "all-highest" birthday of the Emperor did the do
f Austrian priests and gendarmes. What are we to say, though, when we come to the more enlightened classes? The Italians in Austria were represented by twelve deputies who were devoted to the Austrian Government and hostile to Italy, and by six national-liberals and one socialist who were animated with pro-Italian sentiments. In electing such deputies, however, the peasants may not have simply allowed the priests and the gendarmes to command them; it is also possible that they were moved by the fear that the Trentino would economically be ruined if it were to become Italian and had to compete with the agricultural products of the Kingdom. As a matter of fact it was the Trentino intelligentsia which looked forward to annexation, and not, as a class, the peasants. And, during the War, Italian deputies of various parties overflowed with loyal Austrian sentiments; unlike the Yugoslav deputies, who refused in a body to vote the budget and the war credits, the Italian deputies never even ventured on a national pronouncement. Pittoni, chief of the Italian socialists at Triest, Faidutti (who was born in Ita
they said that he and his Irredentist party were to blame for the War. These facts are now fairly well known, thanks to the Czech doctor who was on
AVS IN THE
trated time and again by the astounding conduct of the Italians. Had they made anything like a proper use of the invaluable information that was showered upon them or if they had requested the other Allied navies in the Mediterranean to act on their behalf
into Ancona, but their offers of service were refused. The ringleaders showed, by refusing to accept l
ot with us, but the Magyars went against us. From our ship we continually sent wireless messages asking for help from the Entente fleet, and at first from Italy which was nearest and could help most quickly. The messages were continually jammed by sailors at the Ercegnovo station loyal to Austria-Hungary, but nevertheless it was known in Italy that something was happening at Kotor. We told the High Command at Bok Kotor (Bocche di Cattaro) that we no longer recognized their authority and asked that we might get into touch with our deputies, whom alone we recognized. The High Command consented. We wired for the following deputies to come to us: Tre?i? (Yugoslav), Stanjek (Czech), Karolyi (Magyar), Adler (German) and one Polish deputy, but our wires did not, for the most part, get through. Our object was to get help, but meanwhile our situation became more and more desperate. We knew that the Third Division was comin
and asked to be brought as soon as possible before the Commander of the District. Later I saw Captain Odo (of the Territorials) and told him all, and asked him to put me into commun
y 21 the Admiral in command at Brindisi saw me. From what he said I understood that nothing had been done about Bok Kotor and, what was more, that not one hydroplane had been sent to investigate the situation there. I learned that I was to go to Rome. They clapped me into barracks.... I again asked the Italians to allow me to speak t
ureau of Information, he made the same request. With two motor launches he undertook to organize communication between Italy and the Slavs of Dalmatia, in this way to follow events in Austria and help the revolutionary movement. It would be possible to procure the secret wireless codes which the Austrian and German submarines used-but the Italians would do nothing, because they were not willing to recognize that the Yugoslavs were fighting against Austria.... Seeing that he would never move the Italians to take serious action agains
re Yugoslavs, and among them there was a strong national feeling; in fact, if their political leaders had not held them back, they would have endeavoured in July to blow up the naval fortifications and sail with the ships to Corfu). The expeditionary army, once at ?ibenik, could have penetrated inland and, acting in consort with the many Yugoslav deserters and the insurgen
lready known, but when it was read in the Italian Chambe
e to participate. On arrival in Rome on October 7, the delegates were interrogated by Major Trojani of the Bureau of Information and on the same day for three hours by the Inspector-General of Public Safety. From then till October 20, they were interned in the Macoa barracks at the Castro Pretoris, and although they made repeated attempts to see a member of the Yugoslav Committee or Dr. Bene?, who was in Rome, they were told that this "delicate" question co
THE ALLIES
