The New South: A Chronicle of Social and Industrial Evolution

uth of

w and then assert themselves in the most unexpected fashion. The Southerner, no matter how much he may pride himself upon being liberal and broad, is likely to make certain reservations and limitations in his attitude. There are some questions upon which he is not open to argument, certain subjects which he cannot discus

nd more women, who are yet "unreconstructed"; there are neighborhoods and villages where men and women yet live in the past and absolutely refuse to attempt to adjust themselves cheerfully to changed and changing conditions. This is not true of the So

g the relative wisdom of Jefferson Davis and Robert Toombs or the reasons for the failure of the Confederacy. The Southerners accept the results of the War, and all except a negligible minority are convinced that the preservation of the Union was for the best. To be sure they believe, partly through knowledge but more large

arance and spirit, might easily seem to belong to a Middle Western environment but for the presence of the negro and the absence of the foreign born. The population in these Southern towns is still overwhelmingly American. In no States except Maryland and Texas did the foreign born number as many as 10

ly few have come to the South from other sections except in Florida, Arkansas, Oklahoma, and Texas, and fewer foreign born have settled in the South. As a result, the percentage of increase of population is less for the South, if Oklahoma be omitted, than for the United States as a whole. Many of the lab

finer work. Little bleaching or printing, however, is done. The South is a land of curious economic contrasts. It produces sugar but buys confectionery. It produces immense quantities of lumber but works up comparatively little, and this mainly into simple forms. It produces iron and steel in considerable quantities but has few machine shops where really de

tton shroud, each year of finer quality. The knitting mills of the South are able to supply an increasing proportion of the population with hose and underclothing, and a number of the mills are gaining a national trade thr

were formerly accustomed to make in a year. Even though the farmer received for his cotton much more than usual, the price of cloth would still have yielded a profit to the manufacturer if cotton had been twice as high. Other enterprises have likewise been profitable, and when normal conditions are restored this capital will seek new

tion. Heretofore the farmer has had little difficulty in obtaining some sort of assistance in cultivating his land, and this abundance of labor has lessened the demand for agricultural machinery. Now the migration of the negro to the North has created a shortage of labor which must force the farmer to purchase machi

, a machine of this sort is needed for only a small portion of the year, but in that short period the need is extreme. Such a machine would revolutionize the tenant system, would permit a larger production of food, and at the same time would set labor free for other occupations. Meanwhile the general rate of wages in agricul

ay, tobacco, and wheat following in the order named. Gradually the West is ceasing to be the granary and the smokehouse of the Southern farmer, but the South does not yet feed itself. In 1917 only Maryland, Delaware, Virginia, and Oklahoma produced a surplus of wheat, though it is estimated that the South as a whole reduced its deficiency by more than 35,000,000 bu

domination is over, if indeed it ever really existed. In many instances descent from well-known ancestors who have held high positions has proved a positive detriment to a political candidate of today. Some of the successful politicians, as might be expected, are demagogues. States differ in the number of politicians of this

in the Senate, and on Ways and Means, Rules, Judiciary, and Rivers and Harbors in the House, besides other chairmans

They are honest financially, if not intellectually, and do not consciously yield to "the interests." They are correct in their private lives and likely to be somewhat bigoted. Many are convinced that cities are essentially wicked and conceive them to be inhabited by vampires and parasites. Few can think in national terms, and fewer have either knowledge or comprehension of international relations. For a generation the South was excluded from any re

hich are far removed from traditional democracy, for Populistic ideas have not entirely died out and some of the farmers still demand special privileges, which, however, they would be the first to deny to any one else. Democracy in the South really means th

s prevent representatives from voting for the extension of the franchise. In two States, however, the friends of woman suffrage, though not strong enough to pass a constitutional amendment, have realized their aim by a brilliant coup. Since most elections are practically settled in the primaries, the legislatures of Texas and Arkansas gave

