The Red Conspiracy

suspect that the Socialists were plotting a revolution against our Co

word "revolution," so often used by them, was a harmless term and was to be taken in a broad sense, without the "r," signifying nothing more than "evolution." "Do

d the successful overthrow of European governments by revolutionary Socialists abroad, the "Reds" in our own country became decidedly bolder, both in word and plot, against the Government of our country. The more outspoken, daring and impatient p

e meantime, during the period of revolutionary education and organization, insist on political action. The leaders in control of the executive machinery of the Socialist Party, wishing to retain their lucrative positions, and looking forward to

year, this ultra-revolutionary faction took form in Boston. About the latter part of the year 1917 it began to develop more rapidly, its progress being more or les

t, as the Bolsheviki did in Russia. The Left Wingers opposed the "immediate demands" in the Socialist Party platform, preferring to work for dictatorship rather than for social reforms. They despised the politicians of the Right Wing, calling them yellow, reactionary, hypocritical, capitalistic Socialists, and telling them that their place was with the newly formed

king of the disturbance in the Socialist Party, and expl

f-criticism. New forms of action in the social struggle are being accepted. Old methods, old tactics, old ideas, which in the test o

ois pacificism. When the Bolsheviki conquered, the majority of our officials were either hostile or silent; some weeks before, the 'New York Call' had stigmatized the Bolsheviki as 'anarchists.' But the membership responded; they forced the hands of the officials, who became 'me too' Bolsheviki, but who did n

at struggle, turning to the left, to revolutionary Socialism. Groups within the party are organizing and issuing proclamations, determined that the party shall conquer the

a League of Chicago is a concise document

platforms have been reformist and petty bourgeois in character, instead of being definitely directed toward the goal

tion in the party--are excellent; it repudiates the

the revolutionary class struggle; political action to include political strikes and demonstrations, no compromising with any groups not inherently co

"The Revolutionary Age," from which the above quotation was taken, was first published in Boston, its editor being Louis C. Fraina. In the summer of 1919 it

be the main weapon used by the rebels in precipitating rebellion. The July 12, 1919, issue of the same paper expla

d movement was compelled to emphasize the action of po

ent when the ultimate test of the class struggle turns into a test of power. The power for the social revolution

system of the I. W. W., and not the craft

icle co

onquest of the state is eithe

would be a minority, but which, being a solid, industrially indispensable class, can disperse and defeat all other classes through the annihilation of the fr

is the unity of all forms of proletarian action, a means of throwing the proletariat, orga

zation. Under the impulse of mass action, the industrial proletariat senses its own power and acquires the force to act equally against capitalism and the conservatism of organizations. Indeed, a vital feature of mass action is precisely that it places in the hands of the proletariat the power to overcome the fetters of these organizations, to act

through its own initiative; and it is precisely this circumstance that horrifies the soul of petty bourg

tical strike and demonstration, in which a genera

industry; Capitalism will more than tremble, it will actually verge on a collapse, when it meets the impact of a general mass action involving a number of correlated industries, and developing into revolutionary mass action against the whole capitalist regime. The value of this mass action is that it shows the proletariat its power, w

, loosens its energy, develops enthusiasm, and unifi

mocracy is a fetter upon the proletarian revolution; mass action smashes the fetish, emphasizing that the proletarian recognizes no limits to its action except the limits of its own power. The proletariat will never conquer unless it proceeds to struggle after st

s in Russia. Whence will the impulse for the revolutionary struggle come? Surely not from the moderate Socialism and unionism, which are united solidly in favor of an imp

cess of revolution and the re

e Manifesto of the Left Wing section of the Socialist Party of Ne

rank and file with our urgent message over the heads that be, who, through inertia or a lack of

rested from the state; the working class and the Socialist parties were to be strengthened by means of 'constructive' reform and social legislation; each concession would act as a rung in the ladder of Social Revolution, upon whic

ve' social reform legislation. Dominant Moderate Socialism accepted the bourgeois state as the basis of its action and strengthened that state. All power to shape the policies and tactics of the Socialist parties was entrusted to the parliamentary leaders. And these lost sight of Socialism's original purpose; their goal becam

d members of the professions, and, of course, the latter flocked to the Socialist movement in great

ties'--and permitted the bourgeois and self-seeking trade union elements to shape its policies and tactics. This was the condition in which the Social-Democracies of Europe found themselves at the outbrea

ebknecht, Franz Mehring, Rosa Luxemburg and Otto Rhule organized the Spartacus group. Bu

tionary Socialism should come to grips for the mastery of the state. The break-down

g a revolution. 'Moderate Socialism' had a rigid formula--'constructive social

uggle must go on, until the working class, through the seizure of the instruments of production and distribution, the abolition of the capitalist state, and the establishment of the dictatorship o

y, police and bureaucracy oppressing and baffling the masses; the revolutionary Socialist maintains that the bourgeois state must be completely destroyed, and p

agitation. Potentially, industrial unionism constructs the basis and develops the ideology of the industrial state of Socialism; but industrial unionism alone cannot perform the revolutionar

ty to direct the struggles of the proletariat an

hed in "The Call," April 4, 1919,

rty,' and this in spite of vehement denials that there is intention or desire to split the party. 'It is unnecessary,' say they, 'and superfluous; the party machinery is ample for the purpose now; organization within organization is injurious and wrong.' Some se

the significance of the Left Wing movement perfectly apparent as an effort to combine Socialist Partyism and I. W. W.'ism or to place the latter under the political leadership of the former. In the Left Wing we see an enthusiastic consecration of the major part of the American Socialist Party to revolutionary violence--the direct application of anarchistic tactic

the call for an international communist congress to meet at Moscow in March, 1919. The text of this call began to appear in the A

st S

AND

he following principles shall serve as

od of the dissolution and collaps

onsists to-day of the immediate seizure

nd in some places, also, that of the poorer peasantry, together with hired farm labor, this d

f production, which includes, under Socialism, the suppression of private property and its transfer to a proletarian state under the Socialist administ

arming of the bourgeoisie and its agents, and the gen

nd Se

GARDING SOCI

mass action of the proletariat, developing into open

1914 and 1918, have supported their own bourgeoisie; the minority Socialists of the 'Center,' represented by leaders of the type of Karl Kautsky, and who constitute a gr

s the alternative; in regard to the 'Center,' the tactics consist in separating from it the revolutionary elements, in criticizing pitilessly its leaders a

class who, though hitherto not belonging to the party, yet adopt to-day in its entirety, the point of view of dictator

o, though not in the wake as yet of the revolutionary trend of the Left Wing, n

hese tendencies shall take part in the Congress as plenipotentiary members

le; 19. The Dutch Communist Party; 20. The revolutionary elements of the Belgian Labor Party; 21-22. The groups and organizations in the midst of the French Socialist and syndicalist movements who are in solidarity with our aims; 23. The Left Wing of the Swiss Social-Democratic Party; 24. The Italian Socialist Party; 25. The left elements of the Spanish Socialist Party; 26. The left elements of the Portuguese Socialist Party; 27. The British Socialist Party (those nearer to us are the elements represented by MacLean); 28. I. S. P. R. (Great Britain); 29.

rd S

TION AND NAME

struggle and systematic direction of the movement, into a center of International Communism

tion, representation, etc., wil

ader will better appreciate further on. As will appear later in our narrative, on September 4, 1919, the Socialist Party adopted a manifesto strongly fav

and so was not influenced by the Moscow recommendation of industrial action to bring about a revolution by violence. But the above "call" to the Moscow Conference urged "a common movement" with "syndicalist elements," or "industrial u