Woman under Monasticism

eum offendit, sed injust

's Convent

ce of Christianity. Features similar to those which appear in France and England characterised the first period of monastic development among the continental Saxons, the last branch of the G

married; the widow frequently returned to it later in life. But some of the Saxon settlements of women gained an additional importance in the 10th and 11th centuries owing to their close connection with the political affairs and i

ade common cause with them against their mutual enemies the people of Thüringen. But the Saxons were warlike and ferocious, insensible to the influence of Christianity, and ready at any moment to begin hostilities. They became more and more dreaded by the Franks, who looked upon them as dangerous neighbours, and who attacked them whenever opportunity offered. Karl the Great (? 814), king of the Franks, and Roman Emperor of the Ger

of peace in the separate district (gau or pagus) entrusted to him, and bishoprics were founded as dependencies of the ancient archiepiscopal sees of C?ln and Mainz. At the same time coloni

les on whom the yoke of subjection had been forcibly thrust. Fifty years after Karl's death a warlike chief of the old type was established among the Saxons as duke (herzog or dux); a hundred years later and a Saxon duke was chosen king of the Germans by the united votes of Frankish and Saxon nobles. The supreme authority now passed from the Franks to the Saxons; a change which the Saxon historian of the 10th century associated with the tr

soon in the hands of men who were Saxons by birth, and a similar appropriation took place in regard to monastic settlements. Corvei, a religious colony founded on Saxon soil by monks from La Corbie in northern France, a lifetime a

new régime; he was exempt from fighting under the standard of his conqueror, and the property which he bestowed on the religious settlement was in a way withdrawn from the enemy. But when the people regained their independence the popularity of the c

ro of the national poet on account of the triumphs he gained over the Slavs and Magyars, who at this time threatened the lands occupied by Germans at every point between the Baltic and the Adriatic. Again Heinrich's successes were reflected in those of his son Otto I (? 973), surnamed the Great, who added the lustre of imperial dignity to his father's firmly established kingship. Emulating the fame of Karl the Great, Otto was crowned emperor by the Pope in Rome. During the reign of his son, Otto II (?

and King Eadward (? 925) her brother, had not stayed the social changes which prepared the way for the rule of the Dane. It is in Saxony only that we find the concentration and consolidation of power which make the advance and attitude of a nation conspicuous in history. The sword was here wielded to good purpose and likewise the pen. The bishoprics of Hildesheim, Halberstadt, and Magdeburg had become centres of artistic activity, and the monastery of Corvei rivalled the time-honoured

d left his daughter Gisela in possession of his property, which she devoted to founding two little monasteries (monasteriola) for her daughters. This information is preserved in an account of Liutberg, a Saxon girl of noble parentage who was brought up in one of these little monasteries, but afterwards left it, as she preferred to dwell as a recluse in a neighbouring cell. Here she was visited by Theotgrim, bishop of Halberstadt (? 84

probably the niece of Warin, who was abbot of Corvei and a relation of Duke Liudolf. During her rule the relics of the woman-saint Pusinna were sent to Herford by the Saxon nobleman Kobbo as a gift to his sister the abbess Hadewy. The Saxons had no traditions or relics of early Christians who had lived among them, and so they were obliged to import relics to form a centre for their worship. King and b

income was reduced to a quarter of what it should be. But Egilmar got scant reward for his pains, no doubt because those in authority at Corvei and Herford were family connections of Duke Liudolf, whom it was felt dangerous to cross. For the Saxon duke had gained in influence as the Franks relaxed their hold on Sax

ke Liudolf, was educated there previous to becoming abbess at Gandersheim, as we shall see later on. A hundred years later Queen Mathilde (? 9

h royalty were Essen and Quedlinburg. Essen was founded by Altfrid, bishop of Hildesheim (847-874), a Saxon by birth[445], and Quedlinburg at the instigation of Queen Mathilde, who as mentioned above had been educated at Herford. For centuries the abbess of Quedlinburg re

wth of Saxon independence. The age, judged by a later standard, may well be called an age of violence. For the country was in the hands of a number of overlords who w

by the arrière-ban to attend the duke or the king, weeks and months would go by without a reminder of the existence of the world outside; weeks and months when the arrival of a traveller offered the one welcome diversion. The young nobleman

the best of its kind. Later ages were wont to look upon the standard of education attained at Gandersheim and Quedlinburg as exemplary. The word college (collegium), which early writers often apply to these settlements in its modern sense of a le

