France in the Nineteenth Century

pter I am largely indebted to Mrs. Oliphant's a

believer, a high-minded man, by birth an aristocrat, yet by sympathy a man of the masses. "He was full of sentimentalities of vainglory and of personal vanity; but no pilot ever guided a ship of state so skilfully and with such absolute self-devotion through an angry sea. For a brief while, just long enough to effect this purpose, he was the idol of the populace." With him we

thirty thousand regular troops in Paris, besides the National Guard and the mounted police, or Garde Municipale. No one had imagined that the Throne of the Barricades would fall at the first assault. There were no leaders anywhere in this revolution. The king's pa

left masters of the field of battle, and Lamar

about the personal history of Lamartine, which, indeed, will inc

and give us so vivid a picture of family life before the First Revolution, that I w

e to be a bishop. The third son, M. le Chevalier, went into the army. The sisters adopted the religious life, and thus all were provided for. But strange to say, the eldest son, to whose happiness and prosperity the rest were to be sacrificed, was the first rebel in the family. He fell in love with a Madem

tine

d then, when he grew old, being endowed with a small provision from the State, or a still smaller revenue of his own, he expected to vegetate in one of his brothers' old chateaux, having his rooms in the upper story, to superintend the garden, to shoot with the curé, to look after the horses, to play with the children, to make up a game of whist or tric-trac,-the born servant of everyone, a domestic slave, happy in his lot, beloved, and

l on a lady acceptable to his family. His sister was canoness in an aristocratic order, whose members were permitted to re

was beautiful even in old age, though her beauty was dimmed by an expression of sadness. They met every evening in Mac

ren, that M. le Chevalier refused to take advantage of this new arrangement, and left his share to the elder brother, to whom he owed his domestic happiness. In

ills, with the little peasant boys for company; but at home he was swayed by the discipline of love. He published nothing till he was thirty years of age, though he wrote poetry from early youth. His study was in the open air, under some grand old oaks on the edge of a deep ravine. In his hands French poetry became for the first time musical and descriptive of nature. There was deep religious feeling, too, in La

g verse, he married an English lady, and had one child, his beloved Julia. He was made a member of the French Academy, and Charles X.

ulia died at Beyrout. On the father's return he published his "Souvenirs of his Journey." Book

by himself,-a party of one. He pleaded for the abolition of capital punishment, for the amelioration of the poorer classes,

accurate in small particulars, but it is one of the most fascinating books of history ever written, and has had the good fortune to

all parties, but especially by republicans, who drew him into a side-room and told him that the king had abdicated. He had always advocated the regency of the Duchess of Orleans in the event of Louis Philippe's death, in place of that of the Duc de Nemours. The men who addressed him implored him, as the most popular man in France, to put himself at the head of a movement to make the Duchess of Orleans regent during her son's minority,

of a crowd of roughs quite as much as by the action of the deputies, a provisional government of five members (afterwards increased to seven) was voted in, the names being written do

government under Socialistic leaders, and the first thing the more g

and the announcement of this new arrangement somewhat calmed the crowd; but at midnight an attack was made on the H?tel-de-Ville, and the new rulers had to defend themselves by personal strength, setting their backs against the doors of the Council Chamber, and repelling their assailants with their own hands. But the Press and the telegraph were at their command, and by

n establishing a provisional government, and that he was placed at its head. But for him, Paris might have had the

hardly yet been done. "Lamartine was not republican enough for republicans; he lost at last his prestige among the people, and from pers

tion. And then the sentimentalist proved himself a man. He confronted raving Paris, and subdued it. The old noble French blood in his veins rose to the greatness of the crisis. With a pardonable thrill of pride in a position so strange to a writer and a man of thought, into which, without any action of his own, he found himself forced, he describes how he faced the tumultuous mob of Paris for seventy hours almost without repose, without sleep, without food, when there was no other man in France bol

titude and to secure the triumph of the Republic without the effusion of blood. The revolution he conducted was, if I may say so, the only respectable revolution France has ever known. Nobody expected it

at came up before the Provisional

of France to

gement of

of working-men o

safety of the exi

interest on national bonds, due the middle of March, with as

nergy of Lamartine and his colleagues, seconded

ign powers. The army of France in January, 1848, had been about three hundred thousand men, of whom one hundred thousand were in Algeria; by May it was five hundred thousand, not including the Garde Mobile, which was of Lamartine's raising. It is well known how fiercely boys and very young men fought when any occasion for fighting was presented in the streets and at the barricades; all business being stopped in Paris, thousands of these were out of employment. Lamart

nt kept them disciplined and out of mischief, though at an enormous cost to the country. At the Palace of the Luxembourg Louis Blanc was permitted to hold a series of great labor meetings,-a sort of Socialist convention,-and to inveigh against "capitalists" and "bloated bondholders" in a style that was much more novel then than it is now. Lamartine greatly disapproved of these Luxembourg proceedings; but he argued that it was better to countenance them than to throw Louis Blanc and his friends into open opposition to the Government. Louis Blanc was a charming writ

ly should not be confiscated, but placed in the hands of a receiver, who should pay the king and princes liberal al

