Woman under Monasticism

his quos invitabat spirituales studebat carpere flosculos, unde boni operis fructum ta

Frankish I

rey in imperial service, the German invader was little more than a savage; nevertheless he succeeded in holding his own. At first his standards of life and conduct gave way before those of the Gallo-Romans. The lives of early Frankish princes, as their contemporary, the historian Gregory of Tours, depicts them, are marked by ceaseless quarrels and feuds, by numberless instances of murder, perjury and violence. The bonds of union among them were forcibly relaxed, as often happens in those periods of history when restraint and responsibility are broken through by a sudden and overwhelming inrush of new ideas. A prey to intemperance and greed, the descendants of the great Merovech dwindled away. But other men of the same race, stronger than th

rmed no part of this people's character. These virtues, together with peaceableness and a certain simplicity of taste, laid the groundwork of the monasticism which preceded the invasion. Persons who were vowed to religion were averse to war, because it disturbed stud

ndencies, love of personal predominance and glory, and impatience of every kind of restraint, were

nd of undisputed German origin left the royal farms, which were the court residences of the period, and repaired to the religious houses, to devote themselves to religion and to the lear

the possibilities opened out to them by the religious life. Fortunately the information which we have concerning them is not confined to the works of interested eulogists. Accounts of women whom posterity estimated as saints lay stress on those sides of their character which are in accord with virtues inculcated by the Church. But we hav

eir contact with a great civilization, which threw open unknown and tempt

n great family difficulties. The royal farms and the ancient cities, where these petty kings resided, were the scenes of continual broils and squabbles in which royal wives and widows took the leading parts. From the chequered existence which this state of things

een considerable, for the Church had practically appropriated what was left of the Roman system of organization,

entres in the western provinces, due to the enthusiastic zeal

where monasteries already existed, perhaps as the result of direct contact with t

e she dwelt in a convent associated with the name of Cassian. His plan was that she should join h

ned in these precepts of Caesarius. 'Since the Lord,' he says, addressing himself to the women, 'has willed to inspire us and help us to found a monastery for you, in order that you may abide in this monastery, we have culled spiritual and holy injunctions for you from the ancient fathers; with God's help may you be sheltered, and dwelling in the cells of your monastery, seeking in e

tside property. Several paragraphs of the rule are devoted to settling questions of property, a proof of its importance in the mind of Caesarius. There were to be in

ed at all, 'nor shall daughters of noble parentage or lowly-

ved from artistic and intellectual training in their own community. They had no desire for the spread

o celebrate God. In an appendix to the rule of Caesarius the system of singing is described as similar to that adopted in the c?nobite settlement at Lerins[142]. Apparently following Keltic usage, the chant was taken up in turn by relays of the professed, who kept

d in classes, while domestic occupations, such as cooking, were performed in turns. Weaving, probably that of church hangings, wa

ern advice about the hatefulness of quarrels. Intercourse with

provided for churchmen, laymen and friends, but women fro

in character should receive the veil, that is be permanently bound by a vow, before her fortieth year[143]. This decree, taken toget

of Nursia for the monks he had assembled together on Monte Casino in Central Italy. His efforts like those of Caesarius were directed to th

Pope's protection for his monasteries, one of which was for men and one for women, against possible interference from outside. He also begged that the Pope would confirm the grants of property w

the Church of Rome. Fear of this heresy induced the prelates of the Church to favour Frankish rule. After the alliance of the Frank

led and protected by men. It is only when the untamed German element with its craving for self-assertion came in, that difficulties between the bishops and heads of nunneries arose, that women of barbarian origin li

d and the Nunne

ris, and with Chrothild (Clothilde, ? 545), wife of the first Christian king of the Franks. The legend of St Geneviève must be received with caution[145]; while bands of wome

conversion to Christianity[146]. In the pages of Gregory's history the real Chrothild stands out imperious, revengeful and unscrupulous. It is quite credible that she did service for a time as deaconess (

ficial acceptance of Christianity, and one at which the overlordship of the Franks was already well established throughout France. The settlements they founded lay in close proximity to cities which were strongholds of Church government. Poitiers had

is appointment to the bishopric of Tours in 573 to the favour he had found with Radegund[147]. He has treated of her in his history and has written an account of her burial at which he officiated[148],