till the age of fourteen, when they left if marriage was to be their destiny. The responsibilities of married and of unmarried life were undertaken at this period by persons of extreme youth. Hathumod was made abbess of Gandersheim when she was betwe

vow[449]. Probably the inmates took vows at first, and the custom afterwards lapsed. Harenberg, to whom we owe many learned dissertations on Gandersheim, says that the women there lived at first according to the rule of St Benedict; but after the 12th century became Austin canonesses[450]. Engelhausen, a writer of the 15th century, speaking of the inmates of Saxon houses generally, says that they lived as Austin canonesses[451]. Early writers in speaking of the inmates of S

fought for the faith of Christ and were killed by the heathens; so that their daughters might not be reduced to begging (mendica

assembled at Quedlinburg wove large and elaborate hangings. Reference is also made to the study of law, and it is said that Gerberg II, abbess at Gandersheim (? 1001), instructed her niece Sophie in convent discipline and in commo

eclared that she must have the archbishop of Mainz, whose dignity was more in keeping with her station. The compromise that both prelates should assist at the consecration was at last agreed upon. But Sophie was not satisfied. She left Gandersheim for the court of her brother, and only returned at the death of the abbess, whom she succeeded. Endless quarrels occurred during the term of her rule. On one occasion she al

of Heinrich, duke of the Bavarians (? 955), was abbess of Gandersheim. In the next generation Mathilde, daughter of Prince Liudolf (? 957), was abbess at Essen (? 1011), and her two cousins, Adelheid and Sophie, the daughters of Otto II, embraced the religious profession at the wish, it is said, of their mother. Adelheid was abbess at Quedlinburg (999-1040), and Sophie, the princess alluded to above

esses should remain in the convent in preference to contracting matrimonial alliances which might involve their relatives in poli

his power: she held the abbey of the king and from the king, which precluded a dependent relation on lords spiritual or temporal, and made her abbey what is term

issued the summons to attend in her courts, where judgment was given by her proctor (vogt). In short she had the duties and privileges of a baron who held his property of the king, and as suc

ses never secured some of the rights enjoyed by their sisters in Saxony, for example the right of striking coin which the abbess of Que

ree years old when his father died in Italy (983), his mother Adelheid together with his aunt Mathilde, abbess of Quedlinburg, practically ruled the empire. Later when this emperor went to Italy for a prolonged stay

urg are on record; the court was also entertained at Gandersheim. These visits brought a store of political information to the abbess of which she made use in her own way. Thus Mathilde, abbess of Quedlinburg, is thought to have supplied the annalist of Quedlinburg with the information which gives his chronicle its special value,

story of Gand

ow-lying ground near the river Ganda in Eastphalia and was surrounded by the wooded heights of the Harz mountains. It owed its foundation to Liudolf himself, the great Saxon duke and the progenitor of the royal house of

heim is abundant. There are extant a life of Hathumod, its first abbess, which was written by her friend the monk Agius (? 874), and an elegy on her death in which Agius tries to comfort her nuns for the loss they have sustained; both these compositions are written in a very attractive style[464]. A century later the nun Hrotsvith was busy at Gand

hn the Baptist appeared to her clad in a garment made of camel's hair of bright yellow, his lovely face of shining whiteness, with a small bear

itable site had to be sought and a fitting centre of worship provided. Liudolf and Oda undertook a journey to Rome and submitted their scheme to Pope Sergius II (

rom heaven and hanging in the air, which was interpreted as a heavenly indication of the site of the

titutions of the kind, for Agius tells us that its members were not allowed to have separate cells or to keep servants. They slept in tenements (villula) in the neighbourhood till their 'spiritual mother' was able to provide them with a suitable dwelling. Curious side-lights are thrown on other religious institutions by the following remarks of Agius on the nuns of Hathumod's convent: 'They shared everything,' he says[467]; 'their clothes were alike, neither too rich nor too poor, nor entirely of wool. The sisters were not allowed to dine out with relati

s greatly cheered by signs of goodness in others, and she was as much grieved by an offence of a member of the community as if she had c

of perception, or a stronger power of understanding in listening to or in expounding t

ack a certain splendour, and traces of it would no doubt be found in the homes they made for their daughters. In these early accounts nothing transpires about their possessions in boo