ulgars-inadequately supported by their Allies-had to retreat; and this, after further ferocious fighting, enabled the Serbs and the French to liberate Monastir. The complicated story of Greek man?uvres need not detain us, nor need we ask whether Mr. Leland Buxton[103] is justified in saying that the majority of that people were pro-German, "but were subsequently compelled by the Allied blockade ... to declare themselves supporters of Venizelos, on whose behalf, indeed, the British Admiralty and War Office had to carry on a sort of election campaign (by Eastern European methods) until the numerous waverers wisely decided that it was better to be a well-fed Venizelist than a hungry Royalist." Sufficient that after months of delaying, in the course of which the Russian troops had to be turned into labour battalions, Marshal Mi?i?-whose plan of campaign had fortunately been adopted-had the satisfaction of seeing his own countrymen and their Allies racing up at last through Macedonia and Serbia t
TREATED THEIR
the officials there were practically no Magyars in Pan?evo. And when the War began the remainder of the fund was invested by the Magyars in their War Loan! It is curious, by the way, to see what methods were employed to make the Loan successful. Fathers were frequently told that if their subscription was adequate their sons at the front would duly be granted leave. The Slovak village of Kova?ica in the Banat was compelled to put three million crowns into War Loan, the Magyar notary making a list of the amounts which every person had to pay under penalty of being sent to the front; if he was too old for this he was threatened with internment. Kova?ica, a few years before the War, had shown the Magyar fitness for governing an alien people. The population consisted of 5200 Lutheran Slovaks and 200 miscellaneous persons-Jews, Magyars and Germans. Nevertheless it was ordered that the church services must be in the Magyar and not in the Slovak language. When the parishioners objected, the police, with sticks and guns, expelled them from the large, lofty church, and 83 of them were sentenced to various periods of imprisonment. Serbian barristers defended them gratuitously, but the judge had himself taken an active part in turning the people out of the church; and presently the barristers were told that they had themselves been convicted-Dr. Du?an Bo?covi? for one year, on the ground that he had had the napkins at a banquet decorated with the Serbian colours; Dr. Branislav Stanojevi? for three years, because his visits to Belgrade, where his parents and his brother were living, stamped him, said the Magyar judge, as a traitor. The total number of Magyars at Kova?ica was ten, and for a time they came to hear their language, which had thus been compulsorily introduced. Handbills were sent round to summon the Magyars from neighbouring villages, but gradually this congregation grew smaller and smaller. When two Magyars attended, then the pastor gave them a sermon; if only one was present he confined himself to prayers. The Magyars had seen to it, by the way, that there should not be much sympathy between the pastor and his bishop: of this diocese about three-quarters were Slovaks and one-quarter Germans and Magyars; but the Government vetoed the choice of Dr. Czalva, who was disqualified for being friendly to the Slovaks-his father and grandfather had both been bishops of that same diocese-and a certain Dr. Raffay was appointed, who spoke nothing but Magyar and some words of German.... However, by taking in this way a few examples of Magyar methods, one may be accused of having chosen merely those which illustrate one's theme. It would be hazardous to draw conclusions as to Magyar officers in general because a certain Lieutenant Chaby, who, during the War, found himself quartered on a Serbian family of the name of Stejvovi? at Priboj in the Sandjak, behaved differently from his predecessor, an Austrian colonel. This Austrian had been well satisfied, but the lieutenant's first night was so disturbed that he fined his hosts sixty crowns for giving him a bug-ridden bed. Nevertheless, if large numbers of Austrian colonels and Magyar lieutenants had acted in a similar fashion we should be justified in deducing that several characteristics, be they good or bad, are possessed by the average Magyar subaltern. And the catalogue of Magyar limitations in the Banat, both prior to and during the War, is so voluminous that one would have thought them to be not worth discussing; if one restricts oneself to a few it is in order to avoid being tedious, and if they are ineffective among the resolute pro-Magyars of this country, then one must resign oneself to leaving these gentlemen unconvinced. They wi
PART OF THEIR DEBT TO
