A Review of Uncle Tom's Cabin; or, An Essay on Slavery

hall in the following pages, confine my remarks, so far as they refer

that period, as far back as I can recollect, the subject of slavery was freely discussed in the Southern States, by clergymen and politicians in public; and it was withal, a common topic of conversation in the social circle. Throughout the slave states, at that time, the necessity of enlightening th

as I could,-selected poems from Cowper and others, on the subject; forwarded the manuscript to the aforesaid B. Lundy, and the result was, a little volume of anti-slavery poems. But the abolition excitement broke out in the North, and the South took the alarm. The mouths of clergymen were closed in the pulpit; for it was deemed inadvisable, in consequence of Northern interference, to discuss the subject of slavery in the pulpit, social ci

d, that it was a great pity that the Yankees could not mind their own business. Mr. Lundy, I believe, was a Yankee himself, but was said to be a gentlemanly, humane man. Some are no doubt ready to ask, Why was it, that the abolition excitement in the North, produced such a panic in the South? It was the revolting and shocking doctrines, which they openly promulgated. It was their notorious disregard of the laws of God and man, and all t

sion; and they, withal, threw so many restrictions around those who held slaves that in most of the states, emancipation became exceedingly difficult, and in some of them, absolutely impracticable. These are historical facts, and they are worth more than a volume of any man's speculations on the subject of slavery. They speak for themselves, and require but little comment from me. Who was it that crushed in embryo, the reform which was in progress thirty-five years ago? It was the abolitionists, and every one is aware of it, who is informed on the subject; and intelligent men among the abolitionists know it, as well

rom the foregoing historical facts. Abolitionists can do nothing, and men of intelligence well know it, that will mitigate the evils of slavery, or eradicate it from the South. It is entirely beyond their reach, they cannot control it; and if the object of intelligent men in the North was the abolition of slavery, they would cease to agitate the subject. But that is not their object. I allude to the leaders of that party-the politicians, and not the common people, for they are sincere. What then is their object? It is to produce a dissolution of the Union; a separation of the Northern and Southern sections of the United States, civil war, blood-shed, the sacking and burning of cities, devastations, brother imbruing his hands in the blood of brother, the father shedding the blood of his son, and the son that of the father! Yea, and ten thousand other evils and calamities, of which

y? Would they by dissolving the Union emancipate a solitary slave in the South

ver the South; which influence, she might have exerted for the benefit of the slave, if the Union had not been dissolved, and her course towards the South had been kind, conciliatory and pacific. It is all very plain-so clear, that it requires but a little common sense to comprehend the whole matter. It is clear then-clear as the noon-day sun, that the object of the leaders of the abolition party is not the abolition of slavery. Office, is the god they worship. Elevation to office, and self aggrandizemen

they had reason to hope for aid. Hence, they labored hard in the recent presidential canvass, to defeat the whig nominee; believing that it was at least probable, that if General Scott was defeated, the whig party would in that event dissolve, and a large majority of the voters belonging to that party would fall into their ranks. If the whig party should hang together, and God grant they may, if for no other reason, to avert a calamity so awful, then are they again destined to meet with defeat and discomfiture, as heretofore. It is true that the whig party may not have entire confidence in their rivals, the democratic party; they may doubt the propriety of some of the measures advocated by them-the purity of the motives of some of their leaders. They may raise many objections to the d

by selfish or corrupt partisans. I think it probable, that the present organization of parties into whig and democratic, is the best and safest that we could have; and for this reason, I have no wish to see either party dissol

, unless there is a prospect of their reaching the pinnacle of fame. Elect such men to a State legislature, and they fix their eyes on the lower house of Congress, elect them to the lower house of Congress, and they fix their eyes

ecause it proposes to abolish slavery by any means, and at any cost, be the consequences what they may. Because it would abol

sentiment is found in a report, offered to an abolition convention, recently in session, in Boston: "Anti-slavery shall swe

ances made attempts to foment insurrections, and to

laves from their masters, and have at the same time en

ter and notorious disregard of truth, in

ed their higher law; but looking over a Cincinnati paper a few days since, I read as follows: "The infidels celebrated the birth-day of Thomas Paine on the night," &c. A ge

lave, and bring disaster on both master and slave. Because it strews the paths of both master and slave with difficulties and dang

th in them, it is abstract truth, and not real truth, as modified by circumstances. Because they refuse to v

h, or righteousness in them. The following is from the Detroit Free Press; and

ing is a virtue, and that the receiver of stolen goods is, par excellence, a model Christian. And even a man of some experience in the world might doubt the morality of

nblushingly published a few days since the proceedings of a meeting of free negroes, held on the occasion of the arrival here of a quantity of run

the United States and the laws of Kentucky hold one not less criminal than the other; and a paper in this city would be just precisely as justifiable in publ

not hesitate to steal any other property if he could do it with equal safety to himself. The fact that slaveholding is a sin does not change the nature of the offense, because

praying set of fellows who keep regular books of debit and credit with the Almighty.' 'They will,' he says, 'lie and cheat all the week, and pray off their sins on Sunday. If they steal a negro, that makes a very large entry to their credit, and will cover a multitude of peccadilloes and frauds. This kind of entry they are always glad to make, be