e chapel, she was divinely moved to walk forth and follow a dove which was awaiting her outside. The bird led the way to a spot where the underwood was removed and masses of stone which

of Otto the Great Hrotsvith likens her perplexity and fear in entering on so vast a subject to the state of mind of one who has to cross the forest in mid winter, a simile doubtless suggested by the surroundings of the convent[471]. Her feelings, she says, were those of 'someone who is ignorant of the vast expanse of the forest which lies before him, all the paths of which are hidden by a thick covering of snow; h

o come to live at Gandersheim. The monk Agius, who was a frequent visitor at the home, was often with her during her last illness, and after her death he composed an elegy in dialogue to comfort the nuns under the loss they had sustained. This poem is full of sweetness and del

hey were bowed down by sorrow. The thoughts which I then expressed I have now put into verse and have added somewhat to them. For they (the sisters) asked me to address them in writing, since it would comfort them to have before their eyes, and to

She was as a sister to us, as a mother, as a teacher, this our abbess under whose guidance we lived. We who were her handmaids and so far beneath her shared her life as her equals; for one will guided us, our wishes were the same, our pursuits alike. Shall we not grieve and weep and lament from our hearts for her who made our joy and was our glory, and in whom we have lost our happiness? There can be no excess of tears, of weeping and of grief, for in them only we find solace now that we shall never more behold her sweet face.' Agius replies: 'I doubt not that your grief is well founded, or that your tears rightly flow. But weeping will not undo you altogether, for the body has powers of endurance; you must bear this great anguish, for it has come to you through the will of God. Believe me, you are not alone in this grief, I too am oppressed by it, I too am suffering, and I can

sets forth how the nuns at last took heart, and requested Agius to vi

m for the settlement. She was betrothed at one time to a certain Bernhard, against whose will she came to live at Gandersheim, and refused to leave it. He had been summoned to war, and departed declaring that she should not remain in the convent after his return. But opportunely for her wishes he was killed and she remained at Gandersheim. She ruled as abbess more than twenty years an

t zealous advocates of culture and civilizing influences in Saxony during the 9th century[473]. The settlement became a centre of interest to the whole ducal family. After the death of Liudolf his widow Oda, who is said to have attained the age of one hun

our. Scant notices are preserved of the abbesses who ruled during the first half of the 10th century. We hear of the abbess Hrotsvith (? 927) that she was distinguished like her namesake of later date for literary acquireme

duke of the Bavarians (? 955). Heinrich for many years was the enemy and rival of his brother Otto I; and the final reconciliation and lasting friendship between these princes formed an important episode in the history of the time. We do not know what prompted Gerberg to embrace convent life; perhaps she became a nun at the wi

otsvith and her

ee headings. To the first belongs the writing of metrical legends which were intended for the perusal and the edification of inmates of convents; to the second, the composition of seven dramas written in the style of Terence; and to the third, the writing of contemporary history in metrical form. Each kind of work has merits of its own and deserves attention. But while Hrotsvith as

f her gentle birth. It is uncertain when she came to Gandersheim, probably at a very early age. She owed her education there partly

ecided; probably the dramas were written in the middle period of Hrotsvith's life. For the legends bear marks of being the outcome of early effort, while the historical poems, especially the one which tells of the early history of Gandersheim, were written in the full consciousness of power. We do not know the date of Hrotsvith's death; an early chronicle says that she wrote a history of the three Emperors Otto, in which case she must have lived till 1002, that being the year of Otto III's death. But the annalist to whom we owe this remark may have been misinformed; only a part o

the illegitimate son of Otto I, and a leading prelate of the time. This exhausts what we know of friends outside the convent; probably the abbess Gerberg was the chief critic throughout and had more influence on her than an

bert, who has analysed the sources from which Hrotsvith drew the subject matter of her legends and dramas, considers that at this time Greek authors were read at Gandersheim in Latin translations only. Another writer, arguing from the fact that the nun frequently uses words of Greek origin, considers that she had some knowledge of Greek[480]. This latter opinion has little in its fav

he Virgin Mary contained in a gospel which in some manuscripts is ascribed to St James, the brother of Christ[481]. The story is well told, and the incidents described follow each other natura

in the introduction which she prefixed to the complete collecti

in her place, and finally through that of the high-born abbess Gerberg, under whom I am living at present, who is younger than I am in years but more advanced in learning as befits one of royal lineage, and who has introduced me to various authors whom she has herself studied with the help of learned men. Writing verse appears a difficult and arduous task especially for one of my sex, but trusting to the help of