South is practically agreed, some other expedients will be devised if those now in use must be discarded. There is absolutely no desire for a wholesale restoration of the negro vote, though, of course, Republican conventions denounce the disfranchising acts and constitutional amendments. If the control of th

outside of them. Most of the real Southern colonels are dead, and the others are too busy running plantations or cotton mills to spend much time discussing genealogy, making pretty speeches, or talking about their honor. Not so many colonels are made as formerly, and one may travel far before he meets

on is now becoming rich enough to afford the luxury of paupers, but the interest in socialized humanitarian endeavor lies deeper. Perhaps the fact that negroes formed the larger part of the criminal and dependent classes had something to do with the past neglect. The Old Testament doctrine that the criminal should suffer the consequences of his act has had its effect, and the factor of expense has not been forgotten. Some of the States still permit county commissioners to commit the care of the poor to the lowest bidder. On the other hand the poorhouse has been transf

nducted institutions. The problem of the juvenile delinquent is being recognized, as several States already have institutions for his care. So far little has been done for the young negro offender, whose home training is likely to be most deficient and who needs firm but ki

true of some parts of the South, as compared with some parts of New England. The rural South was always democratic except in comparatively limited areas, and it is so everywhere today. In those communities which have felt the new industrial spirit the question of birth plays little part. Any presentable young man can go where he

comes home from her typewriter and her brother from the cotton mill or the lumber yard. Social life in a small town-and most Southern towns are small-is simple and unpretentious, although here too the influence of prosperity is beginning to be manifest. Social affairs are more elaborate than they were ten or fifteen years ago, and there is also

man seldom advertises the fact that he has gone hunting or fishing for a day or a week, as it is thought to be not quite the thing for a lawyer to be away from his office for such a purpose. Golf has gained no foothold except in the larger towns, and even there the existence of the co

s when she married. Society in the South was almost entirely the concern of the unmarried. Women seldom took a prominent part in any organization, and a woman speaking in public was regarded as a great curiosity. Not so many years ago the missionary society, and perhaps the parsonage aid society, were almost the only organizations in which women took a part. In recent years church and educational organizations have multiplied, and today there

he Sons of Veterans or than the veterans themselves. The effect of recent events upon their psychology has been interesting. In the Great War their sons and grandsons were called to go overseas, and the national government was brought closer to them than at any other time for more than forty years. It is idle to insist tha

cularly the women, were unconsciously yearning for a country to love and were ready for a great wave of patriotism to carry them with it. During the week following the declaration of war more national flags were displayed in the South than had been sh

s of the women of their home town. Women have been prominent in raising money for the Red Cross and the Y. M. C. A. and have done valiant service in selling War Savings Stamps and Liberty Bonds. There has been some shaking of heads, and some exponents of the sheltered life have criticized this invasion of what had been supposed to be the sphere of men, but the women have gone ahead. Indeed their alacrity has seemed to indicate that they are glad to have an excuse to throw aside the restraints which have hitherto bound them. Women an

ight to assist in laying down rules for such conduct on her part. For a long time the women of the South, consciously or unconsciously, were subject to these unwritten rules. Today in increasing numbers the women, particularly the younger women, are declaring their independence by their conduct. It has not become a feminist revolt, for many have not thought out the situation and have not recognized the source of their restrictions. The statutes of some of the Southern States, moreover, still contain many of the old commo

the proportion is considerable. It is less in Arkansas, Oklahoma, and West Virginia. In Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee, the proportion of Catholics is still smaller, though the latest (1918) official Catholic statistics for the seven States last named show 7 bishops, 415 priests, 635 churches, and 211,000 Catholics. The principal denominational affiliations of the Southern people, white and black, are with the various Baptist or Methodist bodies, with a strong Presbyterian influence. In eleven of the Southern States the Baptists are by far the largest denomination, though the Methodists lea

emphasis upon the future, the rewards of the righteous, and the tortures of the damned. Life upon this earth was regarded as simply a preparation for the life to come. One is sometimes tempted to believe that these spiritual guides deprecated attempts to improve conditions here on earth lest men should grow to think less of a future abode. It is easy to understand why such a doctrine of future reward should have appealed to negroes, and it is perhaps not surprising that the poor upon the frontier l

um missions to the negroes. White and negro Lutheran churches are scattered through the Southern States, and in Kentucky and Tennessee the Di

be more nearly correct to say that gravity, amounting almost to austerity, is a distinguishing mark of Southerners. In any Southern gathering representing the people as a whole there is little mirth. There is much more Puritanism in the South today than remains in New England. The Sabbath is no longer observed so strictly as twenty years ago, perhaps, but only recently has it been

en go to the post office on Sunday, read the Sunday papers, and ride on Sunday trains. The motor car makes its appearance on Sunday, though it would be interesting to know how many of those riding really feel conscience free, for many who have liberal ideas still have Calvinistic nerves.