tunatus, afterwards bishop of Poitiers, the other by the nun Baudonivia, Radegund's pupil and an inmate of her nunnery[150]. Fortunatus has

nunnery. She begs the prelates of the Church to protect her institution after her death and, if need be, assist those who are carrying on life

moreover to the band assembled by me with Christ's help, I have given the rule according to which the holy Caesaria lived, and which the holy president (antistes) Caesarius of Arles wisely compiled from the teachings of the holy fathers. With the consent of the noble bishop of this district and others, and at the desire of our congregation, I have accepted as abbess my sister, dame Agnes, whom from youth upwards I have loved and educated as a daughter; and next to God's will I have conformed to her authority. I myself, togeth

deric (Thierry) of Metz, and Clothacar (Clothair) of Soissons. Clothacar appropriated the children as part of his share of the booty and sent Radegund to a 'villa' in the neighbourhood of Aties, in what became later the province of Picardie, where she was brought up and educated. 'Besides occupations usual to those of her

the king[156]. Quarrels between the couple were frequent, and the king declared that he was married to a nun rather than to a queen[157]. The murder of her younger brother finally turned the balance of the queen's feelings against the king. With fearless determination she broke down all barriers. She was not lacking in personal courage, and had once calmly confronted a popular uproar caused by her having set fire to a sacred grove[158]. Now, regardless of consequences, she left the court and went to Noyon, where she sought the protection of Bishop Medardu

he more noteworthy as love of gorgeous apparel and jewelry was characteristic of early Frankish royalty. Kings and queens were content to live in rural dwellings which were little more than barns; life in cities was altogether uncongenial to them, but they made up f

3]. She entered into friendly relations with the recluse Jean of Ch?non (Johannes Monasteriensis[164]), a native of Brittany, who with many other recluses like himself enjoyed the reputat

leading her to offer help in physical as well as in mental cases. Her biographer tells us how-lik

nces to the settlement show that it extended over a considerable area. Like other country residences or 'villae,' it was surrounded by walls and had the look of a fortress, although situated in a peaceful district. As many as two hundred nuns lived here at the time of

lared she would sooner die than return to her husband. She notified this resolution to Bishop Germanus of Paris, who besought the king not to go to Poitiers. His entreaties were successful. Clotha

egund and the bishop of Poitiers, who was probably jealous of her attracting religious women from himself. Radegund is said to have gone to Arles in order to learn about the life of the women gathered together there. Against the ac

tiguous districts of Burgundy and Thüringen, and the lands which had been taken from the Goths in Italy and Spain. This great kingdom remained united for a few years only. In 561 Clothacar died and his realm was divided by his four sons, with whose reigns a tempe

ation of this state of things. It is contained in the preface to the fifth book of his hist

ine, corn, and oil abound; gold and silver are heaped up in your treasuries. One thing only you lack; while you have not pea

his brother Chilperic of Soissons, dissatisfied with his own share, invaded Touraine and Poitou and forced Poitiers to submit to him. He was subsequently made to give way to Sigebert, but this did not bring their feuds to an end. In 575 Sigebert was raised on the shield and proclaimed king of Neustria (the western part of France), but on being lifted d

ous, headstrong and combative persons. King Si

here. In due course gifts were sent to Radegund,-a fragment of the Holy Cross set in gold and jewels, together with other relics of apostles and martyrs. These relics arrived at Tours some time between 566 and 573[171]. It was Radegund's wish that they should be fetched from Tours to her nunnery by a processi

scribed as living on terms of friendship with Queen Brunihild 'whom she loved dearly.' Even Queen Fredegund, Brunihild's rival and enemy, seems to have had some

n Gundovald claimed to be the son of Clothacar and aspired to the succession, we find hi

xclaimed, 'go and enquire of Radegund of Poitiers and of Ingetrud o

eemed the kings and prayed for their welfare, and taught us nuns always to pray for their safety. If she heard that they had fallen out she felt troubled: and she appealed in writing, sometimes to one, sometimes to another, in order that they should