strength, for the whole world could not celebrate worthily that which is a theme of praise among the angels.' The poem on the life of the Virgin is written in leonine hexameters, that is wit

ty lines on the Ascension of Christ[483]. In this, as she tells us, she adapted an

on on the part of the nun. Her vocabulary however has certain peculiarities, for she is f

laim in a forbearing spirit: Holy King, spare and have mercy on the suppliant Hrotsvith and suffer that s

performing wonders such as calling up a fountain; he was a pious Christian and was put to a cruel death by his faithless wife and her lover. This poem is over five hundred lines in

opens with an enthusiastic description of the beauties of Cordova. Pelagius, the son of a king of Galicia, persuaded his father to leave him as hostage with the Caliph. But the Caliph, enamoured by the youth's physical beauty, persecuted him with attentions, and meeting with contempt ordered him to be cast down from

nversion of Theophilus[489]' may have had special attractions for Hrotsvith since the incident of the devil forced to return his bond was connected, as mentioned above, with her namesake Hrotsv

g torches in their hands' (line 99). Their demon king was at first indignant that a Christian claimed his assistance and jeered at the Christians' ways, but at last he promised to help Theophilus on condition that he should sign an agreement by which he pledged himself to be one of the ghastly crew to all eternity. The young man agreed to the condition, and on his return home was favourably received by the bishop and reinstated in his dignity. But his peace of mind had deserted him; again and again he was seized by qualms of conscience and affrighted by agonising vis

prayer is in no way connected with the legend, and its presence here indicates that the legends were orig

he convent, and Hrotsvith was encouraged to continue in the path she had chosen. Accordingly she wrote a second set of legends, in composing which she was mindful of a wider public and that not exclusively of her own sex. For in the opening lines

away his soul to regain his position, in the other he subscribes the fatal bond for the purpose of securing the hand of the bishop's daughter. The bi

who at an early date was held identical with Dionysius the Areopagite. The hand of this saint had been given as a relic to King

thing of the new god. The apostle Paul arrived and preached, and Dionysius followed him to Rome. From Rome he was despatched into Gaul to preach the new faith, and while there he was first cast into the flames which did not burn him, and then thrown before wild beasts which refused to touch him. He was finall

y especially suitable for a convent of nuns[493]. The story has often been put into writing from the 4th century downwards; Hrotsvith took her account from that ascribed to Ambrosius (? 397), which she followe

she worked. 'I have taken the material for this book, like that for the one preceding it, from ancient books compiled by authentic authors (certis nominibus), the story of Pelag

her material, on her skill in supplying gaps left by earlier writers, on her deft handling of rhyme and rhythm, on t

dy Gerberg,' she says, 'I dedicate these stories, adding new to earlier ones, as a sinner who deserves benevolent indulgence. Rejoicing I sing t

onscious of a need of her time, filled with admiration for the dramatic powers of classical writers while disapproving of their tendencies, she set to work to c

gthened her in her resolve to make use of that form as the vehicle for stories of an altogether different tenor. The interest of the plays of Terence invariably turns on the seduction of women and exposure of the frailty of the sex; the nun of Gandersheim determined to set forth woman's stedfast adherenc

se what is heathen, and yet eagerly peruse the poetic creations of Terence; while delighting in his flow of language, they are all polluted by the godless contents of his works. Therefore I "the well known mouthpiece of Gandersheim" have not hesitated in tak

rious the triumph of those who prevail, especially where woman's weakness triumphs and man's shameless strength is made to succumb. Certainly some will allege that my language is much inferior, much poorer, and very unlike that of him whom I try to imitate. It is so, I agree with them. And yet I refuse to be reproached on this account as though I had meant to class myself with those who in their knowledge are so far above my insufficiency. I am not even so boastful as to class myself with the least of their pupils; all I am bent on is, however insufficiently, to turn the power of mind

h which their sex has to contend, feel it needful to face facts from which their sensibilities naturally shrink. They will appreciate the conflicting feelings with which the nun of Gandersheim, well-nigh a thousand y

g expression to the ideas of contemporary Christian teaching, which saw in passion, not the inborn force that can be applied to good or evil purpose, not the storage of strength which works for social