He sat at the foot of his own table, and carved the joint daily for his guests, children, and grandchildr

when the Revolution broke out. Here is the address which he at once published to his s

no longer be so. General Cavaignac is appointed governor-general of Algeria, and until his arrival here, the functions of governor-general ad interim will be discharged by General Changarnier.

'ORL

aising money. At last, by giving some especial privileges and protection to the Bank of France, and by mortgaging the national forests, a sufficient sum was provided for immediate needs. The people, too, throughout the provinces, made it a point of honor to come for

lanc; and the Red Republicans, or Anarchists, headed by Ledru-Rollin. The latter was for adopting the policy of putting out of office all men who had not been always

wn Governments. He assured them that this was not the mission of the Second French Republic, whatever might have been that of the First, and that the cause of European liberty would lose, not gain, if France, with propagandist fervor, embroiled herself with the monarchical powers. A deputation of Irishmen, under Smith O'Brien, waited upon him to beg the assistance of fifty thous

excited by club orators, were ready for any violence. At Lyons the

sting to his powers of haranguing the multitude; but luckily the general had been released before his arrival. There is but one step from the sublime to the ridiculous. We smile at the spectacle of the ruler of France rushing on foot, through dim streets

nt, a mob having demanded that the red flag of Communism

hospitals of the wounded. I will tell you in one word why I will oppose the red flag with the whole force of patriotic determination. It is, citizens, because the tricolor has made the

ed at the speaker, but were knocked u

he imposition of a land-tax; but as Lamartine said truly, farmers would

ry chant of "?a ira." Ledru-Rollin, in the fulness of his heart, seeing these one hundred and twenty thousand men all marching with some discipline, said to his colleagues in the Council Chamber

, and presenting a pistol, said: "If you make one step toward that window

as refused admittance into the H?tel-de-Ville, but a certain number of the leaders were permitted to address the Provisional Government. To Ledru-Rollin's and Louis Blanc's surprise, they foun

utation that the measures they advocated should be put in force by immediate decrees. Lamartine harangued them; so did L

f summoned the Garde Mobile. The National Guard had been reorganized; but there were no regular soldiers in Paris,-they had been sent away to satisfy the people. The commander of the National Guard, however, refused to let his men be called out on the occasion; and Lamartine, on hearing this, went to the H?tel-de-Ville alone. But help came to him from an unexpected quarter. General Changarnier, who had been appointed ambassador to Berlin, called at Lamartine's house to return thanks for his appointment. Madame de Lamartine told him of the danger that menaced her husband, and he repaired at once to the H?tel-de-Ville. There he found only about twelve hundred boys of the Garde Mobile to oppose the expected two hundred

, to see Gardes Mobiles, National Guards, troops of the line, and armed workmen, file past them, all shouting for Lamartine and Order!

tion of the National Assembly. So long as France remained under the provisional dictatorship of Lamartine and his coll

89, fifty-nine years before. Its hall was a temporary structure, erected in the courtyard of the Palais Bourbon, the former place of meeting for the Chamber of Deputies. There was

stood, not first, but fourth, on a list of five men chosen temporarily to conduct the government. Some of his pr

le a debate was going on ten days after it assembled, an alarm was raised that a fierce crowd was about to pour into its place of meeting. Lamartine harangued the mob, but this time without effect. His day was over. He was receive

the National Guard against insurgents should be declared a traitor. "You are wrong, Barbès," cried a voice from the crowd; "two hours' sack of Paris is what we want." After this the president of the Assembly was pulled from his chair, and a new provisional government was nominated of fierce Red Republicans,-not red enough, however, f

d the clubs were closed. Louis Blanc was sent into exile. The Orleans family, whi

visited Paris, and had replied to a polite request from the provisional Government that he would speedily leave the capital, that any man who would disturb the Provisional Government was no true friend to Fra

ad been that France needed an emperor whose throne should be based on universal suffra

His marches through Europe had scattered the seeds of revolutionary ideas. The heart of France responded to such verses as Béranger's "Grand'-mère." In vain Lamartine represented the impolicy and unfairness of proscribing the Orleans family

departments were frequently men of note and reputation. The co

undred and twenty thousand workmen were being paid daily two francs each, only two thou