sion of the congregation on any social question. Many towns and rural communities have several churches, though their population and wealth may be hardly large enough to support one properly. This condition, however, is not peculiar to the South. Here and there in the country districts a new type of pastor has appeared. He is a good farmer himself, interested in better farming and able to discuss fertilizers and methods with hi

er to tenants, either whites of a lower status or negroes, the standards of the community have suffered in consequence, and the atmosphere of some of these communities has become depressing. Such conditions, however, are not peculiar to the South but have been observed in central

or humanitarian reasons. The offenses of the negro were, for the most part, petty larceny, gambling, and offenses against public order. Affrays are certainly less frequent since the spread of prohibition, and larceny seems to be decreasing, though statistics of crime are few and unreliable. The gambling is usually nothing more tha

aps their number is not so large as is commonly believed. The moonshiner's antipathy to revenue officers leads him to use firearms upon occasion, but homicide occurs also in intelligent communities where the general tone is high. Individuals of excellent s

rd "lie" is not considered a polite mode of expressing dissent. All over the South, in every class of society, one finds this sensitiveness to an accusation of lack of veracity. Such a theory of life dies hard. The presence of a less advanced race is perhaps not conducive to self-control. The dominant race, determined to maintain its position of superiority, is likely to resent a real or fancied affront to its dignity. A warped sense of honor, a sort of belated theory of chivalry, is responsible for s

tion upon womanhood. Others allow their detestation of physical cowardice to blind them to the danger of allowing men to take the law into their own hands. The individualism of the imperfectly socialized Southerner does not yet permit him to think of the law

f this period Henry Watterson, of the Louisville Courier-Journal, spoke almost with authority. The untimely death of Henry W. Grady, editor of the Atlanta Constitution, deprived the South of a spokesman and he has had no successor. There is no newspaper which has any considerable influence outside the State in which it is published, and few have a circulation throughout even their en

ave not learned to buy many books since they have been able to afford them. The women's clubs, however, interest their members in the "best-sellers" and pass these books from one to another. Some members may always be depended upon to purchas

The State pays one-third of the cost, the county one-third, and the patrons o

but there is a much larger number than formerly whose work is acceptable. Members of college faculties, and others, produce annually numerous books of solid worth in science, history, biography, economics, and sociology. Volumes of recollections and reminiscences interesting to the student of the past appear, and much local and state history has been rescued from oblivion. Some theological books are w

shed courtesy and sheer brutality; kindness and consideration of the rights and feelings of others together with cruelty almost unbelievable. In some sections are to be found machines belonging to the most advanced stage of industry, while nearby are in operation e

ATION OF S

onal by the Supreme Court of Florida. The Reconstruction debt of Alabama was large, about $20,000,000, besides accrued interest which the State could not pay. In 1873, the carpetbag government attempted to fund these bonds at twenty-five cents on the dollar. The Funding Act of 1876 repudiated $4,700,000

s, p. 63, but see also W. L. Fleming, Civil

pts to compromise with the creditors were made in 1874 and 1875, but not until 1879 was the matter settled. The Reconstruction bonds were repudiated outright, and the legitimate debt of the State was funded at from fifteen to forty cents on the dollar. No provision was made for the unpaid interest. This compromise did not include the pre-war bonds issued to aid the North Carolina Railr

construction in North Caro

than $1,000,000 of the old bonds were still outstanding. In 1901, a New York firm presented to the State of South Dakota ten of the class which had been made convertible at twenty-five cents on the dollar. That State brought suit in the Supreme Court of the United States and collected the amount su

North Carolina, 19

three years. The carpetbag Legislature of 1873 repudiated $6,000,000 of this debt, and attempted to compromise the remainder at fifty per cent, but the State could not carry even this reduced amount. Judicial decisions destroyed the validity of some million

t sixty cents on the dollar. By action of the courts the debt was reduced to about $12,000,000 bearing interest at seven percent. The State could not pay the interest on this sum, and the constitutional convention of 1879 made drastic reductions in the interest rate. Both New York and New Hampshire, acting ostensibly for themselves but really in behalf of their citizens, brought suit, but the Supreme Court threw out the cases on the ground that the actions were attempts to

