Woman under Monasticism

wons in

ue sum o

kirk or

ng in ode

es, os sai

enmy unto

ranslated into Englis

5 (ll. 1

nal Relations

king generally the monasteries maintained their standing unimpaired till the beginning of the 14th century; then their character began to change and for quite a century they ceased to be attractive to progress

n the growing townships. The townships at the beginning of the 14th century were so well established that they were able to protect and further pursuits and industries which had hitherto flourished under the protection of monastic centres. Book-learning and science were cultivated in a more liberal spirit at the universities, where the friars of different orders had established houses; and the arts and crafts flourished on more fruitful soil under the protection of the town. T

sticism which had been so largely cultivated inside convent walls had done its work in ushering in a spiritualised interpretation of religion; during the 14th century it was spread abroad and popularised by the friars, who gave it a new development, the monk's interest in it seemed to cease. But the ceremo

of the conservative attitude of these houses, which had strengthened their hold on outside attention by observances with which their existence was indissolubly bound up. Certainly a later age may be excused for condemning what had become a mischief and a hindrance; but it is well to recall that it was precisely those usages and tendencies which a later period condemned as superst

sly attained at the universities, the training women received in the convent was poor in substance, cramped in method, and insufficient in application. But, as far as I have been able to ascertain, a convent education remained the sole training of which a girl could avail herself outside the home circle. For the universities absolutely ignored the existence

of a stricter morality, more and more cut off the nun from contact with secular learning. In the 12th century we saw Queen Matilda, the pupil of a Wessex house, writing fluent Latin and speaking not only of the Fathers of the Church but quoting from classical writers of whom she evidently knew more than the name. But in the later Middle Ages the class of writers who were read in the convent was restricted; se

erms of her appointment and on account of the duties of her station, was bound to have some knowledge of it. But at the same time one comes across remarks which lead one to suppose that Latin was falling into disuse in nunneries, especially in the south of England, and that French was taking its place. Corroboration of this view is afforded by a list of injunctions sent by the bishop of Winchester to the convent at Romsey, in consequence of an episcopal visitation in 1310; they were drawn u

or during this period were usually in French. Thus the prioress and convent of Ankerwyke in Buckinghamshire addressed a petition to King Edward III. in French[879], and the abbess of Shaftesbury in 1382 petitioned King Richard II. in the same language[880]. Various documents and year-books which were kept in religious houses show that entries made during the early period were in Latin, but in the 14th century French frequently occurs. In the 15th cen

e the French spoken on this side of the Channel (except that of court circles) sound unfamiliar to a Frenchman. In the Prologue to his Canterbury Tales, writ

e spake full fa

ole of Strat

Paris was to

enerally in use at the nunneries. Stratford, otherw

English ambassadors in Flanders. I have come across few French documents relating to nunneries which are later than the yea

preserved in a copy of the 13th century; and it is possible that the earliest Benedictine rule in Anglo-Saxon for monks was adapted from a version in the vernacular written for women[886]. However the author of the rhymed version of the 15th century is conscious of women's comparative ignorance of Latin. He prefaces his rule w

s referring to singing in choir (line 1188 ff.) it has been supposed, bu

as follows: 'The wise man taught his child to read books gladly and to understand them well, for lack of such understanding has often caused negligence, hurt, harm and hindrance, as experience proves; and since women of religion in reading Latin books are excused from much understanding where it is not their mother tongue, therefore if they read their books of remembrance and of gifts written in Latin, for want of understanding they often take hurt and hindrance; and since for want of truly learned men who are ready to teach and counsel them, and for fear also of publishing the evidence of their titles wh

he convent at Romsey[888]; a copy of 'The life of St Katherine of Alexandria' by Capgrave (in English verse of the 15th century), which has lately been printed, is designated as belonging to Katherine Babingt

uns as their personal property like their clothes, and were taken away with them when they left. The inventory of the nunnery of Kilburn mentions that two copies of the Legenda Aurea, the one written, the other print