Gregory and Fortunatus. The friendly intercourse between Radegund and Fortunatus necessitates a few rema

ultivated southerner. In return for the hospitality so liberally bestowed on him he celebrated his personal relations to his benefactors in complimentary verses. He has good wishes for prelates on the occasion of their appointment, flattering words for kings, and pleasant greetings for friends. In some of his poems he gives interesting descriptions of the districts through

ugh somewhat wanting in ideas, show a ready power of versification and a great facility in putting things politely and pleasantly. He wrote some hymns for church celebration which became widely known. The one beginning 'Pange, lingua, gloriosi' was adopted into the Roman Liturgy for the adoration

composing these hymns; in a flattering epistle, written obviously at Radegund's request,

tercession he attributed the restoration of his eyesight. Passing through Poitiers h

othed with flesh that has been overcome, and which while yet abiding in her body holds all things cheap as dross. Dwelling on earth, she has entered heaven, and freed from the shackles of sense, seeks companionship in the realms above. All pious teaching is food to her; whether taught by Gregory or Basil, by bold Athanasius or gentle Hilary (two who were companions in the light of one cause); whether thundered by Ambrose or flashed forth by Jerome; whether poured forth by Augustine in unceasi

us, thinks it probable that Radegund was acquainted with Greek a

' he writes in one poem, 'I have been here composing verses at your or

cceed in giving back honey to dead wax; on festal days you prepare grand entertainments, but I hunger more for your words

Galesuith, Queen Brunihild's sister, who was murdered shortly after her marriage to King Chilperic, was composed by her also; though Nisard claims for her not the form of the poem but only its inspiration[184]. 'The cry,' he says, 'which sounds through these lines, is the cry of a woman. Not of a German wo

and who had afterwards taken service in the imperial army of Justinian[185]. Hermalafred was endeared to Radegund by the recollection

ds what he will never more behold. Bare feet in their tread trample in the blood of a husband, the loving sister passes over her brother's corpse. The child still hangs on its mother's lips though snatched from her embrace; in funeral wail no tear is shed. Less sad is the fate of the child who loses its life, the gasping mother has lost even the power of tears. Barbarian though I am, I could not surpass the weeping though my tears flowed for ever. Each had his sorrow, I had it all, my private grief was also the public grief. Fate was kind to those whom the enemy cut down; I alone survive to weep over the many. But not only do I sorrow for my dead relatives, those too I deplore whom life has preserved. Often my tear-stained face is at variance with my eyes; my murmurs are silenced, but my grief is astir. I look and long for the winds to bring me a message, from none of them comes there a sign. Hard fate has snatched from my embrace the kinsman by whose loving presence I once was cheered. Ah, though so far away, does not my solicitude pursue thee? has the bitterness of misfortune taken away thy sweet love? Recall what from thy earliest age upwards, O Hermalafred, I, Radegund, was ever to thee. How

e says, was the cause of the death of her murdered brother. Would that she had died instead of him! She beseeches Hermalafred to send news of himself and of his sisters, and ends her letter with these words: 'May Christ gran

later she heard of his death. She received this news from his nephew Artachis, who sent her at the same time a present of silk, and Radegund then wrote another letter[187] which is

fe. With the exception of short intervals for journeys, the Latin poet lived entirely at Poitiers, where he adopted the religious profession, and dwelt in constant communication with Radegund and the abbess Agnes,

lowers[188]. Again and again the poet sends her flowers, accompanying his g

adies. But since I am short of the first and wanting in the second, he who offers violets must in love be held to bring roses. Among the odorous herbs which I send, these purple violets have a nobleness of the

dishes[190]. On one occasion they send him a meal of several courses, vegetables and meat, almost too much for one servant to carry, and he describes his greedy (gulosus) enjoyment of it in graphic terms[191]. Are we to take the l

ntly fond of the pleasures of the table, and accentuates the material rather than the spiritual side of things. Once addressing Agnes he t

at the tone of his relations to them is other than is signified by the terms mother and sister by which he is wont to address them[195]. Still these platonic relations do no

good night enfold my mother and my sister; this brings them the good wishes of a son and a brother. May the choir of angels visit your hearts and

of Fortunatus sometimes suggest the lover, it must be remembered that as poems of friendship they are among the earliest of their