It was computed that among those employed, or rather paid, by the State for doing nothing, were twenty-five thousand desperate men, ready for any fight, an

This inspired confidence. Cavaignac was well supported, and acted with the greatest energy. The street-fighting was fiercer than any Paris had ever seen, and no real success was gained by Cavaignac till the evening of the 24th, after twenty-four hours of hard fighting. That success was the storming of the church of Sainte Geneviève (called also the Panthéo

e persisted, saying, 'It is my duty; a good shepherd giveth his life for the sheep.' At seven in the evening he arrived at the Place de la Bastille, where the fire of musketry was extremely warm on both sides. It ceased on either side at the august spectacle, and the archbishop, bearing the cross aloft, advanced with his two priests to the foot of the barricade. A single attendant, bearing a green branch, preceded the prelate. The soldiers, seeing him advance so close to those who had already slain bearers of flags-of-truce, approached in order to give him succor in case of need; the insurgents, on their side, descended the barricade, and the redoubtable combatants stood close to each other, exchanging looks of defiance. Suddenly a shot was heard. Instantly the cry arose of 'Treason! Treason!' and the combatants, retreating on either side, began to ex

dition of a general pardon. This Cavaignac refused, saying that they must surrender unconditiona

hat nearly as many more were thrown unclaimed into the Seine. There were fifteen thousand prisoners, of whom three thousand died of jail-fever

president was to be chosen for four years, with re-election as often as might be desired. He was to be elected by universal suffrage. He was to have a

the power of Government on his side, and was sanguine of election. The prince proclaimed in letters and placards his deep attachment t

a half millions of votes; Cavaignac one and a half million; Lamartine,

NAPO

ince Pr

been willing to talk freely of the playmate of her

those of the French masses from 1799 to 1812. Though these opinions had been modified in the minds of the higher classes, they were, in 1848, those of the multitude, who despise parliamentary government, despise the pope, despise the priests, delight in profuse expenditure, delight in war, hold the Rhine to be our national frontier, and that it is our duty to seize all that lies on the French side. The people and he were of one mind. I have no doubt that t

ish gentleman, "indolent, vain, good-natured, selfish, fearing and disliking his superiors;... he love

y,-no man was ever more grateful for kin

ance as against the dangerous classes in the great cities. Paris had for sixty years been making revolutions for the country; now it was the turn of the provincials, who said they were tired of receiving a new Government by mail whenever it pleased the Parisians to make one. Paris cont

ere antagonistic to each other. The president claimed to hold his powers from the people, and to be in no way under the

in this emergency, Lamartine frankly told him that for various reasons he felt himself to be not only the most useless, but the most dangerous minister a new Government could select. He said, "I should ruin myself without serving you." The prince seemed grieved. "With regard to popularity," he answered, with a smile, "I

a few years longer; but he was oppressed by pecuniary difficulties, from which neither his literary industry, nor the assistance of the Government, nor the subscriptions of his friends, se

tracted the attention of his countrymen from his career, he does not seem to have received fro

pudiate such an idea in all his public speeches, had not been president of the Republic six weeks b

n France, found itself reduced to a mere legislative body much hampered by the mistrust and contempt of the Executive. Its members of course hated "the Man at the élysée," or "Celui-ci," as they called him. The

ur serious émeutes in Paris, and once the city was in a state of siege. It was estima

the Government of Louis Napoleon,-indeed, Russia and Prussia were much obliged to him for

caused great indignation among genuine republicans, and, indeed, thro

ime his power ceased, had been fitting out a French army to lend help to the Romans if they should be attacked by the Austrians, and if need were, to protect the pope, who before his flight was supposed to be opposed to Austrian domination. Louis Napoleon ordered General Oudinot, who commanded the French forces, to di

eceived with wild enthusiasm. He was not a man to captivate by his manners on public occasions, neither was he a ready speaker; but he looked

ected by all. Silence, indeed, was necessary to his success, for, "silent and smoking, he matured his plans." One of the first things he d

alf the Centre were opposed to the prince president. The Left in the French Chamber means the Red Republicans; the Righ

for its own protection. It appointed as commander of this force General Changarnier, with whom the prince president had rece

oleon had recently acquired popularity with the turbulent part of the population of Paris by opposing a measure calculated to restrict universal suffrage, and to prevent tramps, aliens

onels of the troops in and around Paris to meet him at the élysée. At this meeting they all swore to support t

n the president and send him to a dungeon at Vincennes; while all who

y, Cavaignac, Changarnier, and Lamoricière,-were opposed to th

pon the other. Again France was to experience a political co