ries of the saints, eight psalters, one book of collects, one tropon or book of chants, one French Bible, two ordinalia or books of divine office, in French, one book of the Gospels, and one martyrology[891]. It is in accordance with the exclusively pious training shown by the possession of books such as these that Chaucer lets his prioress, wh

who spoke French fluently, was distinguished also for elegance of manners at table. She neither dropped her food, nor steeped her fin

she was of

ant, and ami

ire to contr

ben estateli

olden digne

in her 'all was conscience and tendre herte.' The only ornament she wore was a brooch which was attached to her beads and on which were inscribed the words Amor vincit omnia. The poet's designating her

he diocese of Lincoln about the year 1480 are in existence[892]. In these the bishop at the conclusion of the service is directed to offer words of advice to the newly professed nuns, which begin as follows: 'D

nnery and returned to the world. The reeve tells about the miller's wife who was 'come of noble kyn; she was i-fostry

r Middle Ages by external social and political changes. Various conditions combined to

n correct knowledge of the rights by which property was held. Local and manorial rights were throughout called into question, which in many instances resulted in their being curtailed to the advantage of the king. In common w

heir house, generally appeared in person, but the superiors of larger houses, where the jurisdiction over property which lay at a distance was called into question, appeared by an attorney. Thus the abbess of Barking which lies in Essex appeared by an attorney at Bedford and in Buckinghamshire, but in Essex she appeared in person to defend certain rights c

t first refused to answer the summons to appear at Warwick. Afterwards she appeared in person and succeeded in establishing her claim to her possessions in Hatton and Wroxhall toget

edecessors had held time out of mind. But as she could show no special warrant, William de Gyselham prayed judgment for the king. A day was appointed for further hearing of the case at Westminste

in common with feudal lords at an early period, and which the larger houses retained with few abatements down to the time of the dissolution. The study of th

fell to decay and were abandoned as we shall see later, while, regarding Gilbertine settlements, it is unknown at what period nuns ceased to inhabit some of them. The number of monasteries for men includin

ing two houses which had been founded by the order of Cluni) to Cistercian nuns. Fourteen houses wer

ouse in London, known as the Minories, was of considerable importance. Only one house of Dominican nuns existed in England. The nuns both of the Dominican and the Franciscan orders differed in many particulars from other nuns and are usually spoken of not as nuns but as sisters[900].

me of the dissolution the Cistercian houses for men, and the houses of Austin and of Premonstrant Canons, were comparatively rich, whereas the houses of Cistercian and of Premonstrant nuns were poor, but the income of the Austin nunnery, Buckland in Somersetshire, co

al Arrangements

he convent registers, in the accounts of visitations, and in contemporary literature, and is supplemented by the study of ruins. The inventories of monasteries made during the reign of Henry VIII at the time of the dissolution (c. 1536-1538) further add to this information. For no religious settlement for women was founded

s of four houses had the additional title of baroness by reason of the property they held of the king. They were called upon to fulfil duties in accordance with their station, and like secular barons found knights for t

ée in Hertfordshire, in the account of her expenditure between 1487-1489 had the following entry made: 'when I rode to London for the suit that was taken[904].' In 1368 the bishop of Sarum, in whose diocese Shaftesbury was, granted a dispensation to Joan Formage to go from her monastery to one of her manors to take the air and to div

her successor Lucia went to Winchester castle to be presented[907]. In houses which held of the king it was part of the royal prerogative that on his coronation the king should recommend a nun to the convent. In connection with Shaftesbury we find this on record in the first year of Richard II (1377-139

y, speaks throughout of the prioress as head of the nunnery[911]. It is the prioress (l. 337 ff.) who is to be honoured inside the abbey (sic) and out of it wherever she goes or rides, who shall be law in herself, who shall have no pride in her heart but ever love God, and who is responsible as a shepherd or herdsman for the women given into her care. All these injunctions are given in other versions of the r

her demise was that the subprioress, Matilda Sudbury, and the convent sent information to the bishop of Ely asking for permission to appoint a successor. This being granted the nuns assembled on Sept. 23rd and fixed the 27th as the day of the election. On this day all the nuns were present at mass, and then three of them were chosen arbiters (compromissarias). These were Joan Lancaster, Elizabeth Walton and Katherine Sayntlow, who took the