incurred principally in aid of railroads and turnpikes, was largely increased under Republican rule, and most of the money received for the bonds was stolen or wasted. No interest had been paid during the War, and the accrued interest was funded in 1865, 1869, and 1873. The debt was somewhat reduced by permitting the railroads to pay their debt in state bonds which they purchased cheaply on the market. Other defaulting railroads were sold, but the State still could not meet the interest. Many discussio

tate to pay, and many members of both parties felt that some compromise must be made. So many of the coupons were paid in for taxes that money to keep the Government going was found with difficulty. Various attacks on the privilege were made, but these "coupon killers" were usually declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the United States. Meanwhile the contest had split the State. Some were in favor of paying the whole debt according to the agreement of 1871; others wished to reduce the interest rate; while the radicals wished t

constitutional in that they impaired the obligation of contracts, but the Court also stated that there was no way in which the State could be coerced. Meanwhile the credit of the State was nonexistent, and all business suffered. In 1890 a commission rep

reme Court of the United States decided in March, 1911, that the equitable proportion due by West Virginia was 23.5 per cent instead of one-third. West Virginia, however, made no move to carry out the decision, and in 1914 Virginia asked the Court to proceed to a final dec

RAPHICA

in W. L. Fleming's Documentary History of Reconstruction (2 vols., 1906-07) and in the series of monographs on Reconstruction published by the students of Professor W. A. Dunning of Columbia University, among which may be mentioned J. W. Garner's Rec

RAL

that the South would soon be overwhelmingly black. Alexander K. McClure, in The South; its Industrial, Financial and Political Condition (1886), was one of the first to take a hopeful view of the economic development of the Southern States. W. D. Kelley's The Old South and the New

the result of more study and investigation than any other Northerner has given to the sociology of the South, but the author's prejudices interfere with the value of his conclusions. The late Edgar Gardner Murphy in Problems of the Present South (1904) discusses with wisdom and sanity many Southern questions which are still undecided. A series of valuable though unequal papers is The New South in the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 35 (1910). Another

IC DEV

A. B. Scherer, in Cotton as a World Power (1916), attempts to show the influence of cotton upon history. Holland Thompson in From the Cotton Field to the Cotton Mill (1906) deals with the economic and social changes arising from the development of manufacturing in an agricultural society. With this may be mentioned A. Kohn's The Cotton Mills of South Caroli

GRO QU

ations range from displays of hysterical emotionalism to statistical studies, but no one book can treat fully all phases of so complex a question. Bibliographies ha

t all his conclusions cannot be accepted without question. Special Bulletins on the negro are published by the United States Census Bureau, of which the issues

e. Booker T. Washington's The Story of the Negro, the Rise of the Race from Slavery (1909), on the other hand, emphasizes achievements rather than deficiencies and is optimistic in tone. Of this writer's several other books, the Future of the American Negro (1899) is the most valuable. Kelly Miller has written Ra

t expresses a European point of view in Through Afro-America (1910). Carl Kelsey's The Negro Farmer (1903) is a careful study of agricultural conditions in eastern Virginia. A collection of valuable

n come through outside interference. William B. Smith's The Color Line (1905) takes the position that the negro is fundamentally different from the white. Alfred Holt Stone, in Studies in the American Race Problem (1908), has given a record of his experiences and reflections as a cotton planter in the delta region of Mississippi, while Patience Pennington (pseud.) in A Woman Rice-Pl

CAT

C. W. Poe's Life and Speeches of Charles Brantley Aycock (1912) are illuminating. J. L. M. Curry's A Brief Sketch of George Peabody and a History of the Peabody Education Fund through Thirty Years (1898) gives an excellent idea of the situation after Reconstruction. The General Education Board; an Account of its Activities, 1902-1914 (1915) contains interesting facts on the educational situation of today. The r

CT

tains. George W. Cable and Grace King have depicted Louisiana in the early part of this period, while rural life in Georgia has been well described in the stories of Joel Chandler Harris, better known from his Uncle Remus books. In The Voice of the People (1900) Ellen Glasgow has produced, in the form of fiction, an important historical document on the rise

in relation to religion. The short stories of Harris Dickson portray the negro of the Mississippi towns. The stories of Thomas Nelson Page and of Ruth McEnery Stuart should also be mentione