Gregory, bishop of Tours, who officiated at the burial, gives a detailed description of it, telling

e us now, but tears unceasing, and grief that never can end? Verily, this monastery is to us more than the greatness of village and city.... The earth is now darkened to us, this

it is dedicated; Didimia probably succeeded Leubover, who witnessed the serious outbreak of the nuns at Poitiers. This outbreak throws an interesting light on the temper of professed religious women

uns at Poitiers[201]. Co

eriod in a nunnery. Evidently the adoption of the religious profession did not deter women from openly rebelling against the authority of the ministers of the Church, and from carrying out their pur

Other incidents show how difficult it was for Radegund even to uphold discipline. A nun escaped through a window by aid of a rope and, taking refuge in the basilica of St Hilary, made accusations which Gregory, who was summoned to enquire into the matter, declared to be unfounded. The fugitive repent

nt chose a certain Leubover to succeed her, but this appointm

ubover and would appoint her, Chrodield, as abbess in her stead. Led by Chrodield who had been joined by her cousin Basina, the daughter of Chilperic mentioned above, the whole party left the n

d historian Gregory. In vain he admonished her, promising to speak to Bishop Maroveus of Poitier

he could say dissuaded them from their purpose. 'Nothing shall prevent us f

d had no food and arrived at a time of year when the roads were deep in mud. Gregor

d by him and came back to Tours there to await the convocation of bishops who were to enquire into the rights of her case. But she found on her return that many of her followers had disbanded,

queens,' they said, 'and we shall not return t

breakers and other wrong-doers,' as Gregory puts it[203]. The nun too who had previously esca

entered the basilica of St Hilary in a body urging them to obey. The women refused, and the ban of excommunication was pronounced, upon which they and their followers attacked the prelates. In great fear the bishops and cler

isel, bishop of Bordeaux, sent a circular letter to his brethren, describing the indignity to which he had been exposed. Chrodield's chance of success

t of the shrine of the Holy Cross. Then one of them, more audacious than the rest, while about to commit the impious deed of cutting her down with his sword, was stabbed by another, through the intercession I believe of Divine Providence. He fell in his own blood and did not carry out the intention he had impiously formed. Meanwhile the prioress Justina, together with other sisters, spread the altar-cover, which lay before the cross, over the abbess, and extinguished the altar candles. But those who rushed in with bared swords and lances tore her clothes, almost lacerated the hands of the nuns, and carried off the prioress whom they mistook for the abbess in the darkness, and, with her cloak dragged off and her hair coming down, they would have given her into custody at the ba

of his refusing to celebrate the Easter festival. 'If you do not release her,' he said, 'I shall bring her help with the asse

bover, who received her with open arms. The bishops, mindful of the treatment they had received, still refused to assemble in Poitiers while the state of affairs continued. But Count Macco with his

come when I will take my revenge.' But no one took any notice of her. Her followers were dragged from the monastery and severely chastised. The bishops assembled and instituted a long enquiry into the grievances of Chrodield, and t

was allowed to return to the monastery. But the proud Chrodield declared that she would not set foot there while the abbess Leubover remained in authori

we find a similar outbreak threatening the nunnery at Tours where a certain Berthegund, similarly disappointed of becoming abbess, collected malefactors and others abou

his bishop of Bordeaux died, his sister Berthegund and her mother Ingetrud quarrelled as to the inheritance of his property, and Ingetrud, much incensed against her daughter, determined at least to keep from Berthegund her own possessions at the nunnery and succession to her position there. She therefore appointed a niece of hers to succeed her as abbess after her death. When she died the convent of nuns looked upon this appointment as an infringement of their rights, but Gregory persuaded them to keep quiet and a

Influential posts at court were more and more frequently occupied by prelates of the Church, and kings and queens acted more directly as patrons of churches and monasteries. Hitherto the centres of religious influence had been in southern and central France, where the Gallo-Frankish population and influence predominate

y bishop Remigius (St Rémy) of Rheims (? 532) into the marshy districts of Flanders, found no Christians at Arras about the year 500, and only the ruins of one ancient church, which he rebuilt[206]. The author of the life of Vedast gives the ravages made in these distri

the names of those who took an active part in this movement stand the following: Wandregisil (St Vandrille, ? 665) founder of the abbey of Fontenelle; Waneng (? c. 688) founder of Fécamp; Filibert (? 684) founder of Jumièges; Eligius bishop of Noyon (? 658

els as violent as those he depicts continued, and important constitutional changes took place as their result. The vast dominions brought under Frankish rule showed signs

s one of the chief actors in the drama of Frankish history. At one time she ruled conjointly with her son Childebert, and then as regent for her gran

o the conversion of England[211]. On the other hand the author of the life of St Columban[212], whom she expelled from Burgundy, calls her a very Jezebel[213]; and the author of the life of Desiderius, who was murdered in 608, goes so far as to accuse her of incestuous pr