tude be pardoned!-there is all the difference between the spirit in which the alien rule of the one government was, and of the other is, administered. No doubt there are portions of the British Empire in which a plebiscite would have the same disintegrating result as it would have had in most of the regions that have been lopped from Hungary. We, with our Allies, declined to permit a plebisc
IN S
to remain. The Baron succeeded in sending back to Belgrade altogether 39 steamers and 217 loaded drifters, which contained booty, even from the Ukraine, that was valued at about a milliard crowns; ... but the Austro-Hungarians managed to get away with a considerable amount of plunder. The people of Buda-Pest were surprised, on the morning of November 5, to find the Sophie, one of the most luxurious passenger steamers on the Danube, lying at their quay, with her decks groaning under such a pile of packing-cases and parcels and furniture and all kinds of objects heaped upon each other as almost to make the boat unrecognizable. A lieutenant with a dozen soldiers was sent to investigate, and the captain showed him an order from the Minister of War, commanding that the Sophie should take on board the Military Government in Serbia and transport it to Vienna. But the Buda-Pest authorities insisted on removing all the articles whose ownership the passengers were unable to prove; and it took a whole day to unload the enormous quantities of flour, leather, clothing, poultry, sugar, fats, etc. General Rhemen, the former military governor of Serbia, related that on October 5 he received the order to begin the military evacuation of Serbia. This was carried on day by day, and on October 28 it was completed. "We sent by the railway and by boats," said Colonel
N SLO
oslav). Dr. Jegli? had prepared the forces that were going to break their bonds on that fateful day. At 7 a.m. Dr. Sre?ko Lajn?i?-one of the rare Slovene officials-he had been denounced by two of his colleagues and imprisoned at the beginning of the War, for having, as they said, "laughed maliciously" at Great Britain resolving to fight-Dr. Lajn?i? and his friend General Maister took over the administration in the name of the Yugoslav State. General Maister had been till then a Major, employed-as he was a political suspect-on dép?t work. And when the eight or nine Austrian colonels appeared on November 1 before Lajn?i?, the genial official, and Maister, they were informed by the latter that he was a General-he looks like a swarthy Viking-and they were asked to surrender their swords. As they did not know how many men the General had behind him-as a matter of fact he had nine-they acted on his suggestion; one of them wept as he did so. At 11 a.m. Lajn?i? deposed all the chief civil officials in that part of Styria, and the General persuaded the 47th Regiment to leave by train. They were influenced by a notice in the papers which said that 100,000 Frenchmen (invented by the General and Lajn?i?) had just arrived at Ljubljana. After this the two companions carried on at Maribor; very little was known of them for a month at Ljubljana, Zagreb or Belgrade. But then t
hrist, on Th
e fields a
ry and f
chimneys g
e marched a
e village be
dark places
watch wil
s round the
o laughter w
ls, when th
threatened u
ensers, and
lmighty wo
r and be
t sang of l
ruction you
ned sweetly
s you that
course the
ain, O bell
emendous m
secrets of
ur last son
nd sacrileg
TNO
ique sous le Régne de Pierre i.," by A.
their foster-parents in other parts of Yugoslavia. They preferred to remain there, because of the lack of food in their own homes; the parents of ma
the Times of Se
the War, vol. i., by Cra
dija, was giving way to overwhelming numbers. He told them that he intended to stay where he was, and he invited any soldier who wished to
ster Guardian,
th Century and Af
evine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, 191
national Law,
avs: A Question of Intern
uly 17
emarks of his, he makes it clear that he is out of sympathy with the Italian extremists. He deprecates also the views of those English publicists who are altogether on the side of the Yugoslavs. "The truth, perha
on, Chil
rtly boys of more tender years-started over t
oon after its constitution in the autumn of 1918. The day of the counter-revolution was to be November 25, according to the H
ia into Exile.
uestion, by Is
Deux Mondes,
t price, that is, at one dinar per kilo when they could have obtained five. Two million kilos of hay they sold at 8 paras per kilo instead of at 50 or more. There were at this time only 20 tons of flour in all Montenegro.
usanne, November 29, 1917, by Danilo Gat
Cf.