ed to the people outside 'in the vulgar tongue.' All this happened before noon, when the nuns returned to the chapter-house and called upon Elizabeth Walton and Katherine Sayntlow to draw up the deeds of the election, and to lay them before the newly appointed prioress, who was requested to affirm her election at four o'clock in the vestibule of the church. After much persuasion Joan Lancaster yielded and accepted the el

ermission of the patron of the house having been obtained, the nuns proceeded to elect a new prioress, and a page with a white staff sent by the p

ppointed abbess of the Austin settlement of Legh or Canonlegh, in Devonshire[914]. Her consent is drawn up in English, and in it she speaks of h

ch difficulties are repeatedly recorded. At the death of the prioress Johanna de Northampton (1291), the cellaress of the house was elected in her stead by the nuns; but the election having been made without a licence, the bishop of Lincoln declared it void. Afterwards however he confirmed it in consideration of the merits of the person elected. At her death similar neglect on the one side was followed by similar oppositio

ed in 1404. It was found on this occasion that she 'had injured the convent and her own character in that she had converted to her nefarious use, alienated and wasted chalices, books, jewelry (jocalia), the income and possessions' of the priory[917]. She resigned, but it is not recor

der social arrangements which made the nunnery the one place of safety for the unmarried daughters of the gentry, it is obvious th

hin a nunnery or be in the company of a nun; then that on three Sundays running he should be whipped in the parish church of Wilton, and likewise three other days in the market and church of Shaftesbury; that he should fast a certain

situs or provost whose duties correspond to those of the prioress or sub-prioress[920]. The rhymed version of the rule, in which the prioress is treated as chief in authority, says the sub-prioress (l. 1406 ff.) shall be appointed by the prioress, 'for if it were done otherwise strife and debate might easily arise.' This provision

second to her in authority is described in the following passage: 'When a prioress is to be made, the abbess shall commend the rule to her, enjoining that she be helpful to her and maintain religion in accordance with the rule. And she shall set her in her seat. And then shall come the chaplain with incense towards her. And the abbess and she shall go before the convent into the choir. And then shall they go to St Alburgh, and the convent

cted business. In some of the largest houses the prioress, sub-prioress and sexton also had establishments of their own as we shall see presently. In Cistercian houses the arrangements seem to have varied, but in the maj

will pass in rapid review. The full complement of offices was of course found in the larger houses only; in the smaller houses several posts were frequently held

):-'She shall ring the bells to all the services night and day, and keep the ornaments of the church, the chalice, b

about these duties. The sexton at Barking at the time of the Ref

rule of St Benedict closely follows the original rule. We are told (l. 1467 ff.) that the cellaress 'shall be chosen by counsel out of the community'; she shall be wise and gentle and of mild ways, not hard like a shrew, nor slo

awn that more than one cellaress was appointed at a time. The one whose duties are described in the 'Charthe' provides and deals out the food, and manages the receipts from the home farm. The 'Charthe' opens with injunctions how the cellaress, when she comes into office, must look after what is owing to the office by divers farmers and rent-gatherers and see that it be paid as soon as may be. A list follows of the sums she receives annually from various sources,-farms and re

is to be charged with the ox-skins she sells, also with the 'inwards' of oxen, and with tallow and messes of beef; 'and all these be called the issu

to provide, which may be grouped under the h

nd seven bushels are required, which go to the allowance or pittance of the four men and dames resident in the monastery, for making 'russeaulx,' perhaps some kind of cake, during Lent, and for baking ee

tly feeds on her pasture. Another passage tells us that 'she shall slay but every fortnight if she be a good housewife.' A

by the cade or by the barrel. A note at the end of the 'Charthe' states that a cask or 'cade of herrings is six hundred herrings,

lt salmon for the convent in Lent. Eels are mentioned, but not that

ieces[924] and twenty-four lbs.; raisins, one piece; rice, twenty-eight lbs.; and musta