rt of a new era. Everything in her plays that is not formal but essential, everything that is original and individual, belongs wholly to the christianised Germany of the 10th century. Everywhere we can trace the influence of the atmosphere in which she lived; every thought and every motive is coloured by the spiritua

ance with the teaching of her age she identified with a life of chastity. Her position may appear untenable; confusion of thought is a reproach which a later age readily casts on an earlier. But underneath what may seem unreasonable there is the aspiration

and in contact with a wide range of personalities. The transition period from heathendom to Christiani

eroic, the romantic, the comic and the unrelieved tragic element, and the two plays that stand last contain long disquisitions on scholastic learn

eceives the girls is at once proud and dignified. 'Welcome my sisters, Attica and Artemia,' she exclaims; 'stand, do not kneel, rather greet me with a kiss of affection.' There is no development of character in the course of the play, for Hrotsvith is chiefly bent on depicting states of mind under given conditions. The characters in themselves are forcibly drawn: witness the emperor's affection for his daughter, the general's strength and determination, Constantia's dignified bearing and the gentleness of the Christian teachers. The sequel of events bears out Constantia's anticipations. The daughters of Gallicanus are easily swayed in favour of Christianity and their father is converted. For Gallicanus is hard pressed by the Scythians on the battle-field and despairs of success, when the Christian teachers urge him to call upon their God for help. He does so, overcomes t

the Christians who are put to death by Terentian, one of the emperor's generals. Terentian's son is then seized by a terrible illness, and his unhappy father goes to the grave of the martyrs, where he becomes a convert to Christianity and prays for their intercession with God in behalf of his son. His prayer finds fulfilment and the boy is restored to health. Hrotsv

familiar in western Europe from an early date; Ealdhelm mentions it in his poem on Virginity. Its popularity is no doubt due t

hree youthful sisters are brought before t

should be connected with our court through marriage with high officials. This we incline

giving us in marriage. Nought can compel us to disow

t is the object

n of madness do

A great and

. In

elves the observance of the ancient faith, y

the power of God Almight

tian.

and to the rea

irl is crazy, let

m to be placed in a chamber beyond the kitchen, hoping to take advantage of their helplessness and induce them to gratify his passion. He repairs at night to the chamber in spite of the warning of his soldiers, when a spell falls on him, he misses t

What is

out of his mind, he fanci

hat is h

his heart, now he clasps the pots a

. How l

re all black and sooty; the soot which cli

uld be so in body, since the de

to see what the soldiers who are wait

e then orders them to be exposed naked in the market-place as a punishment. But a divine power causes their garments to cling to them, while Dulcetius falls so fast asleep that it is impossible to rouse him. The Emperor Diocletian therefore entrusts the accomplishment of the maidens' martyrdom to Sisinnius. Two of the girls are cast into the flames, but their souls pass away to heaven while their bodies remain without apparent hurt.

took its subject from an apocryphal account of the apostles, but as Ebert remarks she handles her material with considerable freedom[503]. The opening scene sho

few words wit

verse with thee as l

do not mind, we w

ou biddest,

secluded spot, that we may not

called in by her husband and undertakes to give her Christian burial. But the youth Calimachus is not cured of his passion. At the instigation of his companion, Fortunatus, he goes with him by night to the vault where she lies and would embrace the corpse, but a serpent of terrible aspect surprises the two young men and kills them. In the following scene the apostle is leading Andronicus to the vault: when they enter they come upon the serpent lying by the side of the youths. The apostle then explains to Andronicus what has happened and gives proof of his great power by awakening Calimachus from the dead. The young man confesses his evil intentions and explains how he came there at the suggestion of his companion. The apo

f the play called 'Abraham,' which dramatises the oft repeated story of a woman who yields to temptation and is reclaimed from her wicked ways. Th

fe of his friend, the hermit Abraham. The story was written originally in Greek and is preserved in that

close to that of the two hermits, but after a time she is enticed away and disappears from the sight of her uncle, who is deeply grieved at her loss. For several years he hears nothing from her; at last a friend comes and tells him that the girl has been seen in the city, and is there living in a house of ill fame. The old man at once decides to go forth to seek his niece and to reclaim her. He dons shoes, a traveller's dress and a large hat, and takes with him money, since that only can give him access to her. The scene then shifts from the sylvan solitude to the house where Maria is living. Abraham arrives and is received by the tavern-keeper,

