The Red Conspiracy

ation of the Workingmen's Party in 1876, which in 1877 was called the Socialistic Labor Party, and, a few years later, the Socialist Labor Party, which was reorganized at Chicago in 1889, after havin

n 1900, the new combination then calling itself the Socialist Party of America. The minority of the old Socialist Labor Party, which refused to be amalgamated with the Social Democracy

The Socialist Labor Party, under the guidance of Daniel De Leon until his death, in May, 1914, seems to be making little if any progress. Though both parties claim to be genuinely Socialistic and Marxian, each has decried the other as being a "fake" or "bogus" party. The Socialist Labor Party's main complaint is that its rival the Soci

ars among the Socialist weeklies in English was the "Appeal to Reason," which was once extremely bitter and unrelenting in its attacks on the United States Government. Published at Girard, Kansas, its circulation reached nearly 1,000,000 copies a week during the fall of 1912, but since 1917 it has fallen into great disfavor among most Socialists because of its pro-war and moderate tendencies

agazines. William English Walling, for example, in the "International Socialist Review," Chicago, April, 1913, showed his sympathy with the so-calle

spending the larger part of their energies in endeavoring to hold their jobs and to fight d

we entered upon the present period of political success two years ago,

of Ohio either being forced to resign or deserting the

ors--if the reactionaries in the party will cease their underhand eff

t, the Socialist Party will soon become an office-holders' machine, little different in characte

ome of the opportunist leaders of our party--Berger even threatened it in the la

would be nothing left of what we now know as the Socialist Party. If we cannot control our own petty autocrats,

Chicago Socialists, in its edition of April 1, 1919

St. Louis platform--a vote of apology for the platform, dissipation of its meaning, and disavowal of its essential spirit. A vote for Berger is a vote for the International of German Majority Socialism. A vote for Berger is a vote for petty bourgeois progressivism as the essence of Socialism; it is a vote against identification of the Socialist

ideal Socialism which has become unchangeably attached to his name. If the American Socialist Party is to be a party of Be

these prophecies of disru

of the world have from the time of Karl Marx met together at more or less re

arty, "The Eye Opener," in its issue of February, 1919

lly in international conferences. In order to be eligible for membership, an organisat

he International Soc

cialization of the means of production and exchange, international union, and action o

struggle and recognize the necessity of political action, legislative and

urther takes in those enlightened unions that recognize the need for political action. It exclude

d waged that struggle with all the means in its power. It considered its objective to be the conquest of power by the revolutionary proletariat, the annihilation of the bourgeois s

for being "conservative and petty bourgeois in spirit," and states that "it was part and parcel of the national liberal movement, not at all revolutionary, dominated by the conservative sk

pose of solidifying and strengthening the work of the Second International and fo

the intimate union existing between American and foreign Socialists, during the time of the second International, we have the declaration of the Socialist Party of the United States in its national platform of 1904, pledging itself to the principles of International Socialism, as embodied in the united thought and action of the Socialists of all nations. Moreover, Morris Hillquit informed us in "The Worker," March 23, 1907, that the International Socialist Movement, with its thirty million adherents and its organized parties in about twenty-five civilized countries in both hemispheres,

" which is held to have taken place at the beginning of th

d mobilizations for war. And we know that these demonstrations were rendered impotent by the complete surrender of the Socialist parl

did not Moderate Socialism carry out the policy of the Basle Manifesto, namely; the converting of an imperialistic war into a

rland, in what was known as the Berne Conference. This international Socialist conference was comparatively moderat

the Berne Conference in "Glasgow Fo

evists and declined to say that t

act Berne was far more thorough than Moscow. There is a glamour and a

to democracy; I know that it is a representative institution. But I know more. I know that beyond its primary stage it is a system of indirect representation--the representation of representatives--and that a few yea

not in revolution--is to strive by might and by main to get a union of the two. We may have to suffer a time of internal trouble owing to the friction of conflicting conceptions of Socialist reconstruction,

the Russian Bolshevik government of Lenine denounced in a manifesto which

declares that the project cannot be considered even as an attempt to revive the Second International. The latter ceased to exist during the first days

tries throughout the war, emanated from elements standing mid-way, which, whilst not recognizing ope

of the official parties, which could not, at that time, admit the appearance of an attempt to restore the International, fe

ions of representation of the national sections in the old International. The last so-called in

ted by men whose party never before belonged to the International and whose presence compelled the absence of the official Italian S

ose of forming leagues against the proletarian revolutions the world over, the Communists of all countrie

d who do not recoil against participation in the conferences of falsely called Socialists. The Russian Communist Bolshevik Party refuses to take part in these conferences, which abuse the name of Socialism.

ania, of White Russia, the Ukraine, Poland, and Ho

e countries in the old Austro-Hungarian Empire; the Left Social Democrats of Sweden, the Revolutionary Social Democracy of Switzerland and Italy, the followers of

sations against Scheidemann, are about to unite with him and to break the power of Socialism in all countries,

cialist traitors--thanks to whom capitalism still succeeds in keepi

ry on an implacable struggle against those who are d

e brought to bear on it by the "Left Wing," stated that the party repudiated the Berne Conference, but, at the same time, was not yet

d States is not committed to the Berne Conference, which has shown itself retrograde on many vital points, and totally devoid of creative force. O

hat year. This is the conference which the Lenine government scoffs at in the manifesto quoted just above, styling it the "so-called inter-allied conference," in which "America was represented by Gompers, representing associations which never had anything to do with the Socialists." That the American Socia

nciples announced by the Socialist Party in the United States in 1915; adopted by the Socialist Republic of Russia in 1917; proclaimed by the Inter-Allied Labor Conference in 1

understanding must be laid during the war, before the professional di

e cause of democracy, and will encourage the German people to throw off the military autocracy that now oppresses them. We join our pledge to that of th

the wording of their manifesto, in which they acknowledged as "associates" the "followers ... of Debs in America," is an evident slap at Berger and Hillquit and their "followers" in the American Socialist Par

ollowing, where it also appears that Berger and Hillquit attemp