able sixteen times in the year, 'but it is paid only twice now, at Easter and at Michaelmas.' The ladies also receive twopence each for crisps and crumcakes at Shrovetide. Wherever there is question of paying money or providing food i

me Alice Merton, to Dame Maud, the king's daughter, to Dame Maud Loveland, and to William Dunn, who ar

ady's (the abbess') gentlewoman 20 pence; 'to every gentleman 16 pence and to every yeoman as it pleases her to do, and grooms in like case.' The abbess receives a sugar-loaf at Christmas; her clerk is paid thirteen

egges to make white puddings'; also bread, pepper and saffron for the same puddings, also three gallons of good ale for 'besons.' Other directions follow which are perplexing, such as 'mary bones to make white wortys'-can it be marrowbones to make white soup, or does 'bones' stand for buns? Again we hear of 'cripcis and crumcakes,' chickens, bonnes (buns?) at Shrovetide, and of '12 stubbe elles and 60 shafte[925] elles,'

ylver,' as it is called; in one case the alternative is open to the cellaress of giving thirty-two eggs or of paying two

of her hay, to see that all manner of houses within her office be duly re

food, and mentions among other things po

some idea of the language in wh

r, at each time shall (she) ask the clerk of the kitchen (for) supper eggs for the convent, at Easter, Whitsuntide, the Assumption of Our Lady, at S

o to ask at the said feast of St Alburgh of the said clerk for every lady of the convent one hen, or else a cock

'mete,' so that she who will not eat of one kind may take the other. The convent is also to be supplied with two kinds of pottage (thick soup?) daily. If they have apples of their own growing they shall partake of them; also each lady is to be given a pound of bread

o has served her term in the kitchen is directed to leave the kitchen and the vessels clean for her who succeeded her in office. When her time is up she shall kneel before the assembled members of the convent saying, 'Blessed be the Lord that has never failed me,' whereupon the nun who is to act as cook shall say, 'Lord, to my helping take thou heed.' But this injunction was evidently disregarded in the wealthier houses

were among those who are described as resident in the monastery[930]; at Kilburn nunnery the fact that the chaplain who dwelt on the premises was a man is evident from the arrangement of the dwellings,-three chambers which lie together being designated as set apart for the chaplain and the hinds or herdsmen[931]. But the fact that the chaplain's office could be and was held by a woman is established beyond a doubt by the following information. In consequence of an episcopal visitation (1478) of th

e also with h

hapelleine, and

prioress that she does not change her chaplain, and at Flixton in 1520 it is alleged that the prioress has no chaplain and sleeps by herself in her chamber away from the dormitory[933]. At Elstow in Bedfordshire at the time of the surrender Katheryne Wyngate adds the designation 'chapellain' to her name[934],

rsion of this poem called the 'Ghostly Abbey' which is attributed to John Alcock, bishop of Ely (? 1500), refers to women chaplains. It says God had ordered His four daughters to come and dwell in the abbey; Charity was made abbess and to her Mercy and Truth were to

. From 'The Death of Philip Sparrow,' a poem written by John Skelton (? 1529), we gather that the girl who is represented as intoning the lament over a tame bird, lived and boarded with the 'Nuns Black' at Carrow, where her sparrow was devoured by the cat, whereupon she took out a sampler and worked the sparrow in stitches of silk for her solace[939]. Apparently not only girls, but boys also, were given into the care of nuns, for injunctions forwarded to Romsey in 1310 by the bishop of Winchester forbade that boys and girls should sleep with the nuns or be taken by them into the choir during divine service[940]. Injunctions sent to Redlingfield in 1514 also directed that boys should not sleep in the dormitory[941]; and B

r chambress,-who saw to the wardrobe; the infirmaria or keeper of the infirmary,-who took charge of the sick nuns; the refectuaria,-who had the care of the refectory or dining hall; the elemosinaria,-who distributed alms; the magistra noviciarum,-who taught the novices. The cantarista