(Collection of eighteen original do
by Dr. Sekula Drljevi?, ex-Minister of Justice and
heep of the Balka
nister of Public Health in a Coalition Cabinet, and
Apologie; and in the strongest terms he combated the reproach that the Slovene bishop, the clergy and the people were not loyal to the Habsburgs. Dr. U?eni?nik proved that the poor Slovenes were suffering an almost intolerable subjection at the hands of the Germans, but he persisted in demanding no
F VOL
OF V
ks and Newspapers
ount) and th
d Bosn
see Z
of, offered to
ivities, 72
uage,
Serbia), the lame
Yugoslavia)
ope)
the frigid
et, Sl
Julius), his c
mad ambit
the Serbs
tions a
slaughter-hou
itung on Be
nd Macedo
trocities,
e Habsburgs), 25, 30, 118,
a newsp
s "huzza
2, 72 et
s Dalmatinisc
ontier regime
olonists,
nts to,
t in, 7
Roumanians
, 62 et
f.) on Macedoni
H.) on Treaty of
how he d
the Daily T
Macedonian sc
, 62, 149,
is pronounceme
s Détruisez l'Autr
Italy,
) and the Great
Congres
Dr.), his
on the Ba
he gallant M
Magazine,
esy, 37, 45
murderer's te
ch Minister, on
d the Mag
Michae
Powers, 15
e Turks, 5
e Tv
La Turquie d'E
, his Macedonia, 7
the despo
a descenda
k, 4
s La Fine della
is Le Monténég
ch), his descr
e, 13-14, 34, 80-
ns, 33
and Yugoslavia, 11 et seq.,
he War, 2
ellénique,
H.), his a
ci, 86
patriotic m
), his brot
s Black Sheep of th
ortunate pr
the Sarajevo
nd Milo
troduction à l'His
nius), the Patr
ch, his M
o, see
6, 123, 1
is Letters of C
s Le Complot de
) on Serb women
see Tarta
io), his argum
, its out
in Croa
-Slovakia,
aron), his
ing) and the S
laration o
bs at
lias), the
30-31, 38, 40, 46 et seq., 69
7, 187-188, 205, 239 et se
), her good
nel), the voiv
rof.), 14
(Saint
kia, disappr
nal Church,
egraph, q
its Christ
ted sett
40, 41, 47,
laks and
(Vincenz
he brothe
he financier, 201 et seq
, his deat
his liberal me
Histoire dip
of Serbs
see A
the apologi
F. M.), his I
some year
Bishop Ge
is fate,
his Exhor
r. S.) on D
enegrin Red
dieu,
her disso
, 41, 48-49
oral he
oets, 5
h), her High
partiali
e of Albania
Years of Balk
(Emper
ambiti
is Co
greatnes
s sist
s), his Turkey in
he Adriatic,
ha, at Sc
r Arthur)
its begin
he Serb
f Montenegro and h
, see
d (Archduke), hi
s mysteries,
eph, 123, 1
(Christo
k Barbar
.) and the forg
the patriot, 1
lo) exposes
xposes Ni
(Dr. Michae
Lausanne, q
nce), his w
v (Pro
lonists,
ed by Habsburg
ed by Hae
r Franzfelder
cal Macedonian t
on Rie
d the Montenegri
and Monten
prefac
trossma
, 29, 30,
), Comments
his bad
39, 12
his inspirati
structio
nian churches,
ls, 137 e
Pope), qu
b), his ent
sius), the S
his work
e Croats (and se
Magyars, 1
nd see Lov?en), 201
ragmatic Sa
Serbian re
he Serb
nes (and see Tr
Nikita's M
, against g
Russian Minis
e villain,
s, 59
, the famo
(Queen
ey, M.P.), conside
the Magyars' n
(Achmet P
e dialect (and
ton), on Ve
(Colone
n atroci
mmodore),
-Colonel) and
on), his opti
the Dra
rded by Rus
Middle Ag
against Na
nt), and the E
, his suggest
efactress and tr
the Greeks and th
river (and see M
distress
pulation
d party, 9
Austrian testimo
the Ser
ing to, 281
heir union,
ia, 243, 245 et se
the Russ
ce-Bishop),
J.), his decl
expediti
or of Dalm
proclama
, his History of
the Mor
his With Serbia
lus), the h
ess), and Pa
is long
l) and the Ma
rge, his
insurrection
ternal ene
his great wor
a), his articles
váry (Count
, the geogra
the police-c
.), the juri
n (Kin
great battl
et seq., 12
(Capta
7, 285
gyar excesse
k,
i?, the ch
tsa,"
ange movement,
, the tr
D.), his The Guardi
nd the rise of the
ne, quo
s in Croa
donia, 13
(and see Albanian an
Lord) on Ma
rince),
ar), the milit
) on Monte
ess), the stro
his Le Balkan
26, 201,
he lyric
the Allied adv
d, 43, 16
d times
134 et seq., 137
r.), what h
cities at Ara
ts, 116, 119 e
in the War,
ssuth an
l), patriot and
Guardian, q
e good poli
bor,
raljevi
zar), his Serbia
(Svetoz
General),
ral), friend of
regory), a mi
orvinus (
poet and ba
nd the Is
he savage b
s (Sain
ch, 39,
f Serbia, 12, 117,
, his Monumen
imitri), 132-
terwards King), h
s aims,
sidered,
Slavko) in
ozar), against th
(Admir
ce), 110 et
(Dr.) on Mac
ne (Ki
the unregrette
, commander-in-
cials in Ma
he Premier,
P.), champion of Ni
r.), his pron
n Bulletin
rin Vesp
, a disgra
puri
he Turk
as, Peter I.