18, we are told that 'no maidens, holy widows or religious persons who are vowed to God, whether they stay at home or live in monasteries, shall be enticed away, or appropriated, or taken in marriage by making use of a special royal permit (praeceptum). And if anyone surreptitiously gets hold of a permit, it shall have no force. And should any

s life did not necessarily dwell in a religious settlement, and even if they did so they were not necessarily safe from being captured and thrown into s

med and put into writing by Caesarius at Arles. The rule contemporaneously instituted by Benedict at Nursia in central Italy spread further and fur

ny and great were the attempts made by the advocates of convent life to formulate the type of an ideal existence outside the pale of social duties and family relations, in which piety, work and benevolence should be b

written by a contemporary[217], that he made selections from 'the graces of St Basil, the rule of Macarius, the decrees of Benedict and the holy institutions of Columban.' Eligius, bisho

at drafted by Columban. The convents in Elsass, Switzerland and Germany, which considered that they owed their foundation to Irish monks, were numerous and later became obnoxious to the Church in many ways. For in after years, w

ligion[219]. Under the will of Dagobert, who first became king of Austrasia in 628 and afterwards of the whole of France, large tracts were given away. Through the gifts of this king the abbey of St Denis became the richest in France, and his great liberality on the one hand towards the Church, on the other towards the poor and pi

bably a re-written amplification of the first, which was drafted within a short period of her death[220]. As these accounts were written from the religious standpoint, they give scant information on th

of France and England. It is supposed that she was descended from one of the noble families of Wessex, and she f

t that he became imbecile. Balthild with Erchinoald's help governed the kingdom during the remainder of her husband's life and after his death in the interest of her little sons. From a political point of view she is described as 'administering the affairs of the kingdom masculine wise and with great strength of mind.' She was especially energetic in o

ovince Austrasia, and the second of Balthild's little sons was sent there with the house-mayor Wulfoald. But the rivalry between the two kingdoms soon added another dramatic chapter to the pages of Frankish history. At one time we find Ebruin ruling supreme and condemning his rival Leodgar, bishop of Autun, to seclusion in the monastery of Luxeuil. An insurrection

frequently visited. In the account of her life we read of her doing many pious deeds[222]. 'A fond mother, she loved the nuns like her own daughters and obeyed as her mother the holy abbess whom she had herself appointed; and in every respect she did her duty not like a mist

ief prelates and religious dignitaries of the day. She had taken a special interest in Eli

her three hundred women, some of whom were slaves, others of noble origin; how he placed them

t was her love for him, that she would have borne away his body to Chelles, her favourite settlement, but her wish was miraculous

Balthild. On one occasion she sent him as an offering her royal girdle, which is described as a mass of gold and jewels[224]. It was on land granted to him by Balthild and her sons that F

as Faremoutiers, another settlement indebted to Queen Balthild's munificence. Similarly Agilbert and Theodohild[227] (? c. 660) are supposed to have been taught by Irish teachers who had collected women about them at Jouarre on the Marne.

s counsellor for some time to the queen who gave the cantle of Normandy, the so-called Pays de Caux, into hi

hort a period and situated in a comparatively small district shows tha

were formed, not only in cultivated districts, in villages, cities and strongholds, but also in uncultivated sol

ry at Luxeuil and she and other women were about to settle near it when the rumour of impending warfare drove them north towards Laon where they dwelt on the Mons Clavatus. This event belongs to the period of Queen Balthild's r

abroad and sometimes settled entirely in Frankish convents. We shall return to this subject later in connection with the princesses of Kent and East Anglia, some of whom went to France and there became abbesses. The house at Brie was ruled

the land of her origin, nor do we hear whether she found solace in the society of her countr

e a place in the assembly of the saints. They were held as benefactors in the districts which witnessed their efforts, and the day of their death was inscribed in the local calendar.