seem to have been permanent. The chaplain was probably changed because it was a privilege to go about with the abbess, and the kitchener because of the ha

ent inmates, we will examine the form of admiss

iodically, but as these visits were often years apart, it is probable that the declaration made before the superior of a house and the priest constituted a novice a member of a convent, and for all practical purposes made her a nun. Fosbroke is of opinion that the girl who entered at the age of twelve made profession after she had passed a year in the community: he adds that she was consecrated by the bishop when she had reached the age of twenty-five and not before[944]. But it is impossible to draw a line between profession and consecration, as the 'non-professed' nun was invariably the nun who had not been installed by the bishop. In 1521 at the visitation of Rusper the settlement consisted of the prioress, one professed nun and tw

a manuscript written probably soon after 1500; the directions are in English, but the words in which the bishop addressed the maidens and their answers are in Latin. Another manuscript written about 1480 contai

abilitatem), continuance in virtue (conversionem morum meorum), and obedience before God and all His saints.' We also have the declaration of four nuns who were installed by the bishop of Ely at Chatteris, which is couched in similar terms[948]. The nun in this case made her promise 'in accordance with the rule of St Benedict in this place, Chatteris, built in honour of St Mary, in the presence

he use of the nun (l. 2450), 'when a sister is going to her father, mother, or other friends, she shall take formal leave of the convent.' And if she is away on an errand (l. 1967), she shall not stay away for a meal though invited to do so unless she has asked leave before going. And again (l. 1957) if she be away during Lent and cannot attend service in church she shall not forget to keep the hours by saying her prayers. And again (l. 2094), w

siastical law for prayer and devotion[950]. The hours since the 6th century were seven

ween Easter and winter however the rule says 'that the nuns shall unto matins rise when the day begins to dawn that they their letters well may know.' Injunctions sent to Easebourne in 1524 direct the prioress to hold matins at the sixth hour, that is at midnight. Matins were followed by a period of

when they sit at meat for to read shall not forget' (l. 1739); and while reading went on 'if any of them need aught softly with signs they shall it crave' (l. 1754). The time of the meal was moveable. In summer the nuns were to eat at the sext, but on Wednesdays and Fridays they were to fast till nones, that is noo

en in their choral service. In the nuns' houses the arrangements for the girls who dwelt with the nuns were similar, at least in some cases. After vespers came supper, and then 'the nuns could sit where they would and read lessons of holy writ or else the lives of holy men' (l. 1791), until the tolling of the bell

ater period, when the ritual of service had become very elaborate. Indolence and ease might creep in between whiles, deterioration might take place in the occupatio

and Internal Arran

tances at a time when it was no longer usual to found or endow religious settlements. The information relating to Sion has been characterised as the most valuable record we possess of monastic life in the 15th century. It refers

cepting the time-honoured settlements of Shaftesbury and Barking. It was the only English community of women which escaped being scattered at the time of the Reformation. Its convent of nuns removed to Holland, but returned to the old house for a time after the accession of Queen Mary. At the close of her r

went on a pilgrimage to Santiago in Spain, after which husband and wife separated, each to embrace convent life. Bridget, or Birgitta as her people called her, dwelt at Wadstena, which she reformed according to rules which she believed she had received direct from heaven. She also wrote some 'Revelations,' which in their strong invective recall the Revelations of St Hildegard of Bingen with this difference, that St Bridget with open directness spoke of the dangers which she thought were gathering around Sweden. The tone of these writings brought her into difficulties. She escaped from them by removing to Rome in 1350, where she lived for over twenty years. Here she was looked upon as the

men including the abbess, and in accordance with a fanciful notion, such as one comes across in the Middle Ages, these women had associated with them thirteen priests, who represented the apostles, four deacons who represented the great doctors of the Church, and eight lay brothers; the lady abbess was at the head of this double commun

rule the crowns of Sweden, Denmark and Norway were united. The princess travelled under the charge of Henry, third Baron Fitzhugh, who held an important position at the court of Henry IV; he was made Constable of England at the coronation of Henry V, and seems to have been on terms of intimacy with both these monarchs. By s

the two settlements were called respectively Bethlehem and Sion. In February of 1415 Henry V in the presence of the bishop of London laid the foundation stone of a building destined for the nuns near Twickenham, and in March the royal charter was drawn up and signed. By this the members of the new settlement were bound 'to celebrate Divine Service for ever for our healthful estate while we live and for our

special protection; the first profession or monastic engagement took place two years later. Twenty-four nuns, five priests, two deacons and four lay brothers pronounced their vows before archbishop Chicheley of Canterbury (1420)