Dalmatia, 39
Post, qu
l) and Serbia's
s Le Progrès pol
ascendanc
zie (Miss),
Die südslavischen
the chron
on the chivalro
d Dalmatia,
in the Adria
lyria, 1
Slovenes
nstable in tho
o), a Macedoni
st, quo
iplomatic Remini
Stephen),
his varied acti
se, admits Aust
nd Lady), on t
enegro, his earl
ecret cla
with the Pr
-148, 181 et seq., 201 e
the Serbs, 217, 23
Nicholas o
ury and After,
rles), the
and the Au
Sad,
the he
onk and Mini
society, 137
heir review,
his inscr
sons
o), his gran
ed House,
nty-five que
rsity, its
the monk
dore), his i
A.), his j
olas), his
ds, 180-181,
u (Osman P
and Austrian at
63, 72, 198,
l) and Nikita
loyd, qu
getic bishop, of M
erbia and Yugoslavia
good work,
age, 232, 243-
eat poet, of Mont
ce) of Lov?
e lover,
Trial of the Authors of
), his La Da
e), and the
a Skup?t
a, quot
s, 60
s engaging mono
his Obzor Chr
ne), the aged
etos (Const
eneral) in
he War,
ction, and th
is Monimenta Sc
er), poet and g
.), his argum
La Dalma
, on eastern
Svetozar), h
his Serbia's Par
, as it
da, Alba
trian
arian,
rman
lian,
, 14, 15,
mania
hal), his en
he historian,
, his La Ma
) of Croa
Y.), Croat
Dr.) and the
and Michael
rija), 203,
s son's nation
see Du
Baron Josep
(Patriarch
?ko), the
, 139, 1
8, 30 et
the drastic Ban
Carlino, q
Paris, qu
eux Mondes,
7, 42
separatum,
machinati
(Neophy
vi? (Ali P
(Count), q
Banat, 58-59
Serbian
a (Gene
s in the Balkans, 25,
Adriatic,
acedoni
onteneg
old Princ
unfortunate Tre
e World War, 21
ancis Ferdinand, Po
Paolo), his
t), 17, 38
n the Ba
estrains S
vain demand for,
137-138, 169, 17
ntenegr
he Poma
in Ser
at, under N
ene, 1
208 et seq
tion of Italians
ora), her The
t Coalitio
ee Gaj and Karaji
his enterpri
(Dr. R. W.),
thern Slav Ques
the Bal
f (Prof.),
, 30-31
(Tzar),
Pash
i?, the h
, a writer
Serbian c
suggeste
e themselves
25, 27-28, 38,
langua
of Bara
(Mehemet
who deca
) and the Adri
or, quo
it,
Yugoslavia,
oulüs
i? part
) and Corfu Decla
the Li
(Stephen), h
measures again
, the great
origin
t seq., 138, 161,
, his Vocab
, his Die Südsla
of Rieka, 116,
o) answered
blunt de
the Sarajev
-Bulgar
s The Future of the S
and the S
V.), his Histor
? (A.), his
u, quo
Raymond von
uoted, 1
) and the Gr
ng Yugoslavs,
h (Gener
imir) and N
n), the lib
v (Prin
icolo), 53,
of Berl
n, 245 et
ressbu
Stefano,
hoenbru
Tilsi
ilan and Au
(G. M.),
e efforts at,
t Venice
r, 31
Dr. Ante)
d Dubrov
nia, 134 et
negro, 134
rbs, 62, 107
lavia, 55
the Ban
, 154, 1
unt), his
printing-
rof.), his d
s Baranja multj
a, se
vi? (Bis
lmatia, 40-41, 4
Du?a
ast stand
ubmission
r the bat
British,
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a missing peri
opening quote in front
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changed "Goluchovsk
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