the door, that no one

I have done so; no one wi

ised. Oh, my adopted daughter, joy of my soul, Maria, dost thou not know

is my father, my teach

en has come to t

h, wretc

that deceived thee

the undoing of o

e noble life thou on

st, lost

virgin modesty, thy wo

e from me

life to come canst thou expect for fasting, prayer, and watching, sin

Woe, wo

? Why didst thou not make known to me thy wretchedness, t

sinfulness, I dared no

y one entirely faultless

Nay,

s of the devil. Not he who falls of a sudden is condemned, but

nto me, wret

ks to th

why lie upon the ground? Aris

I cannot bear the weight

on my love and thr

. I c

I, an aged hermit, became a visitor to wantonness, and keeping silence as to my intent spoke words in jest that I

ear me down, I dare not raise my eyes to

not despair; rise from this depth of m

excess have brought me t

e. Put by thy grief and do not hesitate to spend the time vouchsafed to thee in living in

e hope of grace I should not b

o misleading. He who despairs of God's willingness to have compassion, 'tis he who sins hopelessly; for as a spark struck

yet the thought of how I have failed fills

me! But come, return with me to where we lived,

bey thee; if it be thy

ch as I would have her; I hope st

ld and clothing; I abide by thy de

thee in evil, with e

e given to the poor; or o

lth acquired in wickedn

e is nothing of which th

eaking, the daylight sh

shepherd to the sheep that went astray. As tho

rse shall bear thee, for this sto

h that, not by intimidation and fear, but by gentle persuasio

e but this, be now devoted to G

will I persevere, and though the pow

ently as before to vanity, be tho

surety that the divine w

let us hasten

en; for I loathe

raham and Ephrem, who discourse on the beneficent change which familiar surroundings are already working in Maria; the angels sing rejoicing at the conv

marks the climax of Hrotsvith's power. In form it preserves the simple directness of

ved in the 6th century, but whose conversion has little of the interest which attaches to that of Maria. In 'Sapientia' we have a succession of scenes of martyrdom which recall those of the play 'Dulcetius.' The Lady Sapientia and her three daughters Fides, Spes and Caritas are put to death by order of the Emperor

nism exists in man and is represented by body and soul, which can also be brought into agreement. These thoughts, he says, have been suggested to him by the life of the hetaira Thais whose body and soul are ever at variance. Paphnutius further enlarges on the higher course of study known as the 'quadrivium' which includes arithmetic, geometry, music and astronomy[508], and discourses about music and the influence of harmony. His pupils, however, object to being taken along such devious paths and havin

dy Sapientia, who speaks of herself as one of noble stock, and as the descendant of Greek princes, dilates o

tates that she has taken threads and pieces from the garment of philosophy to add to the worth of her work. We render this letter in full, since it throws an interesting light on what Hrotsvith thought of her own powers. If it brought advice which led to the composition of the other plays, we must commend the judgment of those who counselled her. But it is just possibl

r runs as

what I had failed, and who urged me to persevere. But now that threefold approval comes to me from you I take confidence and feel strengthened by your encouragement to devote my energies to work where God permits, and to submit this work to the criticism of those who are learned. And yet I am divided between joy and fear, which contend within me; for in my heart I rejoice, praising God through whose grace alone I have become what I am; and yet I am fearful of appearing greater than I am, being perplexed by two things both of which are wrong, namely the neglect of talents vouchsafed to one by God, and the pretence to talents one has not. I cannot deny that through the help of the Creator I have acquired some amount of knowledge, for I am a creature capable of learning, but I acknowledge there is ignorance in me. For I am divinely gifted with abilities, but were it not for the untiring zeal of my teachers, they would have remained undeveloped and unused through my want of energy (pigritia). Lest this gift of God in me should be wasted through neglec

xclusively by word of mouth from the abbess Gerberg, whose family feeling it seems to reflect in various particulars, for among other distinctive traits, the quarrel between the father of Gerberg and his brother the emperor is passed over; it is rather a history of the members of the ruling family than a description of contemporary events[513]. This detracts from its histor

more on persons than on events, and gives a detailed account of Duke Liudolf, his wife and daughters. Many details referred to above, in our chapter

ppreciative and attractive account of her was written by K?pke[514], and different views have been expressed as to her merits as a poet, a dramatist and a historian[515]. Whatever place be ultimately assigned to Hrotsvith, the reader of her writings cannot fail to be attracted by her modest