. While men were becoming critical of religious institutions owing to the spread of Lollard doctrines, the Lancastrian kings appropriated the lands and the revenues of alien pr

ying the expenses of their houses remitted any surplus revenue or else forwarded a sum of money in lieu of it to the parent house. When the relations between France and England became strained it appeared advisable to sever the connection between the foreign house and its English colon

endent standing during the wars with France[956]; Westwood[957], another cell of Fontevraud, and Levenestre or Liminster in S

their final sequestration (1414), and it was part of the property thus

brothers, whose duties, save in a few particulars, were similar. They acted as priests and confessors to the double community. The chapel had a double chancel, each with its separate stalls; it was divided by a 'crate' or grille which did not prevent the brothers and sisters from being visible to

e severer punishments enjoined in connection with them.' Among 'light defaults' we note such as neglect in religious observance and in washing; among 'grievous defaults,' despising the common doctrine as taught by the holy fathers, and going unconfessed for fourteen days. 'More grievous defaults' are such as sowing discord, theft, and using sorcery or witchcraft; 'most grievous defaults' are manslaughter, fleshly sin, and blasphemy. We gather from the directions that one mode of severe punishment was imprisonment, whereas 'discipline' was administered regularly by the sisters to each other. The power of the abbess over the members of the convent was absolute; she is spoken of in these rules sometimes as sovere

usation against another before the bishop, she shall not be heard 'unless bound to the

o the women's conventual buildings, physic

d not agree, they named a candidate and the ballot was repeated till a sufficient majority was obtained. The election was not valid unless confirmed by the bishop. When the abbess pronounced the words of her 'obedience' she was supported by a learned man of law or notary, besides the confessor of the house and two brothers. The

y through which the bishop put the prospective nun. The first question which he put was to this effect: 'Art thou free and unfettered by any bond of the Church, or of wedlock; of vow, or of excommunication?' to which she made answer, 'I am truly free.' The bishop then asked: 'Does not shame, or perchance grief of worldly

-sisters.' The 'observance of the altar' at both masses belonged to the brothers; it was so arranged that the brothers' service came first and the sisters' began when that of the brothers ended. In addition to the usual hours and masses two ceremonies were daily observed at Sion.

ogation Sunday, St Peter and St Paul, St Anne's, Michaelmas, all the feasts of Our Lady and all the principal or high double feasts of the year. On these occasions the sisters walked two and two in procession, and the sister who was sexton bore the 'image of our lady' after the cross, an

y of the ebdomary, or weekly appointed nun (c. 46), to be one of the first in choir; she was 'to abstayn and withdrawe herself from alle thynges that wyke that myght lette her to performe her office.' When the abbess did not execute the service

and in starching the cloths she was directed to use starch made of herbs only. The sexton had in her keeping wax, lamps, oil and all other things belonging to the church; she had to provide for the church syngynge or communion brede, sudarys, wax-candles, tallow-candles, wax rolls, tapers, torches, mats, uattes, and roundlettes; an

at Sion. It roused the brothers and sisters from sleep, summoned them to church, called them to meals, and ever and anon gave notice for a devotional p

k she read out the rule. Absolute silence reigned during meals. If anyone had a communication to make, this was done by means of signs, used also at other times when silence was to be observed. A curious 'table of signs used during the hours of

st and clean (without washing them?) into the 'coffyns' which were kept underneath the table, or in some other place ordered by the abbess. At the end of a meal the sisters swept together the crumbs with their napkins, and then, at a sign from the abbess, they bore the food away to the serving-house. The youngest sister took the first dish, and each one carried away something accord