N

tural W

60 et seq.; county demonstrators, 75-77, 184; Farm Loan Act, 84

ents, 54-55; boys' corn club, 79; cotton mills, 97; iron industry, 101; mines, 102; bit

obacco Com

Through Afro-Amer

; lumbering, 100; mixed schools, 161; industrialism, 193; migration to,

Cotton Exposi

Governor of Nor

dam, and expressi

hurch, 21

F., of De

la.), steel c

Bill

of South Caro

irls' clubs

of Free

presidential n

rian Crusade, cited,

on, of North

, of South Ca

ltural college founded

. G., of Ke

tion and colleg

tions, 6; Scotch-Irish in, 6; see a

s' rule over

c Churc

party management in,

, 118; in cotton mills, 109, 114-11

ce, Clevela

eason for South's defeat

election (1884), 28

nd Democ

nal Church,

roes in, 20; re?lection of Senators, 28; "Force B

nal Record

Fourteenth A

; as crop in South, 64;

mills, 88-98, 108-121, 195; cottonseed products, 99-100;

ent of Arts and Man

J. L. M., 2

f the Confe

see Fi

nd (1796), 157-158 (note); foreign born in, 194; surplu

litical consolidation, 12; Farmers' Alliance and, 36; Georgia convention (1890), 37; controlli

Church, 2

), tobacco in

d, 76-77, 183-184, 186, 189; college students, 83; mills aid schools, 119; progress, 157 et seq.; country schools, 164; academies, 164-165, 171; colleges, 165-166, 187; graded schools, 166; taxation for, 170, 172, 185, 186; opposition to pub

f, Report on Negro

0; North threatens Federal control, 21; (1896), 44; (19

al Chur

oan Ac

Allianc

nion of Lo

South, bibliogr

Company own mills i

vernments, 24-25; platform of National Alliance and Knights of Labor on, 34; subtreasury plan, 34

iversit

ited, 2 (note), 27 (note); Civil War and Re

102; cigar industry, 104; bonds as part of Pe

ties, schools for ne

n's Bur

in Loui

ty of, influen

. H., of A

n Board, 76-77,

nitting industry, 98; cottonseed oil industry, 100; fertilizer industry, 100; lynchings in, 1

anning c

J. B.,

n "New South," 7-8; editor o

vement, 2

oes to North during, 132-133; negro women in Red Cross work, 149; a

movement,

construction in North Car

, Wade,

titute, 174

disease

Univers

orth Carolina vo

of cottonseed products, 99-100; fertilizers, 100; lumbering, 100, 123-124; iron, 101; wood, 101; steel, 101-102; mi

Anna T

Fund, 1

, O. H

, Governor of

ous coal, 102; tobacco industry, 103; free from lynchings, 155; sc

ford, son o

. S. A.,

, meeting at St.

R. F.,

106-121; state restrictions, 118; in furniture factories, 122-123; in lumber mills, 123-124; contract, 12

C., of Miss

ifferent plans of landholding, 65-69; relation between landlord and tenant, 70;

ly, 41-42; problem after Reconstr

ther clause" in constitution, 51-52; lumbering, 100; mines, 102; tobacco industry, 103; cigar industry, 104

g, 100,

Church, 2

eneral Wi

res, see

ctures, 104; free from lynchings, 154-155; school fund (1813), 158 (note); fore

leads in cotto

edical Co

Church, 21

Q., of T

ng,

manufacture

100; lynchings in, 155; school fund, 158 (note); mixed schools in, 160-161; bonds as part of

ange in, 32; election (1896), 44; toba

romise and se

on, W.

ineers

ollege, 169; Meharry Medical Colleg

cement of Colored People, Thirty Y

iance and Co?perative

for, 71; in furniture factories, 122; in tobacco factories, 124-125; in textile industry, 126-127; personal characteristics, 126-127, 135; occupations, 127, 133-137; unorganized, 127-128; increase in numbers, 130-132; migration to North, 132-133, 156, 197; farm owners, 134; illiteracy, 137-139, 166; treatment in North, 139-140; treatment in South, 140

mills build Southern branches, 92; S

tion (1884), 89; to

election f

pers,

of negroes to, 132-133, 156, 197

le products (1810), 86; first cotton mill (1810), 88; Marshall Field and Company owns mills in, 95; cotton mills, 97; knitting industry, 98; lumbering, 100; furniture manufacture, 101; minerals, 102; tobacco production, 103; Republican party, 122; free from lynchings, 155; sch

ina, Univer

, Alliance c

s, 102; disproportionate number of lynchings in, 155; migration to, 194

on, and "typical

bandry, see Gr

, Georg

y Fund

ormal Col

, 36; see also

okes, Car

tokes Fu

a election

discontinued, 60;

