The Red Conspiracy

," October, 1913, page 487, informs us that the term Socialism is used indiscriminately to de

hat the system of Socialist philosophy was voted upon and accepted by the majority, for most of the voters knew practically nothing about the philosophy of Socialism; nor do we mean that the form of government in accordance with the principles of Socialist philosophy was adopted at the polls, for, as a matter of fact, we know that the government of Milwaukee has never been in accordance with the Marxian principles; but we mean this, and only this, that the a

the fundamental principle of Socialism. There is, however, one underlying principle that seems to be held quite generally by Marxians the world over. No matter what other radical measures individual Socialists may favor or wish to see included in the Socialist philosophy, and no matter how many different interpretations are given to

ntioned. "The One Big Union Monthly," March, 1919, prefers to drop the words "democratic form of government," because the I. W. W.'s are not sur

y." In explaining Socialism, it says that "it means that the land shall become the property of the people, not of private individuals. It means that the great industries shall become the property of the people. It means that the railways and the canals shall become the property of the people. It means that the shi

dous demonstration in Paris on April 6, 1919, prophesied that "the time is not far off when no one will be able to speak to the public about the preservation of private property without covering himself with ridicule and putting himself voluntarily into an inferior rank. That w

ge," Boston, January 11

ailroads and land. Things that are used in common, must be owned in common, by the people and for the people

lquit in "Everybody's,"

l ownership of the social tools. It demands that the control of the machinery of wealth creation be taken from the indivi

y nicely and appears attractive, as his statements do till truth's searchlight falls on them, but it does not seem worth while to present his views, for very many of the leading Socialists of the world not only differ

dsville Prison," published in "The Call," New Y

ll the people! T

and distribution for all th

ustry and its democratic management in the i

t and the production of wealth to satisfy th

her in harmony as the basis of a new social order, a hi

ance and vice, of poverty and shame, of cruelty and crime--the birth of f

is Soc

st Party Platform, adopted by national

-numbers the capitalist class. Here is the natural advantage of the working class. By uniting solidly in a po

w order of co-operation, wherein the workers shall own and control all the economic factors of life. It call

eir product. The necessities of life will then be produced, not for the profits of the few, but for the comfort and happiness of all who labor. Instead of privately owned in

zens would collectively own and manage the principal means of production, transportation and communicat

rm of government, like that of the United States, is very far from being satisfactory to the Revolutionists, for they demand that the citizens have as direct a voice as possibl

y, to-day own the post-offices, arsenals, navy and public lands. Of course, collective ownership does not imply that, after the state should have taken ove

8 for labor would not be in the hands of private individuals acting indepe

through the employment of hired labor. To illustrate this, several examples will be given. Mines, factories and mills of all kinds, large business houses and stores, together with those farms whose owners would employ hired

private ownership would not be tolerated under a Socialist government, for, first of all, a very large number of Socialists are opposed to such a plan, and, secondly, the political actionists who have favored it either have sacrificed the

ould be the public telephone and telegraph systems. Automobiles, horses and carriages, if used without the assistance of hired labor, would not be considered as being principal means

sed with money or labor certificates. The people would then retain these goods as their own private property, and w

at it would be a source of continued civil strife and discord, thoroughly unsatisfactory to workingmen, whom it would overwhelm with all the evils attendant on crime, strife, rebellion and chaos. In the Marxian state the industrial establishments, land, and business enterprises would be confiscated; neither interest, rent nor profit would be tolerated; the wage system would be abolished; no satisfactory plan could

l able to work, without distinction of sex, becomes the organic law of socialized society." ["Woman Under Socialism," by Bebel, page 275 of the 1904 edition in English.] Frederick Engels, in his book, "Origin of the Family," teaches that the emancipation of women is primarily dependent on the reintroduction of the whole f

s ruling in a Socialist state. Possible success in the first case would by no means indicate success in the latter. If our citizens are cautious in this respect, the enemies of our country will not dare to

t do not oppose those Socialists who do. Most of them, too, in their cravings for what is base and low, are by no means adverse to seeing free-love reign supreme in their contemplated state. The word Socialism is, therefore, frequently used in a broader sense, and is made to include not only the common doctrine advocating the democratic form of governme

produces certain divergent schools, bastard offshoots clustering around the main trunk of the tree, large in number and variety, but ins

d voting regularly for the Socialist candidates, have taken out membership cards which entitle them to vote on party policies by the payment of several dollars a year into the treasury of the party. Many of the first class are, of course, not guilty of propagating atheism, free-love, and other radical doctrines. In fact, it often hap