The desire for refinement in bearing and behaviour is manifested throughout by these directions, and some of them are curious. Thus the sister who washed her hands was directed not to 'jutte up' the water on another, nor to spit in the lavatory, nor to

ers (c. 55). The treasurer and her fellow kept the muniments of the monastery and its possessions in gold and silver in the treasury, in a large chest to which there

provide: 'canuas for bedyng, fryses, blankettes, shetes, bolsters, pelowes, couerlites, cuschens, basens, stamens, rewle cotes, cowles, mantelles, wymples, veyles, crownes, pynnes, cappes, nyght kerchyfes, pylches, mantel furres, cuffes, gloues, hoses, shoes, botes, soles, sokkes, mugdors (sic), gyrdelles, purses, knyues, laces, poyntes, nedelles, threde,-waschyng bo

d the material for the dress of the sisters and other items. She buys russettes, white cloth, kerseys, fryce, Holland cloth and other linen cloth mostly by the piece, which varies in the number of its yards; she provides soap, calf-skins, thread, needles and thimbles; she purchases new spectacles and

buying horses, cattle, hogs and peacocks for its storing. Its dairy was managed by paid servants. This cellaress, like her fellow at Barking, purchased provisions and fish for the use of the convent, but her entries are more numerous and infer a higher standard of living, perhaps due to the fact that these accounts are more than a hundred years later than the 'charge of the cellaress at Barking.' The cellaress at Sion also bought salt salmon, herrings by the barrel, and red herrings by the 'caade'; also stubbe eels. She further bought spices, fruits, sugar, nutmegs, almonds, currants, ginger, isingl

do not be squeamish in washing and wiping them by avoiding them, be not angry nor hasty, nor impatient though one have the vomit, another the flux, another the frenzy, and now sings, now cries, now laughs, now weeps, now chides, now is frightened, now is wroth, now we

day, the visitor at Sion might secure pardon extending from a hundred days to 'clean remission of all sin except in the points which are reserved to the Pope.' To give alms on the feast of St Bridget, the patron saint of the house, secured to him who sought help 'pardon and clean remission in all cases reserved and unreserved,' according to the wording of the document. This power, as the manuscript informs us, had been granted 'by div

rothers and benefactors of the house between 1422 and 1639, and extracts from religious writers. This martyrology accompanied the women's convent on their wanderings, and since their return it has been acquired by the British Museum[967]. A translation of it into English was made by Richard Whytford (? 1542), a brother of Sion, 'for th

pardons and indulgences, particularly of those procured at Rome. Symon Wynter, another brother of the house (1428), wrote a treatise for them in praise of the Virgin (Regina Coeli)[970]; and Thomas Prestius wrote instructions for th

ributed by its latest editor, Blunt, to Thomas Gascoigne (1403-1458)[973]. Gascoigne was an eminent divine, at one time Chancellor of the University of Oxford; he caused the life of St Bridget to be translated into English and bequeathed most

end and all your service into English, that you see by the understanding thereof, how worthy and holy praising of our g

it that is eloquent, refined, and beautiful, but its insistence on detail is sometimes wearisome. The style of the writer is fitly illustrated by the following passages, which

meek reverence and devotion.... The third that you labour to understand the same thing that you read. For Cato taught his son to read so his precepts that he understand them. For it is, he says, great negligence to read and not to understand. And therefore when you read by yourself alone you ought not to be hasty to read much at once but you ought to abide thereupon, and sometimes read a thing again twice or thrice or oftener till you understand it clearly. For St Austin said that no man should ween to understand a thing sufficiently in any wise by once reading. And if you cannot understand what you read, ask of others that can teach you. And they that can ought not to be loth to teach others.... The fourth thing that is to be kept in reading is that you dress so your intent that your reading and study be not only for to be cunning or for to be able to speak it forth to others, but principally to inform yourself and to set it forth in your own living.... The fifth thing is discretion. So that according to the matter you arrange your reading. For you must understand that dif