, 10-12; Confederate soldiers in

prediction as to neg

uth, 42 et seq.; see

an Church,

list party and rising, 46; Southern credit s

d, J. C.

and, 58, 202; see a

e Friends,

overnment ow

M. T.,

itical party in

ment makes possible, 17; debt, 22-23; and

oss, 1

n, 213

11; and mountaineers, 16; Quakers and, 16; Union element in South, 16-

, tobacco indu

ger, H. H

ds,

undation, rese

ore, Mississippi

ius, and negro

ional Alliance at (1889),

federate soldi

outh, 6; and Pres

udiation of State Deb

eral Agent of Peab

, past is

candidate for Vi

ree coina

hn F., Fun

ong mounta

on, and "typical

2-83, 203 et seq.; i

Vetera

affairs, 28; Grange in, 31-33; social conditions, 82-83, 119-121, 203 et seq.; Socialist vote in, 128; growing sense of responsibility for negro, 148; education, 157 et seq.; of today, 191 et seq.; population, 193-194; present political condition, 199-203; jails and almshouses, 204-20

volt, 39; representation in Senate, 41; suffrage amendments, 50-51; boys' corn club, 79; cotton mills, 97; Blease in, 12

see Phel

on Mississippi

see Negr

-56, 203; Bailey vs. Alabama, 123-124; South Dakota vs. North Carolina, 228; case

vote (1912), 50; North

e on, 29; platform of National A

i, 49; for education

, 98; knitting industry, 98; iron industry, 101; bituminous coal, 102; mines, 102; school

d crops in, 82; cottonseed oil industry, 100; mines, 102; lynchings in, 155; foreign born in, 193;

Benjamin

industry, 102-104; labor con

., on cotton p

ert, and Ne

., 2; Appeal

, 177, 178; statistics

rolina, 13, 43; and teach

t Univers

es K., of Mis

iron industry, 101; mines, 102; tobacco production, 103; school fund (1810), 157-158

s, 109, 110, 113; in

, 143; "intellectuals" enemi

C.), Howard U

, T. E

f the Louisville Co

minous coal, 102; mines, 102; free from lynchings, 154-155; Catholics in, 21

, 63-64; roll

islikes name

tendent of education

C.), uprising o

North Carolina

N. C.), tobacco

Massachusetts, and

ition in South, 208-210; and Great War, 211-

American Cotton In

cles of Am

Man's

worth H

nish Co

g Berdin

ethan

m Charles

ders of N

am Benne

of the

ry Jo

ers of N

es McLea

English on

Wilder

aker C

ey Geor

ial F

es McLea

uest of

e McKinn

of the R

l Lotu

and His Com

e McKinn

s of the C

ax F

n and His

ry Jon

and his

len J

ll and the

rd Samu

t for a

h Delah

of the Ol

nce Linds

ld No

eric Au

of Andre

eric Au

of Inlan

r Butler

rers of

nce Linds

nish Bo

rt Eugen

d the Me

el Wright

orty-

art Edw

ng of the

erson

tton K

liam E

-Slavery

esse

incoln an

el Wright

of the C

el Wright

of the

m Charles

el of Ap

r Lynwoo

an Spirit

in E.

n Spirit in

liss

Fore

uel Pe

Mercha

h Delah

e of I

land T

lroad B

ohn

of Big

n Jesse

mies o

uel Pe

ters of

ohn

New

land T

and the

uel Pe

level

ry Jon

rarian

on Jus

th of

l Russ

oosevelt a

rold

lson and t

rles S

adian D

ar D.

Nations of

iam R.

riber'

oduc

Thompson in the Chronicles of America series. A scanned copy of t

following emendat

anscribed as co?rdinate, with an umlat. The same philosophy for transcribing co?perative holds

iogr

rd is transcribed as co?perative, with an umlat. See the transcription notes for The Agrarian Crusade

de

ndex than we are in the text when we believe

in entry under Arkansas to match the spe

t the aelig is not used on Page 131. Therefore, we have removed the aelig from Ca