se character who composed the "poem" that takes up half a page of "The Call" of May 10, 1914. Though "The Call" seems to consider the "poem" an excellent specimen of literature, or else uses the large type that it does in order to attr

e story, my man intoxication: I am drunk with man: you see how it is: You can have your bibles: I don't need your christs: your creeds would be an insult to me: I have man: I am drunk with man: That's the secret of secrets: that's the confession of confessions: that's the inside of the inside of me: I don't expect you to take it in: drunk with man: no: that's too much l

were not to gain votes to secure the establishment of a Socialist form of government. It is probable that before long, voting with true social reformers, they will see the materialization of many of the immediate demands enumerated in their platform. But it is to be remembered that no matter how many beneficial reforms Socialists may help to procure under our present constitutional system

urposes of the Marxians. Yet this was the short-sighted manner in which the press persistently, and for a long time, viewed the tactics of Socialist politicians. Only a revolutionary movement far enough advanced to neglect gr

ct and interest the voter, and at the same time keep his mind off of the fallacies of Socialism proper. They keep him from asking too many unanswerable questions about the detailed method of organization under a Socia

n if they should materialize, under our present system, they could not be continued in a Socialist state, that would be necessarily weak, poverty-stricken, strife-ridden, politically corrupt and chaotic. It is one thing to make demands, quite another thing to be able to grant

atform of the Socialist Party are entirely too man

ips and Steamship Lines. Telegraph and Telephone. Large Power Scale Industry. Democratic Management. Demobilization. The Structure of Government (i.e., of th

by the National Office, Socialist Party, Chicago, Ill. It is very hard to find a sing

the opportunist leadership of men like Hillquit, Berger, Ghent, and Robert Hunter the struggle for reforms h

for vote catching. Berger's Old Age Pension bill

ns. There was a time when the opportunists expected to win the votes of the bulk of A. F. of L. workers. H

d not repeat that chapter if he would.

r recasting our tactics. The old roar of opportunism led us nowhere, except to barren failure. If nothing else the experience

page 4, Oakley Johnson thus criticises the Socialist policy of ref

ave found many chasers in the ranks of the workers. The matter seemed, up to near the end of the war, to involve more an academic dispute on tactics than a principle of vital

ary attitude of Marxian Socialists toward reform in the past was amply justified. And when, in the course of a few months, the reformistic Majority Socialists of Germany took exactly the same stand

elops confusionists rather than revolutionists, gives capitalist political parties a chance to steal a few 'Socialist' planks and thus bid for the Socialist vote, and, worst of all, paves the way to such tragedies as are now occurring in Germany, where Liebknecht and Luxemberg have been murdered by their 'reform' comrades(?). And finally, in the third place, even if reform

Socialist Party, whose policy it is to pay more attention to the immediate demands t

alists), we wonder what the old machine will do to combat this new octopus that threatens the big vote tha

icago, has a very interesting article on "Socialist P

now stand up and confess that it bears a close resemblance to other pol

latforms mean anything. The difference between Socialists and other politicians is that the

n Socialists became so diverse in words and deeds. Most of those on both sides a

This will eliminate from the party the reformers and compromisers who are such a source of weakne

nvasion,' 'emancipation,' 'liberation,' and all the meaningless tribe. Confusion results. We have the German Majority Socialists, i.e., so-called Socialists, su

membership. And as these delegates separated hot-foot for home, they got cold feet as they dispersed into the cold-footed isolation of the individual Socialist scattered here and there throughout this land. The platform contained no statement of individual duty, no individual program of action Each Socialist began to ask as his feet got colder and colder: 'Where are these

y a Workers' Mobilization plan carefully worked out in detail and laying down action in response to each step taken in approach to war. For instance, on the introduction of the War Declaration in Congress,

it came out in favor of war with the Central Powers. Either because of this, or because it violently

f "The Call," New York,

' asking for a pardon for Debs, i

The Appeal" by no less a personage than Adolph Germer, National Secretary of the Socialis

etter to '

h 19,

Appeal t

rd, K

ch 15, 1919, you publish an appeal for $30,000 CAS

es.' I happen to be one of those who is facing a prison sentence and if you have included me in 'many of the comrades,' I want you to strike my name from your list. I loathe to be a 'comrade' of yours. You and your paper helped to create a hatred against the Socialist Party and you wilfully and maliciously lied ab

nd times would I rather spend the rest of my life behind prison bars than to have one word fr

SH, in the name of 'Amnesty,' as a sini

betrayed us in the past and I resent y

without

ph Ge

cretary, Soc

might be a little harmony in the party if their platforms were limited to the principles of Sociali